[Footnote 208: This is an exact copy of the original in punctuation, spelling, capitals, etc.]
[Footnote 209: Under the census of 1860 one representative is allowed for every 127,381 persons.]
[Footnote 210: "Other persons" refers to slaves. See Amendments, Art. XIV., Sections 1 and 2.]
[Footnote 211: The principal of these are the clerk, sergeant-at-arms, door-keeper, and postmaster.]
[Footnote 212: Superseded by the twelfth amendment.]
[Footnote 213: This article is substituted for Clause 3, Sec. I., Art. II., page 662, and annuls it. It was declared adopted in 1804.]
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONERS, MR. SECRETARY SEWARD AND JUDGE CAMPBELL.
The Commissioners to Mr. Seward.
Washington City, March 12, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States.
Sir: The undersigned have been duly accredited by the Government of the Confederate States of America as commissioners to the Government of the United States, and, in pursuance of their instructions, have now the honor to acquaint you with that fact, and to make known, through you to the President of the United States, the objects of their presence in this capital.
Seven states of the late Federal Union, having in the exercise of the inherent right of every free people to change or reform their political institutions, and through conventions of their people, withdrawn from the United States and reassumed the attributes of sovereign power delegated to it, have formed a government of their own. The Confederate States constitute an independent nation, de facto and de jure, and possess a government perfect in all its parts, and endowed with all the means of self-support.
With a view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of this political separation, upon such terms of amity and good-will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity, and future welfare of the two nations may render necessary, the undersigned are instructed to make to the Government of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring the Government of the United States, that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions; that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates.
The undersigned have now the honor, in obedience to the instructions of their Government, to request you to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear and the objects of the mission with which they are charged.
We are, very respectfully, your obedient servants,
(Signed) JOHN FORSYTH.
(Signed) MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
Department of State, Washington, March 15, 1861.
Mr. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of the State of Georgia, on the 11th inst., through the kind offices of a distinguished Senator, submitted to the Secretary of State their desire for an unofficial interview. This request was, on the 12th inst., upon exclusively public considerations, respectfully declined.
On the 13th inst., while the Secretary was preoccupied, Mr. A. D. Banks, of Virginia, called at this department, and was received by the Assistant Secretary, to whom he delivered a sealed communication, which he had been charged by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to present to the Secretary in person.
In that communication Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford inform the Secretary of State that they have been duly accredited by the Government of the Confederate States of America as commissioners to the Government of the United States, and they set forth the objects of their attendance at Washington. They observe that seven States of the American Union, in the exercise of a right inherent in every free people, have withdrawn, through conventions of their people, from the United States, reassumed the attributes of sovereign power, and formed a government of their own, and that those Confederate States now constitute an independent nation, de facto and de jure, and possess a government perfect in all its parts, and fully endowed with all the means of self-support.
Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in their aforesaid communication, thereupon proceeded to inform the Secretary that, with a view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political separation thus assumed, upon such terms of amity and good-will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity, and the future welfare of the supposed two nations might render necessary, they are instructed to make to the Government of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring this Government that the President, Congress, and the people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions, and that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in the strictest justice, nor do any act to injure their late confederates.
After making these statements, Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford close their communication, as they say, in obedience to the instructions of their Government, by requesting the Secretary of State to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President of the United States the credentials which they bear and the objects of the mission with which they are charged.
The Secretary of State frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently occurred, and the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the part of the Union to which his attention has thus been directed, very differently from the aspect in which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them, not a rightful and accomplished revolution and an independent nation, with an established Government, but rather a perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement to the inconsiderate purposes of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon the rights and the authority vested in the Federal Government, and hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature they always must so be exercised, for the maintenance of the Union, the preservation of liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, happiness, and aggrandizement of the American people. The Secretary of State, therefore, avows to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he looks patiently, but confidently, for the cure of evils which have resulted from proceedings so unnecessary, so unwise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to irregular negotiations, having in view new and untried relations with agencies unknown to and acting in derogation of the Constitution and laws, but to regular and considerate action of the people of those States, in cooeperation with their brethren in the other States, through the Congress of the United States, and such extraordinary conventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the Federal Constitution contemplates and authorizes to be assembled.
It is, however, the purpose of the Secretary of State, on this occasion, not to invite or engage in any discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford.
On the 4th of March instant, the then newly elected President of the United States, in view of all the facts bearing on the present question, assumed the Executive Administration of the Government, first delivering, in accordance with an early, honored custom, an inaugural address to the people of the United States. The Secretary of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford.
A simple reference to it will be sufficient to satisfy these gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Of course, the Secretary of State can not act upon the assumption, or in any way admit that the so-called Confederate States constitute a foreign power, with whom diplomatic relations ought to be established.
Under these circumstances, the Secretary of State, whose official duties are confined, subject to the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not at all embrace domestic questions, or questions arising between the several States and the Federal Government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, to appoint a day on which they may present the evidences of their authority and the objects of their visit to the President of the United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty, to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other communication with them.
Finally, the Secretary of State would observe that, although he has supposed that he might safely and with propriety have adopted these conclusions, without making any reference of the subject to the Executive, yet, so strong has been his desire to practice entire directness, and to act in a spirit of perfect respect and candor toward Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, and that portion of the people of the Union in whose name they present themselves before him, that he has cheerfully submitted this paper to the President, who coincides generally in the views it expresses, and sanctions the Secretary's decision declining official intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford.
April 8, 1861.
The foregoing memorandum was filed in this department on the 15th of March last. A delivery of the same to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford was delayed, as was understood, with their consent. They have now, through their secretary, communicated their desire for a definite disposition of the subject. The Secretary of State therefore directs that a duly verified copy of the paper be now delivered.
The Commissioners in reply to Mr. Seward.
Washington, April 9, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State for the United States, Washington:
The "memorandum" dated Department of State, Washington, March 15, 1861, with postscript under date of 8th instant, has been received through the hands of Mr. J. T. Pickett, secretary of this commission, who, by the instructions of the undersigned, called for it on yesterday at the department.
In that memorandum you correctly state the purport of the official note addressed to you by the undersigned on the 12th ultimo. Without repeating the contents of that note in full, it is enough to say here that its object was to invite the Government of the United States to a friendly consideration of the relations between the United States and the seven States lately the Federal Union, but now separated from it by the sovereign will of their people, growing out of the pregnant and undeniable fact that those people have rejected the authority of the United States, and established a government of their own. Those relations had to be friendly or hostile. The people of the old and new Governments, occupying contiguous territories, had to stand to each other in the relation of good neighbors, each seeking their happiness and pursuing their national destinies in their own way, without interference with the other; or they had to be rival and hostile nations. The Government of the Confederate States had no hesitation in electing its choice in this alternative. Frankly and unreservedly, seeking the good of the people who had intrusted them with power, in the spirit of humanity, of the Christian civilization of the age, and of that Americanism which regards the true welfare and happiness of the people, the Government of the Confederate States, among its first acts, commissioned the undersigned to approach the Government of the United States with the olive-branch of peace, and to offer to adjust the great questions pending between them in the only way to be justified by the consciences and common sense of good men who had nothing but the welfare of the people of the two confederacies at heart.
Your Government has not chosen to meet the undersigned in the conciliatory and peaceful spirit in which they are commissioned. Persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have produced their natural and often predicted result of the destruction of the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and gloriously together, had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons, you now, with a persistence untaught and uncured by the ruin which has been wrought, refuse to recognize the great fact presented to you of a completed and successful revolution; you close your eyes to the existence of the Government founded upon it, and ignore the high duties of moderation and humanity which attach to you in dealing with this great fact. Had you met these issues with the frankness and manliness with which the undersigned were instructed to present them to you and treat them, the undersigned had not now the melancholy duty to return home and tell their Government and their countrymen that their earnest and ceaseless efforts in behalf of peace had been futile, and that the Government of the United States meant to subjugate them by force of arms. Whatever may be the result, impartial history will record the innocence of the Government of the Confederate States, and place the responsibility of the blood and mourning that may ensue upon those who have denied the great fundamental doctrine of American liberty, that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," and who have set naval and land armaments in motion to subject the people of one portion of this land to the will of another portion. That that can never be done, while a free-*man survives in the Confederate States to wield a weapon, the undersigned appeal to past history to prove. These military demonstrations against the people of the seceded States are certainly far from being in keeping and consistency with the theory of the Secretary of State, maintained in his memorandum, that these States are still component parts of the late American Union, as the undersigned are not aware of any constitutional power in the President of the United States to levy war, without the consent of Congress, upon a foreign people, much less upon any portion of the people of the United States.
The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to "invite or engage in discussion" of the subject on which their two Governments are so irreconcilably at variance. It is this variance that has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes indicated, the people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the authority of the Government of the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our Government, and to characterize the deliberate sovereign act of that people as a "perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement" If you cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them and find them as unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged. The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty, were they to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a full knowledge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off the authority of the British Crown.
