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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55
Author: Various
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The decision in the archbishop's cause from the courts of Roma and Madrid could not arrive here as soon as it was desired; for those of the party opposed to his illustrious Lordship had managed so well that they seized all the mails in which anything was going that was favorable to the archbishop, and they only sent to those courts whatever would contribute to his injury. Accordingly, the good name of that holy prelate suffered greatly, and he was regarded as restless, seditious, and disobedient to the royal ministers. But as there was no allegation made on the side of his illustrious Lordship, and as the sentence that would be just could not be pronounced without hearing both sides, the Council were unwilling to settle so important a matter until all the documents that were in favor of the archbishop should arrive there. And in view of the allegations made on each side, although (it is said) the royal Council had uttered the sentence against his illustrious Lordship, the king our sovereign obliged them to revoke it, because at Roma the sentence was of contrary tenor, and his Holiness earnestly charged him to protect the cause of the Church, and to reflect very carefully on all the events which had occurred in this case. In consequence of these admonitions from his Holiness, it is said, our most Catholic king Carlos II summoned the president of the Council of the Indias, and gave him a severe and sharp rebuke for having declared sentence against the archbishop—saying, among other things: "How you have deceived me!" at which the said president was so grieved that (according to report) he died on the third day after. Thereupon these matters were again considered in the Council, with more deliberation; and revoking the previous sentence, declared that all the irregular measures enacted by this royal Audiencia were arbitrary and illegal; they also removed from office all the auditors, for having been concerned in this proceeding [i.e., against the archbishop]. In the same manner, the supreme pontiff declared that all those who had taken any part in the arrest and banishment of his illustrious Lordship, and of the other ecclesiastics were publicly excommunicated; and he made the archbishop his deputy judge, in order to absolve them and reconcile them to the Church, after they should render such satisfaction as, in the judgment of his illustrious Lordship, was necessary. And to our archbishop he despatched an apostolic letter, praising his fortitude in defending the ecclesiastical immunity, exhorting him to continue with the same courage in any future difficulties that he might encounter; and to follow his own good example, acting with the same constancy that he had previously displayed. [Here follows the Latin text of the brief; before it arrives, Pardo has a fresh opportunity to follow its injunctions.] Notwithstanding that all the affairs of this commonwealth were for the time in peace, a new difficulty and occasion arose for the archbishop to display his constancy in defense of the ecclesiastical immunity; and, without fearing the threats of a new banishment, he showed himself steadfast and brave in defending the privileges of his jurisdiction—so much so, that the royal Audiencia again passed sentence, of banishment anew, against his illustrious Lordship. They would have carried this into execution, if it had not been for the intercession of both cabildos (the ecclesiastical and the secular) and the holy religious orders who all fell at the governor's feet, entreating him not to take such a step, which would cause so great injury to this commonwealth; with this the rigorous intention of his Lordship was moderated, and this new blow was not inflicted.

Not for this did the valor of his illustrious Lordship grow weak: rather, in new emergencies (and many of these arose) he bore himself with invincible courage; nor could his constancy be overcome, either by regard for meritorious persons, or by dangers, perils, or threats. For he had a heart and courage of steel (as may be gathered from his letters written to the governor regarding various affairs) for defending the rights of the Church—in these letters showing fortitude like that of a St. Ambrose, of a St. John Chrysostom, and of other like holy prelates. The holy archbishop was gentle as a lamb; and all those who knew him affirm that he was merciful and affable; but in matters touching the honor of God and the immunities and rights of His Church he was transformed into a spirited lion, nor did he ever swerve from his course or accept any [personal] advantage. And it seems that God approved his apostolic zeal and the justness of his cause, by coming to its defense with the exemplary punishments which He inflicted on the enemies of the holy archbishop; so that, before the final settlement of these disputes arrived from Roma and Madrid, He made evident to the world his innocence, and the injustice of those who persecuted him—taking just vengeance upon them by their miserable and violent deaths, and other like calamities. These are not repeated here, since they are already related at length in the eighteenth [158] chapter of the preceding book; and God, almost by a miracle, preserved the life of the holy archbishop so that he might before his death see his cause concluded in his favor. Thus, if before all the world—or, to speak more correctly, all hell—had conspired against him, at the last he was able to see in his own day the union, in his favor and defense, of the apostolic see on one hand, and the king our sovereign with his royal Council on the other; and, besides, the Supreme Judge of mortal men taking just vengeance on his enemies, by which the ministers of the secular government were warned not to insult again the dignity of the holy archbishop. And, although various collisions were not lacking, they did not reach violence and hostilities; for every one feared him, and regarded him as a holy man whom God assisted and favored.

No other judgment is merited by the exemplary virtues of his illustrious Lordship; for even those most blind and obstinate in their prejudices were obliged to confess that the archbishop was a saintly man—as was said by the auditor who went to arrest him, as has been previously stated. The holy archbishop was much given to prayer and meditation, and inclined to silence; he was modest and sedate in his actions; and he was very watchful in whatever he did that all should be ordered by the divine law—continually keeping in mind the account that he must render to God of his ministry, a consideration which frequently shines out through his letters and other documents pertaining to the affairs of his high office. And this was the most potent stimulus which constrained him to act with so much firmness in the affairs pertaining to his ministry, as is noticeable in the letters which he wrote thereon to the governor, and are found in the authentic relation of his acts. In eating he was always very sparing, not only that he might observe religious abstinence, but because the delicate condition of his stomach could not endure the least excess. The holy archbishop lived in extreme poverty, behaving like the poorest religious in regard to his table, clothing, bed, and everything else. The province supplied his clothing, of rough, coarse frieze; and when a garment was torn he himself mended it with his own hands, as the members of his household have often seen. He employed the income of his see in doing good to the poor, in aiding the missions of his diocese, and in the adornment and repair of the churches. In the university of Santo Thomas he endowed a chair of canonical law, on account of the need in his church for training in this knowledge—to the end that the ecclesiastics of this archbishop might in future be better instructed in a subject so important for the management of the business in the ecclesiastical court; but this foundation was not enough to be effective, on account of unexpected accidents in the country. [159]

At last God chose to reward his labors, and his zeal in defense of the Church; and thus, the previous storms calmed, God took him, triumphant over impiety and injustice, from this life to that which is eternal, with a holy and enviable death. This occurred on the last day of