The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are charged before the President of the United States, because so to do would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the Confederate States. This is the vein of thought that pervades the memorandum before us. The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the record that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States. They only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the Government of the late Federal Union. Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and military preparations of this Government, and a formal notice to the commanding General of the Confederate forces in the harbor of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that Fort Sumter can not be provisioned without the effusion of blood. The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the gage of battle thus thrown down to them; and, appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last, against this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power.
This communication can not be properly closed without adverting to the date of your memorandum. The official note of the undersigned, of the 12th of March, was delivered to the Assistant Secretary of State on the 13th of that month, the gentleman who delivered it informing him that the secretary of this commission would call at twelve o'clock, noon, on the next day, for an answer. At the appointed hour Mr. Pickett did call, and was informed by the Assistant Secretary of State that the engagements of the Secretary of State had prevented him from giving the note his attention. The Assistant Secretary of State then asked for the address of Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth, the members of the commission then present in this city, took note of the address on a card, and engaged to send whatever reply might be made to their lodgings. Why this was not done, it is proper should be here explained. The memorandum is dated March 15th, and was not delivered until April 8th. Why was it withheld during the intervening twenty-three days? In the postscript to your memorandum you say it "was delayed, as was understood, with their (Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford's) consent." This is true; but it is also true that, on the 15th of March, Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford were assured by a person occupying a high official position in the Government, and who, as they believed, was speaking by authority, that Fort Sumter would be evacuated in a very few days, and that no measure changing the existing status prejudicially to the Confederate States, as respects Fort Pickens, was then contemplated, and these assurances were subsequently repeated, with the addition that any contemplated change as respects Pickens would be notified to us. On the 1st of April we were again informed that there might be an attempt to supply Fort Sumter with provisions, but that Governor Pickens should have previous notice of this attempt. There was no suggestion of any reinforcement. The undersigned did not hesitate to believe that these assurances expressed the intentions of the Administration at the time, or at all events of prominent members of that Administration. This delay was assented to for the express purpose of attaining the great end of the mission of the undersigned, to wit, a pacific solution of existing complications. The inference deducible from the date of your memorandum, that the undersigned had, of their own volition and without cause, consented to this long hiatus in the grave duties with which they were charged, is therefore not consistent with a just exposition of the facts of the case. The intervening twenty-three days were employed in active unofficial efforts, the object of which was to smooth the path to a pacific solution, the distinguished personage alluded to cooeperating with the undersigned; and every step of that effort is recorded in writing and now in the possession of the undersigned and of their Government. It was only when all those anxious efforts for peace had been exhausted, and it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had determined to appeal to the sword to reduce the people of the Confederate States to the will of the section or party whose President he is, that the undersigned resumed the official negotiation temporarily suspended, and sent their secretary for a reply to their official note of March 12th.
It is proper to add that, during these twenty-three days, two gentlemen, of official distinction as high as that of the personage hitherto alluded to, aided the undersigned as intermediaries in these unofficial negotiations for peace.
The undersigned, commissioners of the Confederate States of America, having thus made answer to all they deem material in the memorandum filed in the department on the 15th of March last, have the honor to be
JOHN FORSYTH, MARTIN J. CRAWFORD, A. B. ROMAN.
Mr. Seward in reply to the Commissioners.
Department Of State, Washington, April 10, 1861.
Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford, and Roman, having been apprised by a memorandum, which has been delivered to them, that the Secretary of State is not at liberty to hold official intercourse with them, will, it is presumed, expect no notice from him of the new communication which they have addressed to him under date of the 9th inst., beyond the simple acknowledgment of the receipt thereof, which he hereby very cheerfully gives.
Judge Campbell to Mr. Seward.
Washington City, Saturday, April 18, 1861.
Sir: On the 15th of March, ultimo, I left with Judge Crawford, one of the commissioners of the Confederate States, a note in writing, to the effect following:
"I feel entire confidence that Fort Sumter will be evacuated in the next ten days. And this measure is felt as imposing great responsibility on the Administration.
"I feel entire confidence that no measure changing the existing status prejudicially to the Southern Confederate States is at present contemplated.
"I feel an entire confidence that an immediate demand for an answer to the communication of the commissioners will be productive of evil and not of good. I do not believe that it ought, at this time, to be pressed."
The substance of this statement I communicated to you the same evening by letter. Five days elapsed, and I called with a telegram from General Beauregard, to the effect that Sumter was not evacuated, but that Major Anderson was at work making repairs.
The next day, after conversing with you, I communicated to Judge Crawford in writing that the failure to evacuate Sumter was not the result of bad faith, but was attributable to causes consistent with the intention to fulfill the engagement, and that, as regarded Pickens, I should have notice of any design to alter the existing status there. Mr. Justice Nelson was present at these conversations, three in number, and I submitted to him each of my written communications to Judge Crawford, and informed Judge Crawford that they had his (Judge Nelson's) sanction. I gave you, on the 22d of March, a substantial copy of the statement I had made on the 15th.
The 30th of March arrived, and at that time a telegram came from Governor Pickens, inquiring concerning Colonel Lamon, whose visit to Charleston he supposed had a connection with the proposed evacuation of Fort Sumter. I left that with you, and was to have an answer the following Monday (1st of April). On the 1st of April I received from you the statement in writing, "I am satisfied the Government will not undertake to supply Fort Sumter without giving notice to Governor P." The words "I am satisfied" were for me to use as expressive of confidence in the remainder of the declaration.
The proposition, as originally prepared, was, "The President may desire to supply Sumter, but will not do so," etc., and your verbal explanation was, that you did not believe any such attempt would be made, and that there was no design to reenforce Sumter.
There was a departure here from the pledges of the previous month, but, with the verbal explanation, I did not consider it a matter then to complain of. I simply stated to you that I had that assurance previously.
On the 7th of April I addressed you a letter on the subject of the alarm that the preparations by the Government had created, and asked you if the assurances I had given were well or ill-founded. In respect to Sumter, your reply was, "Faith as to Sumter fully kept—wait and see." In the morning's paper I read, "An authorized messenger from President Lincoln informed Governor Pickens and General Beauregard that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter—peaceably, or otherwise by force." This was the 8th of April, at Charleston, the day following your last assurance, and is the last evidence of the full faith I was invited to wait for and see. In the same paper I read that intercepted dispatches disclosed the fact that Mr. Fox, who had been allowed to visit Major Anderson, on the pledge that his purpose was pacific, employed his opportunity to devise a plan for supplying the fort by force, and that this plan had been adopted by the Washington Government, and was in process of execution. My recollection of the date of Mr. Fox's visit carries it to a day in March. I learn he is a near connection of a member of the Cabinet. My connection with the commissioners and yourself was superinduced by a conversation with Justice Nelson. He informed me of your strong disposition in favor of peace, and that you were oppressed with a demand of the commissioners of the Confederate States for a reply to their first letter, and that you desired to avoid it, if possible, at that time.
I told him I might perhaps be of some service in arranging the difficulty. I came to your office entirely at his request, and without the knowledge of either of the commissioners. Your depression was obvious to both Judge Nelson and myself. I was gratified at the character of the counsels you were desirous of pursuing, and much impressed with your observation that a civil war might be prevented by the success of my mediation. You read a letter of Mr. Weed, to show how irksome and responsible the withdrawal of troops from Sumter was. A portion of my communication to Judge Crawford, on the 16th of March, was founded upon these remarks, and the pledge to evacuate Sumter is less forcible than the words you employed. These words were, "Before this letter reaches you [a proposed letter by me to President Davis], Sumter will have been evacuated." The commissioners who received those communications conclude they have been abused and overreached. The Montgomery Government hold the same opinion. The commissioners have supposed that my communications were with you, and upon the [that] hypothesis were prepared to arraign you before the country, in connection with the President. I placed a peremptory prohibition upon this, as being contrary to the terms of my communications with them. I pledged myself to them to communicate information, upon what I considered as the best authority, and they were to confide in the ability of myself, aided by Judge Nelson, to determine upon the credibility of my informant.
I think no candid man, who will read over what I have written, and considers for a moment what is going on at Sumter, but will agree that the equivocating conduct of the Administration, as measured and interpreted in connection with these promises, is the proximate cause of the great calamity.
I have a profound conviction that the telegrams of the 8th of April, of General Beauregard, and of the 10th of April, of General Walker, the Secretary of War, can be referred to nothing else than their belief that there has been systematic duplicity practiced on them through me. It is under an impressive sense of the weight of this responsibility that I submit to you these things for your explanation.
Very respectfully, (Signed) JOHN A. CAMPBELL, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, United States. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Judge Campbell to Mr. Secretary Seward.
Washington, April 20, 1861.
Sir: I inclose you a letter, corresponding very nearly with one I addressed to you one week ago (April 13th), to which I have not had any reply. The letter is simply one of inquiry in reference to facts concerning which, I think, I am entitled to an explanation. I have not adopted any opinion in reference to them which may not be modified by explanation; nor have I affirmed in that letter, nor do I in this, any conclusion of my own unfavorable to your integrity in the whole transaction. All that I have said and mean to say is, that an explanation is due from you to myself. I will not say what I shall do in case this request is not complied with, but I am justified in saying that I shall feel at liberty to place these letters before any person who is entitled to ask an explanation of myself.
JOHN A. CAMPBELL, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, United States. Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
No reply has been made to this letter, April 24, 1861.
INDEX TO VOL. I.
Abolition of African servitude; its first public agitation, 33; activity of the propagandists, 34; misuse of the sacred word liberty, 34.
Absurdity of the construction, attempted to be put on expressions of the Constitution, 175; a brief analysis, 175.
Accede, discussions on the word, 136; its former use, 137.
Adams, James H, commissioner from South Carolina to Washington, 213.
Adams, John, stumbled at the preamble of the Constitution, 121.
Adams, John Quincy, his declaration of the rights of the people of the States, 190, 191.
African servitude, its aid to the Confederacy in the war, 303; confidence of the people in the Africans, 303.
Agreement, between Generals Harney and Price, at St. Louis, Missouri, 416.
Agricultural products, Southern, mainly for export, 302; a change of habits in the planters required, 302; our success largely due to African servitude, 303; condition of the Africans, 303; diminished every year during the war, 505.
Alabama, withdraws from the Union, 220.
All powers not delegated, etc., what does it mean? 175.
Allegiance, inconsistent ideas of, 182; paramount to the Government, a monstrous view, 182; the sovereign is the people, 182; obligation to support a Constitution derived from the allegiance due to the sovereign, 183; oath to support the Constitution based on the sovereignty of the States, 183; the oath of military and naval officers, 183; how false to attribute "treason" to the Southern States, 183; an oath to support the Constitution, 183.
Amendment of the Constitution, distinct from the delegation of power, 196.
Anderson, Robert, commands forts in Charleston Harbor, 212; instructions from the War Department of the United States, 212; removes to Fort Sumter, 213; acquaintance and past associations with the author, 216; his protest against relieving Fort Sumter, 281; the letter of protest, 282; reply to the demand for evacuation, 286.
Annapolis, Maryland, first meeting of the commissioners to revise Articles of Confederation held there, 87; how revision was effected, 88.
Anti-slavery and pro-slavery, terms misleading the sympathies and opinions of the world, 6.
Armories, the chief, where located, 480.
Armory at Harper's Ferry, burned by order of the United States Government, 317; a breach of pledges, 317; machinery and materials largely saved, 317; removed to Richmond, 317; and Fayetteville, North Carolina, 317; Armorer Ball, his skill and fate, 318.
Arms and ammunition, arrangements for the purchase of, 311; agent sent to Europe, 311; do. sent North, 311; letter to Admiral Semmes, 311.
Army officers choose their future place of service in disintegration of the army, 306; act of Confederate Congress relative to, 307.
Arms within the limits of the Confederacy in 1861, 471; do. powder, 472; do. arsenals, 472; cannon-foundries, 472; the increased supply, 476.
Army, Confederate, its organization, instruction, and equipment, the first object, 303; provisions of the first bill of Congress, 304; its modification for twelve months' men, 304; fifth section of the act, 304; system of organization, 305; acts of Congress providing for its organization, 305; act to establish army of Confederate States, 306; its provisions, 306; the army belongs to the States, and its officers return to the States on its disintegration, 306; provision securing rank to officers of the United States Army, 307; the constitutional view, 307; how observed, 307; Generals appointed, 308; efforts to increase the efficiency of, 384; desire to employ the available force, 384; organization of—early circumstances relating to it, 443; the largest army in 1861 that of the Potomac, 443; act of Congress relating to organization, 444; the right to preserve for volunteers the character of State troops surrendered by the States, 444; efforts to comply with the law, 444; obstruction to its execution, 444; correspondence, 444.
Arrest, threats of, against Senators withdrawing from Congress, 226.
Arrest and imprisonment of police authorities of Baltimore, 334.
Arsenals, contents of, in 1861, 471; do. in Richmond, 479.
Artillery, extent of its manufacture, 473.
Assault on us, The, made by the hostile descent of the fleet to relieve Fort Sumter, 292.
Assertions, of Everett and Motley examined, 130.
Baker, Edward, Colonel, killed at Ball's Bluff, 437.
Ball, Armistead, master armorer at Harper's Ferry, 317; his gallant services, 317; his capacity and fidelity, 318.
Ball's Bluff, defeat of the enemy at, 437; losses, 437.
Baltimore, manly effort of her citizens to resist the progress of the armies of invasion, 299; occupied by United States troops, 333; the city disarmed, 334; arrest and imprisonment of police commissioners by General Banks, 334-'35; provost-marshal appointed, 334; search for and seizure of arms, 335; report of a committee of the Legislature on the arrests, 335.
Banks, Major-General, unlawful proceeding of, in Baltimore, 334.
Bargain, A, can not be broken on one side, says Webster, and still bind the other side, 167.
Barnwell, Robert W., commissioner from South Carolina to Washington, 213; offered the place of Secretary of State under Provisional Constitution, 241.
Bartow, Colonel, killed at Manassas, 357.
Beauregard, General P. G. T., correspondence with the Confederate Government relative to Fort Sumter, 285, 286-287; demands its evacuation; commands army at Manassas, 340; orders troops from left to right at Manassas, 352; his promotion, 359; his statement of the defenses of Washington, 360; report of the battle of Manassas, 368; endorsement of the President, 369.
Bee, General Bernard, wounded at Manassas, 357.
Bell, John, nominated for the Presidency in 1860, 50; offers to withdraw, 52.
Belmont, Missouri, occupied by Federal troops, 403; afterward garrisoned by Confederate troops, 403; Grant attempts to surprise the garrison, 403; the battle that ensued, 404.
Benjamin, Judah P., Attorney-General under Provisional Constitution, 242.
"Bible and Sharpe's rifles," declaration of a famous preacher, 29.
"Bloodletting, A little more," the letter recommending, 249.
Bond of Union, A, necessary after the Declaration of Independence, 193; Articles of Confederation followed, 193; how amended, 193; difference in the new form of government from the old one, 194; the same principle for obtaining grants of power in both, 194; amendments made more easy, 195.
Border States promptly accede to the proposition of Virginia for a Congress to adjust controversies, 248; secession of the, 328.
Bonham, General, marches to Virginia with his brigade on her secession, 300; commands brigade at Manassas, 353; proposal that he shall pursue the enemy, 353.
Bowling Green, Kentucky, occupied by General Johnston, 406.
Breckinridge, John C., nominated for the Presidency in 1860, 50; willing to withdraw, 52; ex-Vice-President of United States, 399; his address to the citizens of Kentucky, 399.
Brown, John, his raid into Virginia, 41; how viewed, 41; report of United States Senate committee, 41.
Brown, Mayor of Baltimore, visits with citizens President Lincoln, 332; his report, 332.
Buchanan, President, his views and action in 1860, 54; his objection to withdrawing the garrison from the forts in Charleston Harbor, 215; opposed to the coercion of States, 216; view of the cession of a site for a fort, 217; hope to avert a collision, 217; message to Congress, with letter of South Carolina commissioners, and his answer, 218; his alarm at the state of affairs, 265.
Butler, Major-General B. F., occupies Baltimore with troops, 333.
Cabell, W. L., statement of field transportation at Manassas, 383.
Cabinet of the President under the Provisional Constitution, 241.
Cabinet, Mr. Lincoln's, a transaction in, 276.
Calhoun, John C., his death, 17; remarks of Mr. Webster, 17; anecdote, 17; extract from his speech, "How to save the Union," 55.
California, circumstances of its admission to the Union, 16.
Campbell, J. A. P., letter relative to the views of the Provisional President, 238.
Camp Jackson surrounded by General Lyon's force, 414; massacre at, 416.
Campbell, Judge, his statement relative to the intercourse between our commissioners and the Federal State Department, 267, 268; his own views, 268, 269.
Capon Springs, speech of Webster at, 167.
Cass, Lewis, his "Nicholson letter," 38; resigns as United States Secretary of State, 214; his reason, 214.
Causes which led the Southern States into the position they held at the close of 1860, recapitulation of, 77.
Cavils, verbal, relative to the Constitution and the Articles of Confederation, 135, 136.
Centralism, its fate in the Constitutional Convention, 161.
Centreville, conflagration at, 467; retreat from, 468.
Change of government, a question that the States had the power to decide, by virtue of the unalienable rights announced in the Declaration of Independence, 438.
Chandler, Z., his letter on a "little more bloodletting," 249.
Charleston Harbor defenses, a subject of anxiety in the secession of the State, 212; Representatives in Congress call on the President, 212; proposal to observe a peaceful military status, 212; secret preparations for reenforcement by United States Government, 212; instructions to the commander, 212; modified, 213; commissioners sent by the State to treat for the delivery of the forts, 213; change of military condition in the harbor, 213; how regarded, 213; interview of commissioners with President, 214; sharp correspondence, 214.
Chesnut, James, letter on the election of Provisional President, 289.
Clark, John B., of Missouri, letter from President Davis, 427.
Clause second of Article VI of the Constitution, adduced by the friends of centralism, 149; how magnified and perverted, 150.
Clay, C. C., letter relative to certain misstatements relative to the author, 206-208.
Clayton, Alexander M., letter relative to the election of Provisional President, 237.
Coercion of a State, views in 1850, 55; do. 1860, 55; declaration of the Convention that framed the Constitution, 56; other declarations, 56; the idea absolutely excluded, 101; the alternative of secession, if no such right exists, 177; the proposition before the Convention, 177; views of the delegates, 177; coercion military, treated with abhorrence, 179; the right to, repudiated, 252, 253; language of the New York press, 253; do. of Northern speeches, 254; do. of Thayer, 254; remarks of Governor Seymour, 255; do. of Chancellor Walworth, 255; do. of the Northern press, 256; words of Mr. Lincoln in his inaugural, 256; views of Southern people, 257.
Columbus, Kentucky, occupation by Confederate forces, 402.
Commissioners to the United States appointed, 246; nature of, 246; how treated, 247; negotiations of Judges Nelson and Campbell, 267; statement of Judge Campbell, 268; his views, 268; declarations of Mr. Seward, 268; his assurances, 269; expectations of the commissioners and of the Confederate Government, 269; pledge given by Federal authorities, 270; telegram to General Beauregard, 270; his reply, 270; explanations of Mr. Seward, 270; plan to reenforce and supply Sumter, 271; proceedings for its execution by Secretary Fox, 271; facts presented to Mr. Seward, 273; the point of honor, 273; further declarations of Mr. Seward, 273; official notification from Washington to Governor Pickens and General Beauregard, 274; letter to President Buchanan, 264; their arrival, 264; incidents, 265; letter of Judge Crawford describing his reception, 265; arrival of Mr. Forsyth—their letter to Mr. Seward, 266; no answer received for twenty-seven days, 266; a paper filed in the State Department, 266; an oral answer, 266; state of affairs relative to Fort Sumter, 266, 267; their letters to General Beauregard, 277, 278; failure of their mission, 296.
Commissioners from South Carolina to President Buchanan relative to the delivery of the forts in Charleston Harbor, 213.
Community independence, its origin and development, 116.
Compact, The original, causes that blighted its fair prospects, 48; the Articles of Confederation a compact, 135; been denied of the Constitution, 135; denied by Webster, 135; cavils on the words of the Constitution compared with the Articles of Confederation, 136; the wood accede considered, 136; use of the words "compact, accede, Confederacy," 137; compact used by Gerry, Morris, Madison, Washington, Martin, and others, 138; in the ratification of Massachusetts, 137; the Constitution shown to be one by its structure, 140; provisions, 140; representation in the Senate, etc., 140.
Compromise measures of 1850, their origin, 14; bear the impress of the sectional spirit, 14.
Compromise, Missouri, how constituted, 13; votes on, 13.
Confederacies, the first local formed in New England, 115.
Confederacy, the growth of, 485; financial system of, 485; the state of the finances in 1862, 485.
Confederate Government, its instructions to General Beauregard relative to Fort Sumter, 284; the correspondence, 285, 286; aid given to Missouri, 429.
Confederation, The old, declares independence of each State, 86; its articles, 86; affairs, how managed, 87; the first idea of reorganization, 87; consequences, 87; term applied to the articles, 88; revision, how effected, 88; how could it be superseded without secession? 100.
Conference of the President and generals, after the victory at Manassas, 352; order to pursue the enemy, 353; letter of the President respecting, 353; answer from General Beauregard, 354, 355; subjects considered, 356; second do. of the President and generals, after the victory at Manassas, inquiry as to what more it was practicable to do, 360; fortifications said to exist at Washington, 360; subsequent reports, 360; at variance with the information then possessed, 360; why an advance was not contemplated to south bank of Potomac, 360; returns to Richmond to increase army, 361; charge of preventing the pursuit, 361.
Congress of the Confederation, its distinction from the United States Congress, 26; language of its resolution for a revision of its articles, 88; its recommendation, 89; instructions to the commissioners to the Constitutional Convention by the several States, 89; early acts of, 243; laws of United States not inconsistent continued in force till altered, 243; financial officers continued in office, 243; early steps required to be taken for a settlement with United States, 244; act relative to free navigation of the Mississippi River, 245; coasting trade opened to foreign vessels, 245; resolutions after the victory at Manassas, 383.
Congress, Provisional, of seceding States assembles at Montgomery, 220; resolution to remove the seat of government to Richmond, 339.
Congress of the Confederation and that of the United States, difference between, 10, 11.
Congress, United States, decision on first abolition petition, 5; prohibits importation of slaves, vote on the bill, 5; its action on the petition of Indiana Territory for the suspension of the ordinance prohibiting slavery, 8; report of the committee, 8; future action on resolutions, 10; has only delegated powers, 26; action in the Senate in 1860-'61, 68; action of its committee, 69; failures of adjustment in the House, 70.
Connecticut, instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 92; her ratification of the Federal Constitution, 107.
"Constitution, The, a covenant with hell," use of the expression, 56; signification of the word, 88; the seventh article, a provision for secession, 101; not established by the people in the aggregate, nor by the States in the aggregate, 101; delegates were chosen by the States as States, and voted as States, 102; object for which they were sent, 102; terms used then in the same sense as now, 102; a national Government distinctly rejected, 102; final words of the Constitution, 102; not adopted by the people in the aggregate, 114; the assertion a monstrous fiction, 114; as British colonies they did not constitute one people, 114; confused views of Judge Story, 115; exposition of them, 115; some facts, 115; local confederacies, 115; the form of the first, 115; its existence, 115; assertion of Edward Everett, 116; unsustainable, 116; his quotations, 117; letter of General Gage to Congress in 1774, 117; extract, 117; a citation from the Declaration of Independence, 118; a palpable misconception, 118; as united States Independence was achieved, 118; as united States they entered into a new compact, 119; in no single instance was the action by the people in the aggregate or as one body, 119; facts, 119, 120; by what authority was it ordained? 131; denied by Webster to be a compact, 135.
Constitution, Confederate, the permanent of the Confederate States, prepared and ratified, 258; remarks of Mr. Stephens, 258; followed the model of the United States Constitution, 259; some of its distinctive features, 259, 260; term of the President's office, 259; removals from office, 259; admission of Cabinet officers to seats on floor of Congress, 259; protective duties prohibited, 260; two-thirds vote for appropriations, 260; impeachment by State Legislature, 260; the States make a compact for improvement of navigation, 260; amendments obligatory by convention, 260; provisions relative to slavery, 261; other provisions, 261; words of Mr. Lincoln, 262; words of "New York Herald," 263.
Constitution, Provisional, for the Confederacy, adopted, 229; officers elected, 230.
Constitutional Convention, the original, rejected the doctrine of the coercion of a State, 56; conclusions drawn from the instructions of the States to their delegates, 93; assembling of the Convention, 94; the work takes a wider range than was contemplated, 94; diversity of opinion among the members, 95; Luther Martin's description of the three parties in the Convention, 95; the equality of the States, how adjusted, 96; plan of government of Edmund Randolph, 96; how the word "national" was treated, 97.
Constitutional questions involved in the position of the Southern States, recapitulation of, 77.
Constitutional Union party of 1860, its principles, 51.
Constitutional Union Convention in 1860, its nominations and resolutions, 60.
Convention, the original idea of calling, 98; its powers merely advisory, 103; how its work was approved, 103.
Conventions, State, representatives of sovereignty, 97.
Cooper, Samuel, resigns in United States Army, 308; his rank, 308; appointment in the Confederate Army, 308.
Count of Paris, his travesty of history, 200, 201; libels the memory of Major Anderson, 283.
Coxe, Tench, words relative to separate sovereignties, 128.
Crawford, Martin J., appointed commissioner to United States, 246; commissioner to Washington arrives, 246; describes the incidents and his reception, 265; other proceedings, 266.
Crittenden, J. C., offers in the Senate a joint resolution proposing amendments to the Constitution, 60; how received, 60.
Davis, Jefferson, reelected to United States Senate in 1851, 18; subject of the compromise measures agitating Mississippi, 18; division of opinion, 18; the principles of the Declaration of Independence of more value than the Union, 18; his position and views, 19; invited to become candidate for Governor, 19; not accepted, 20; active canvass, 20; nominated again on the withdrawal of the former nominee, 20; resigns as United States Senator, 20; his position relative to the Union, 21; letter to W. J. Brown, 21; enters the Cabinet of President Pierce, 22; charge of the Pacific Railroad survey, 23; charge of the Capitol extension, 23; charge of changes in the model of arms, 23; increase of the army, 23; its officers, 24; clerkships, 24; anecdote of General Jesup, 24; again elected Senator from Mississippi, 25; no change in President Pierce's Cabinet during his term, 25; extract from a speech in the Senate on the relation of master and servant in a Territory, 30; remarks in the Senate on the "Nicholson letter" of General Cass, 37; offers a series of resolutions in United States Senate, 42; the resolutions, 42; discussion and vote in the Senate, 43; position of the mover shown in extract from his speech, 44-46; meets with the Congressional representatives and Governor of Mississippi in consultation, 57; his views, 57; summoned to Washington, 58; state of affairs there and his proceedings, 59; extract from a speech in December, 1860, in the Senate, showing his position, 61-68; position and feelings at the beginning of 1861, 205; previous life, 205; office of Senator, 206; in the Cabinet, 206; letter of C. C. Clay, relative to misstatements respecting, 206; conversation with President Buchanan relative to the forts in Charleston Harbor, 214; advises him to withdraw the garrison, 215; his objections, 215; presents rejoinder of South Carolina Commissioners to President Buchanan in the Senate, 218; his speech, 219; notified of the secession of Mississippi, 220; states the position of the State in his final address to the United States Senate 221-224; elected President of the Confederate States, 230; engaged at home, 230; disappointed, 230; better fitted for command in the field, 230; anecdote of W. L. Sharkey, 230; addresses on the way to Montgomery, 231; inaugural address, 232; letter to President Buchanan, 264; message to Congress on April 28th, 278, 279; writes to Governor Letcher to sustain Baltimore, 300; remained in the Senate after Mississippi called her convention, in order to obtain such measures as would prevent the final step, 302; when her ordinance was enacted the question was no longer open, and her Senator could only retire from the United States Senate, 302; letter of instructions to Captain Semmes, 311; message to Congress in April, 1861, 326; reply to the Maryland Commissioners, 333; answer to Johnston relative to the rank of the latter, 348; goes to the Manassas battle-field, 348; scenes witnessed and described, 348, 349; arrives at Beauregard's headquarters, 349; meets General Johnston, 350; appearance of the enemy, 350; the field on the left, 351; meets General Beauregard, 352; conference with the generals after Manassas battle, 352; subject of conference, 356; necessity of pursuit, 356; condition of the troops, 356; meets the wounded, 357; letter promoting General Beauregard, 359; charged with preventing the pursuit at Manassas, 361; letter to General Johnston on the subject, 362; answer of Johnston, 363; reference to another conference, 363; letter to General Beauregard relative to the plea of a want of transportation for not pursuing the enemy, 365; endorsement on the report of General Johnston, 366; remarks upon it, 366; letter to Beauregard relative to his report, 366; the objectionable point reviewed, 367; the part of the report and objections suppressed by Congress, 367; the report, 368; the endorsement of the President, 369; letter calling for information on the wants of the army, 384; reply to the letter of the Governor of Kentucky, 390; anxiety about affairs in Missouri, 426; letter to John B. Clark, 427; answer to the request of General J. E. Johnston for reenforcements, 442; letter to General G. W. Smith on the reorganization of the army, 445; letter to General Beauregard, 446; letter to General Beauregard, 447; letter to General J. E. Johnston, 448; letter to General J. E. Johnston on enemy's movements, 452; letter to General G. W. Smith on movements against the enemy, 453; letter to General J. E. Johnston on inspection of the line between Dumfries and Fredericksburg, 454; letter to General J. E. Johnston on Jackson's movement in the Valley, 457; letter to General J. E. Johnston on the order of the Secretary of War for the troops to retire to the Valley, 460; letter to General J. E. Johnston on the complaint of irregular action by the Secretary of War, 461; letter to General J. E. Johnston in answer to a letter stating that his position was considered unsafe, 462; letter to General J. E. Johnston on mobilizing his army, 463; letter to General J. E. Johnston in answer to a notice that the army was in retreat, 464; visit to General Johnston's headquarters, 465; reconnaissance, 466; extract from the inaugural address in 1862, 484; message on the employment of slaves in the army, 515.
Debt, Foreign, at the close of the war, 496; attempts to discredit the Government abroad, 497; reference to Union bank-bonds, 497.
Delaware, instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 93; her words of ratification of the Federal Constitution, 104.
Delicate truth, A, to be veiled, 101.
Democratic Convention of 1860, disagreement, 50; adjournment of divisions, 50; nominations by the friends of popular sovereignty, 50; nominations by the Conservatives, 50.
Democratic party, dissensions in, 36.
D'Wolf, James, president of a slave-trading company, anecdote of, 84.
Disguise with Confederate Commissioners thrown off on the reduction of Sumter, 297.
Dissolution and secession from the first Union gave existence to the present Union, 171; the right to withdraw in either case results from the same principles, 171.
Dogma, A new, created at the Chicago Convention in 1860, 49.
Douglas, Stephen A., on the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, 38; nominated for the Presidency in 1860, 50; unwilling to withdraw, 52; his resolution in the Senate recommending evacuation of the forts, 281; his remarks, 281.
Dred Scott case; the question, 83; the salient points established, 84; remarks of the Chief-Justice, 84.
Early, General Jubal, commands regiment at Manassas, 351; extracts relative to the first battle of Manassas written by him, 372; sketch of him, 372-378; remarks on the retreat from Centreville, 468; do. on the loss of supplies, 468.
Election, Presidential, of 1860, votes and result, 53.
Ellis, Governor, of North Carolina, reply to Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, 412; sketch of Governor Ellis, 413; letter to President Buchanan restoring Forts Johnson and Caswell, 413.
Ellsworth, Oliver, views of, on the coercion of a State, 178.
Elzy, General, commands brigade at Manassas, 351.
Endorsement of the President, on the report of the victory at Manassas, by General Beauregard, 369.
Equality of the States a condition of the Union, 180, 181.
Equilibrium between the sections destroyed by the action of the General Government, 32.
Equipments for armies, the supply of, 478; their manufacture, 478.
Everett, Edward, nominated for the Vice-Presidency in 1860, 50; his assertions relative to the Constitution, 129; views on the sovereignty of the States, 148.
Evans, General N. S., his force near Leesburg, 437; fight at Ball's Bluff, 437.
Expedition, Naval, to reenforce Fort Sumter, 274; the circumstances, 274; its arrival delayed by a storm, 274; dissensions in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, 274; impossible that he was ignorant of the communications of the Secretary, 275; yet the Secretary was not impeached, 275; a transaction in the Cabinet, 275; letter of Mr. Blair, 277; letters of the Commissioners, 277, 278; message of President Davis to Congress, 277; the relief squadron, 284; correspondence of Major Anderson, 288; arrival of the fleet off Charleston Harbor, 289; its failure to relieve the fort, 289; report of Captain McGowan, 291.
Fairfax Court-House, The conference at, 445; circumstances, 449; questions considered at the conference, 449; a paper relating to the conference, 450; details respecting it, 450; position unfavorable for defense, 452; establishment of a battery near Acquia Creek, 452; possibilities in the Valley of the Shenandoah, 452; correspondence, 452; reference to, 464.
"Faith as to Sumter fully kept"—the written answer of Secretary Seward, 273; official notification of reenforcement served on Governor Pickens on the same day, 274.
False representations made of us at the close of 1860, 77.
Federal Constitution, how the term was freely used, 93.
Federal Government, the tendency to pervert the functions delegated to it, and to use them with sectional discrimination against the minority, 32.
Federalist, The, its use of the word "sovereign" as applied to the States, 144.
"Fighting in the Union," what was meant by it, 225.
Financial system of The Confederacy adopted from necessity, 485; its operation during eighteen months, 485; issue of notes and bonds, 486, 487; efforts to fund Treasury notes, 487; provisions of Congress relative to, 488; measure to reduce the currency, 489; a review of the financial legislation, 489; a war-tax, 490; internal taxation a partial failure, 490; compulsory reduction of the currency, 491; its success, 492; financial condition of the Government at its close, 492; amount of the public debt, 493; taxation, 493.
"Firing on the flag," the disingenuous rant of demagogues, 292.
"Flaunting lie, A," the compact of Union, 326.
Florida withdraws from the Union, 220.
Floyd, General John B., resigns as United States Secretary of War, 214; his reason, 214; advances to the support of General Wise, 433; his skirmishes with the enemy, 433; defeats them, 435; assailed by General Rosecrans, 433; Rosecrans falls back, 433.
Foote, Samuel A., states the true issue relative to the admission of Missouri to the Union, 12.
Foreign relations, efforts at recognition, 469; seizure of our commissioners on board the Trent, 469; indignation in England, 469; their restoration, 469.
Forsyth, John, appointed commissioner to United States, 246.
Forts and arsenals, course of United States Government relative to, 281; resolution, 202; do. taken possession of by the Southern States, 202; assertion made that the absence of troops was the result of collusion, 202; this absence was the ordinary condition of peace, 203; as defenseless now as in 1861, 203; some exceptions, 203; the situation long maintained at Pensacola Bay, 203; conditional cession to United States, 209; condition of the cession of Massachusetts, 209; do. of New York, 209; do. of South Carolina, 210; stipulations made by Virginia in ceding the ground for Fortress Monroe, 210; act of cession, 211.
Fox, G. V., his plan to reenforce and furnish supplies to Fort Sumter, 271; describes the details, 271.
Framework of the Government, how constructed, 97.
Franklin, Benjamin, his use of the word "sovereignties" as applied to the States, 144.
Freedom and slavery, terms misleading the opinions and sympathies of the world, 6.
Fremont, General John C., his confiscation proclamation in Missouri, 430.
Frost, General D.M., commands militia at Camp Jackson, 415; surrenders to Captain Lyon, 415; efforts for release, 415; his letter to General Harney, 415, 416.
Fugitives, law for the rendition of, occasion of its passage, 16; tended to lead other States to believe they might evade their constitutional obligations, 16; action of the States which had passed personal liberty laws, 16; the rendition of, not the proper subject for the legislation of Congress, 81; how it was in early times, 82.
Garnett, General Robert, killed at Rich Mountain, 338; biographical notice, 338.
General Government, its claim of a right to judge of the extent of its own authority, 191.
Georgia, efforts to prohibit importation of slaves, 4; instructions to her deputies to the Constitutional Convention, 91; her ratification of the Federal Constitution, 106; withdraws from the Union, 220.
Gerry, Elbridge, objects to the provision for nine States to ratify, as a virtual dissolution of the Union, 100; his use of the word "compact," 137.
Gorgas, General, appointed chief of ordnance, 310; states the growth of his department, 481; statement relative to the charge against Secretary of War Floyd, 482.
Government, The United States, exalted above the States which created it, 127; no such unit as United States ever mentioned, 127; instances, 127; words of Tench Coxe, 128; forgotten misconceptions revived by Daniel Webster, 128; his assertions in debate, 128; specimen of views of sectionists, 129; assertion of Edward Everett, 129; do. of J. L. Motley, 129; most remarkable of these assertions, 130; Constitution mentions the States as States seventy times, 130; what authority ordained and established the Constitution, 131; statements of Everett and Motley, 131; question of Story and its answer, 132; views of Madison on the nature of the ratification, 133; legislation can not alter a fact, 134; its treatment of citizens of Kentucky, 398; not supreme, but subject to the Constitution and laws, 151; accepted of sites for forts on the conditions prescribed by the State, 211; confounded with the oath to support the Constitution, 151.
Government, Confederate, seat of, removed to Richmond, 340; reasons for the removal, 340.
Governments only agents of the sovereign, 142; responsible to it, and subject to its control, 154.
Grant, General, attempts to capture the garrison at Belmont, 403; his defeat, 404; became willing to exchange prisoners, 405.
Grants to the Federal Government, not surrenders, says Hamilton, but delegations of power, 163.
Great Britain, charge preferred against the Government of, in the Declaration of Independence, 82.
Green, James S., offers a resolution in the United States Senate relative to preserving peace between the States, 61.
Grievance, the intolerable, 83.
Hamilton, Alexander, his use of the word "sovereignty" as applied to the States, 144; on the supremacy of the Constitution, 150; on a confederated republic, 162; extract from "The Federalist," 162; further views, 162; his views on the coercion of a State, 178; on the omission of a State to appoint Senators, 179.
Harney, Major-General, removed from command in Missouri, 421.
Harper's Ferry, burned and evacuated, 328; President Lincoln expresses his approbation, 328; destruction caused, 329; an important, position for military and political considerations, 340; its occupation needful for the removal of machinery, 341.
Harris, Governor of Tennessee, reply to Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, 413.
Harrison, William Henry, Governor of Indiana Territory, 8; letter to Congress with resolutions requesting the suspension of the ordinance prohibiting slavery, 9.
Hartford Convention, proceedings relative to a dissolution of the Union, 74.
Hayne, I. W., Commissioner from South Carolina to Washington, 219.
Hemp, bales of, used for a breastwork, 430.
Henry, Patrick, asks what right had they to say, "We the people," 121; his objection to "one people," 174.
Hicks, Governor of Maryland, his declarations, 331; his proclamation, 331.
Hill, Colonel A. P., orders the affair near Romney, 343; sketch of, 344.
Hill, Colonel D. H., afterward lieutenant-general, 342; report of the combat at Bethel Church, 342.
Honor of the United States Government, how maintained relative to the forts in Charleston Harbor, 217; a point easy to concede, 217.
Hope of reconciliation, the last expires, 250.
Hostile expedition, the, made the reduction of Sumter necessary before it should be reenforced, 297.
Howard, Charles, arrest and imprisonment by General Banks, 335.
Huger, General, commands a force at Norfolk, 340.
Hurlburt, a captive prisoner, 361; his career, 361.
Huse, Major Caleb, sent to Europe for the purchase of munitions of war, 311; our agent in Europe, 482; his letter relative to the shipment of supplies, 482.
Immigration, causes which combined for its direction to the Northern States, 32.
Inaction of the Army of the Potomac, the President alleged to be responsible for it, 449; the question for consideration at the Fairfax conference, 449; a paper relative to the conference, 450; proceedings at the Conference, 451, 452; correspondence, 452, 453; application of General Jackson, 454; correspondence relative to, 455, 456; further correspondence, 457, etc.
Inaugural address of the author as President of the Confederate States, 232.
Incendiaries, trained in scenes of Kansas strife, 31.
Independence of North Carolina and Rhode Island while not members of the Union, 112; relations between them and the United States, 112; letter from the Governor of Rhode Island, 112.
Indiana Territory, petitions for the suspension of the Ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slavery, 8; action on the petitions, 8; subsequent action and resolutions, 9.
Insurrection, An, was it? 325.
Introduction, The, 1.
Irrepressible conflict, how the declaration of, arose, 34.
"Is thy servant a dog?" its use in the United States Senate, 34.
Invasions of States, no right in the Federal government to, 411; words of the Constitution, 411; deemed a high crime, 411; response of Governors to President Lincoln's call for troops, 411.
Invention exhausted itself in the creation of imaginary "cabals," "conspiracies," and "intrigues," 200; examples, 209.
Jackson, General T. J., skill and daring in checking the enemy's forces in June, 1861, 344; character, 454; letter proposing a movement into the Shenandoah Valley, 455; letter of the President, 457.
Jackson, Governor of Missouri, reply to Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, 412; issues a call for fifty thousand volunteers, 421; words of the Governor, 421; his efforts to preserve the peace, 422; his declarations, 422; demands of the Federal officers, 422; his march, 459; its results, 459.
Jersey Plan, The, States rights, and opposed to national, as proposed in the Federal Constitutional Convention, 105; arguments for it, 106.
Johnston, General Albert Sidney, resigns in United States Army, 308; rank, 308; appointment in Confederate Army, 309; his early career, 405; resigns in United States army, 406; assigned to the command of the Confederate Department of the West, 406; destitution at Nashville, 406; his movements, 406; his military positions, 406; takes command at Bowling Green, 406; his force, 407; force of the enemy, 407; efforts to procure arms and men, 407; letter to the Governor of Alabama, 407; letter to the Governor of Georgia, 407; telegram to Richmond, 407; answer of the Secretary of War, 407; aid from the Governor and Legislature of Tennessee, 408; measures taken to concentrate and recruit his forces, 408; the result, 408; resolves on a levy en masse, 409; letters to the Governors of States, 409; reenforced from Virginia, 410.
Johnson, Herschel V., nominated for the Vice-Presidency in 1860, 50.
Johnston, General Joseph E., commands army near Harper's Ferry, 340; desires to retire, 341; official letter addressed to him, 341; apparent effort of the enemy to detain him in the Valley of the Shenandoah, 344; his junction with Beauregard becomes necessary, 344; extract from official letter, 345; urged to join General Beauregard, 345; correspondence lost, 346; telegram sent to, by General Cooper, 346; confidence reposed in him, 346; the meaning of an order, 347; the junction made with marked skill, 347; answer to telegram to join Beauregard, 347; his telegram asking his position relative to Beauregard, 348; answer, 348; his rank in the Confederate Army, 348; letter relative to obstacles to the pursuit of the enemy at Manassas, 363; his report, and the endorsement put on it by the President, 366; remonstrates against the movement of General Jackson in the valley, 454; letter, 456; reconnaissance, 465.
Johnson, John M., chairman of committee of Kentucky Senate on military occupation, 393; letter to General Polk, 393.
Jordan, Colonel Thomas, letter respecting the pursuit of the enemy after battle at Manassas, 354; his order, 355.
Judiciary, The Federal, views of Marshall on the power of, 166.
Justification, A, efforts of President Lincoln to make out his, 322; words of his message, 322; his question, 322; its answer very plain, 322; his supposed answer, 322; nothing more erroneous than such views, 323; the beginning and end of all the powers of government are to be found in the instrument of delegation, 323; for what purpose must he call out the war power? 324; his blockade proclamation, 324; its scheme, 324; how based, 324; its assumption of an insurrection, 325; was it an insurrection? 325.
Kane, Police Marshal, arrested and imprisoned at Baltimore, 334.
Kansas and Nebraska Bill, some facts connected with it, 26; declaration of 1850, 26; its discussion, 27; proceedings relative to, 28; not inspired by President Pierce's Cabinet, 28; true intent and meaning of the act, 28; its terms, 29.
Kansas Territory, its organization, 26.
Kenner, Duncan F., letter on the election of Provisional President, 238.
Kentucky, the principles announced by her, 385; resolutions, 385; her position in the conflict, 386; the question of neutrality, 386; how could it be maintained, 386; correspondence between Governor Magoffin and President Lincoln, 387; correspondence with President Davis, 389, 390; advance of General Polk, 391; the occasion of it, 390; correspondence between General Polk and the authorities of Kentucky, 392; resolutions of the Legislature relative to the occupation of points in the State by troops, 392; treatment of her citizens by United States Government, 398.
King, Rufus, on the danger to the Union, 186.
Lamon, Colonel, application to visit Fort Sumter, 272.
Lane, Joseph, nominated for the Vice-Presidency in 1860, 50; Senator from Oregon, some remarks relative to affairs, 250.
Language of the Northern press, on the right to coerce a State, 253-256; language of Northern speeches, on resistance to an attempt to coerce a State, 254.
Laurel Hill, West Virginia, the conflict at, 338.
Lay, Colonel, reminiscences of the battle of Manassas, 381, 382.
Lee, Robert E., resigns in the United States Army, 308; rank, 308; appointment in the Confederate Army, 309; appointed commander-in-chief of the military forces of Virginia, 328; commands the Army of Virginia, 340; remarks, 340; goes to western Virginia, 434; his movements, 434; the bad season, 434; decides to attack the encampment of the enemy, 434; the instructions, 435; refrains from the attack, 435; cause, 435; moves to the support of Wise and Floyd, 436; the enemy withdraws, 436; Lee returns to Richmond, 436; sent to South Carolina, 437.
Leesburg, movement of the enemy to cross the Potomac near, 437.
Letcher, Governor, reply to Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, 412.
"Let the Union slide," origin of the expression, 56.
Lexington, Missouri, the battle at, 430; surrender of the enemy, 431.
Liberty, misuse of the word by abolitionists, 34.
Lincoln, President, his language relative to coercion, 256; approves the plan of Fox to reenforce Sumter, 272; issues his proclamation introducing the farce of combinations, 297; no power to declare war, 298; section 4, Article IV, of the Constitution, 298; no justification for the invasion of a State, 298; a palpable violation of the Constitution, 298; his effort to justify himself before the world for attacking us, 322; expresses his approbation at the burning of Harper's Ferry, 329; his explanation of his policy, 329; letter relative to the passage of troops through Baltimore, 332; reply to the letter of the Governor of Kentucky, 388; calls on the Governors of States for troops, 412; their answers, 412.
Louisiana Territory, its purchase one of the earliest occasions for the manifestation of sectional jealousy, 12; withdraws from the Union, 220.
Loring, General, commands at Valley Mountain, Virginia, 434.
Lyons, General, begins hostilities in Missouri, 415; announces the intention of the Administration to reduce Missouri to the exact condition of Maryland, 423; killed at Springfield, 429; disposal of his body, 430.
Madison, James, asks on what principle the old Confederation can be superseded, 100; his answer, 100; says the parties to the Constitution are the people as composing thirteen sovereignties, 122; views on the nature of the ratification of the Constitution, 133; his use of the word "compact" as applied to the Constitution, 138; his use of the word "sovereignties" as applied to the States, 144; on the supremacy of the Constitution, 150; his interpretation of the fundamental principles of the Constitution, 164; his argument to show that the great principles of the Constitution are an expansion of the principles in the Articles of Confederation, 171; his view of "one people," 174; on the coercion of a State, 177; on the danger to the perpetuity of the Union, 185.
Magoffin, B., Governor of Kentucky, 287; letter to President Lincoln, 287; letter to President Davis, 389; reply to Mr. Lincoln's call for troops, 412.
Magruder, General, commands the force on the Peninsula, 340.
Mallory, S. B., Secretary of State under Provisional Constitution, 242; Secretary of Confederate Navy, 314; his experience, 314.
Manassas, first battle at, 348; appearance of the field, 348; condition of our forces afterward, 356; evidences of the rout of the enemy, 356; cost of the victory, 356; dispersion of our troops after the battle, 357; reasons why it was an extraordinary victory, 358; nature of the field, 358; the line of the retreating foe followed, 359; articles abandoned, 359; the spoils gathered, 360; strength of the two armies, 371; amount of field transportation, 383; dissatisfaction that followed the victory, 442; unjust criticisms, 442; their effect on the Government, 442.
Manufacturing industry, more extensive than ever, 505.
Marshall, John, on the powers of the States, 165; on the power of the Federal judiciary, 166.
Martin, Luther, his use of the word "compact" as applied to the Constitution, 138.
Maryland, instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 92; her ratification of the Federal Constitution, 108; refused to be bound by the Articles of Confederation, 126; first to be invaded, 330; warning to all the slaveholding States, 330; views of Governor Hicks, 330; a commissioner from Mississippi, 330; declarations of Governor Hicks, 331; Baltimore resists the passage of troops, 332; efforts of the police and Governor, 332; letter of President Lincoln, 332; visit of the Mayor of Baltimore, 332; his report, 332; Legislature appoints commissioners to the Confederate Government, 333; also to Washington, 333; reply of President Davis, 333; Baltimore occupied by United States troops, 333; the city disarmed, 334; authorities arrested and imprisoned, 334; arrest of members of the Legislature, 336; imprisonment, 336; Governor Hicks's final message, 336; her story sad to the last degree, 337; how relieved, 337; the Maryland line of the Revolution, 337; tender ministrations of her daughters to the wounded, 337.
Mason, George, views on the coercion of a State, 177.
Mason and Slidell, Messrs., sent as Commissioners to Europe, 469; seized on their passage by Captain Wilkes, United States Navy, 469; their treatment and restoration, 470.
Massachusetts, threats of a dissolution of the Union in 1844-'45, 76; instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 92; tenacious of her State independence, 107; action on the ratification of the Federal Constitution, 107; her terms of ratification, 139; her use of the word "compact," as applied to the Constitution, 139; use of the word "sovereign," as applied to the State, 143; on the reserved powers of the States, 146; resolutions of her Legislature express perhaps too decided a doctrine of nullification, 190; terms of cession of land for forts and navy-yard to the United States, 209.
McClellan, Major-General George B., commands force in Western Virginia, 338; commands enemy's forces at Rich Mountain and Laurel Hill, 338.
McDowell, General, moves to attack General Beauregard, 344.
Medicines, declared by the enemy contraband of war, 310; substitutes sought from the forest, 310.
Memminger, C. G., Secretary of the Treasury under the Provisional Constitution, 242.
Michigan, action of her Senators relative to the Peace Congress, 248, 249; the "bloodletting" letter, 249.
Miles, W. Porcher, letter on the election of Provisional President, 240.
Military organizations, quasi, in the North in 1860, 55.
Military service, laws relating to, 506; a constitutional question raised, 506; its discussion at length, 506.
Mississippi, agitated by compromise measures of 1850, 18; diversity of views, 18; Governor calls special session of the Legislature after the Presidential election in 1860, 57; its Senators and Representatives in Congress convened for consultation, 57; views of the author, 57, 58; letter of O. R. Singleton on the consultation, 58; withdraws from the Union, 220; State Convention makes provision for a State army, 228; appoints the author major-general, and other officers, 228; State divided into districts, and troops apportioned, 228; destitution of arms showed the absence of expectation of war, 228.
Mississippi River, misrepresentations relative to the free navigation of, 244; act of Congress relative to, 245.
Mississippi Union Bank bonds, the facts in relation to them, 497.
Missouri Compromise, without Constitutional authority, 11.
Missouri, controversy relative to the admission of, to the Union, 12; its origin, 12; history of the excitement occasioned, 12; its result, 12; true issue stated by Samuel A. Foote, 12; the compromise, how constituted, 13; votes on, 13; line obliterated in 1850, 14; its effect, 14, 15; resistance to its admission as a State, owing merely to political motives, 33; the issue of subjugation presented to her, 403; her condition similar to that of Kentucky, 414; hostilities instituted by Captain Lyon, 414; Camp Jackson surrounded, 414; its surrender, 415; imprisonment of General Frost, 415; efforts to restore order, 416; agreement between Generals Price and Harney, 416; signification of the agreement between Generals Harney and Price, 417; favorable prospect of peace in the State, 418; misrepresentations by a cabal, 418; an incident, 418; General Harney removed, 419; arms removed from the United States Arsenal to St. Louis, 419; houses of citizens searched for arms, 419; the excitement in the State, 420; General Jackson an object of special persecution, 420; activity of Lieutenant-Governor Reynolds, 420; position of the State in 1860, 420; interference of unauthorized parties, 420; the volunteers attacked at Booneville by General Lyon and United States troops, 424; a party of the enemy routed, 424; General Price moves to southwestern part of the State, 424; the patriot army of Missouri, 425; rout of the enemy at Carthage, 425; anxiety about affairs in Missouri, 426; General Price's efforts, 427, 428; complaints and embarrassments in, 427; correspondence with John B. Clark, 427; destitution of arms, 428; Missourians at Vicksburg, 428; aid from Confederate States, 429; battle at Springfield, 429; action of General Fremont, 430; conflict at Lexington, 430; asserts her right to exercise supreme control over her domestic affairs, 421; proceedings in, 421; attack of Kansas troops, 431; put to flight, 431; increase of the force of the enemy, 432; General Price retires, 432; evidence that the ordinance of secession was the expression of the popular will of Missouri, 432.
Misrepresentations, inspired by a cabal in St. Louis, 418.
Monroe, Judge, citizen of Kentucky, his treatment by the Government of the United States, 398.
Moore, Surgeon L. P., appointed Surgeon-general, 310.
Morris, Gouverneur, his use of the word "compact," 137; his remarkable propositions in the Convention, and their fate, 159, 160.
Motley, John L., his assertions relative to the Constitution, 129; his declaration relative to the words "sovereign" and "sovereignty," 143; views on the second clause of the sixth article, 150.
Munitions of war, preparations to provide them, 316; prompt measures to supply niter, saltpeter, charcoal, 316.
Myers, Lieutenant-Colonel A. C., appointed quartermaster-general, 310.
"National," how the word was treated in the Convention that framed the Constitution, 97.
Nationalism, its fate in the Constitutional Convention, 161.
Naval officers, Southern, view of their position, 313; returned all vessels to the North, 314.
Naval vessels, instructions to Captain Semmes to seek for, 313; views relative to Southern naval officers, 313; officer sent to England, 314.
Nelson, Judge, cooeperates between the Commissioners and the Federal authorities, 267; his own views, 267.
Neutrality, the position assumed by Kentucky, 386.
Neutrality of Kentucky not respected by United States Government, 397; historical statement, 398.
New Hampshire, instructions to her deputies to the Constitutional Convention, 92; her ratification of the Federal Constitution, 108; use of the word "compact" as applied to the Constitution, 134; use of the word "sovereign" as applied to the State, 143; on the reserved powers of the States, 147.
New Jersey, instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 90; her ratification of the Federal Constitution, 106.
New States, practice of the Government relative to the admission of, 38; the usual process of transition, 39; question of sovereignty, 39; Territorial Legislatures the agents of Congress, 40.
New York, instructions to her delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 92; how the ratification was secured, 109; a declaration of principles, 110; her declaration on the reserved powers of the States, 147; conditions upon which the land for Brooklyn Navy Yard was ceded to the United States, 209; nine States to ratify, reason for the adoption of this number, 98; why referred to State Conventions, 99; a dissolution of the Union, 100; the right of, to form a government for themselves under the seventh article of the Constitution, 101; a refutation of the assertion that the Constitution was formed by the people in the aggregate, 101.
Niter and Mining Bureau, organized, 477; its operation, 477.
North, The, the cause of undue caution, 314.
North Carolina, instructions to her commissioners to the Constitutional Convention, 90; her declaration on the reserved powers of the States, 147.
Northern States, at the last moment, refuse to make any concessions, or offer any guarantees to check the current toward secession of the complaining States, 438; responsible for whatever of bloodshed, of devastation, or shock to republican government has resulted from the war, 439.
Northrop, Colonel L. B., placed at the head of the subsistence department, 303; his experience and capacity, 303; rank, 310; his efforts to provide for present and future supplies, 315; lack of transportation, 315.
Nullification and secession, distinction between, 184.
Oath required by the Constitution, some took it and made use of the powers and opportunities of the offices held under its sanctions to nullify its obligations, 81.
Object of the war, our subjugation by the North, 321.
Obstacles to the formation of a more perfect Union, 31.
"On to Richmond," changed at Manassas to "off to Washington," 351.
Order of pursuit, after the victory at Manassas, details of, 353, 354; not sent, 355; another order sent, 355.
Ordinance of Virginia in 1787, its articles, 7; urged as a precedent in support of the claim of a power in Congress to determine the question of the admission of slaves into the Territories, 10; its validity examined, 10, 11.
Orr, James L., Commissioner from South Carolina to Washington, 213. Pandora's box, the opening of, 15.
Paradoxical theories, relative to sovereignty in the United States, 142; no government is sovereign, 142.
Patriot army of Missouri, description of, 425.
Patterson, William, arguments for the Jersey plan in the Constitutional Convention, 206.
Patterson, Major-General, commands force at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, 337; its object, 338.
Pause, A, to consider the attitude of the parties to the contest, and the grounds on which they stand, 289.
Peace Congress, it assembles, 248; States represented, 248; its officers and proceedings, 249; the plan proposed, 250; how treated by the majority, 250; the failure of, 296.
Pegram, Colonel, second in command at Rich Mountain, 338.
Pendleton, Captain W. N., commands an effective battery at Manassas, 358.
Peninsula of Virginia, features for defense, 300.
Pennsylvania, instructions to her deputies to the Constitutional Convention, 90; words with which she ratified the Federal Constitution, 105.
People in the aggregate, The, no instance of the action of the people as one body, 119; use of the word by Virginia, 125; its early use, 125; do. in the Declaration of Independence, 126; views of Story, 126; speak as the people of the States, 152.
People of the State, the only sovereign political community before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, 154.
People of the United States, understood to mean the people of the respective States, 174; views of Virginia, of Massachusetts, and others, 174.
People of the South, their hope and wish that the disagreeable necessity of separation would be peaceably met, 438; every step of the Confederate Government directed to that end, 439.
Perpetuity of the Union, danger to, foreshadowed, 185.
Pickens, Governor, his dispatch relative to Colonel Lamon, 272.
Pickens, Fort, its condition at the outbreak of the war, 203.
Pickering, Timothy, letter in 1803-'4 on a separation of the Union, 71; his prediction, 79.
Pierce, Franklin, President, his character, 25.
Plans of the enemy, their development, 468.
Pledge given by Federal authorities to Confederate Commissioners and Government for the evacuation of Sumter and unchanged condition of Pickens, 269.
Plighted faith, the last vestige of, disappeared, 274.
Point of honor, the, raised by Secretary Seward, 273.
Political parties, the changes occurring in, 35; their names and signification, 35.
Polk, Major-General Leonidas, enters Kentucky and occupies Hickman and Columbus, 391; his dispatch to the President and the answer, 392; answer to Kentucky Committee, 394; letter to the Governor of Kentucky, 396; his proposition, 397; repulses the assailants at Belmont, 404; his report of the conflict, 405.
Popular sovereignty party of 1860, its principles, 51.
Powder, our supply in 1861, 472; first efforts to obtain, 473; mills in existence, 472; progress of development, 474; amount of powder annually required, 474; how supplied, 474, 475; Government mills, 475.
Powell, Senator, offers a resolution in the United States Senate relative to the state of affairs in 1860, 61; action on the resolution, 68.
Power, Political, the balance of, the basis of sectional controversy, 11; its earlier manifestations, 11.
Power of amendment, special examination of, 195; what is the Constitution? 195; the States have only intrusted to a common agent certain functions, 196; a power to amend the delegated grants, 196; the first ten amendments, 196; distinction between amendment and delegation of power, 196; smaller power required for amendment than for a grant, 196; apprehensions of the power of amendment, 197; restrictions placed on the exercise of the delegated powers, 197; effect on New England, 198.
Power of the Confederate Government over its own armies and the militia, 506; object of confederations, 506; the war powers granted, 507; two modes of raising armies in the Confederate States, 507; is the law necessary and proper? 508; Congress is the judge, under the grant of specific power, 508; what is meant by militia, 509; whole military strength divided into two classes, 510; powers of Congress, 510; objections answered, 511; the limitations enlarged, 512; result of the operations of these laws, 515; act for the employment of slaves, 515; message to Congress, 515; died of a theory, 518; act passed, 518; not time to put it in operation, 519.
Power to prohibit slavery in a Territory, argument for its possession by the United States Congress, 26.
Preamble to the Constitution, its words, 121; the stronghold of the advocates of consolidation, 121; we, the People, interpreted as a nation, 121; words of John Adams, 121; do. of Patrick Henry, 121; other words of Henry, 122; answer of Madison to Henry, 122; the people were those of the respective States, 123; proceeding in the Convention, 123; the original words reported, 124; vote on them unanimous, 124; reason of modification, 124; the word people—its signification, 125; examples from Scripture, 125; instances in the Declaration of Independence, 126; revolt of Maryland, 126; do. of North Carolina and Rhode Island, 126.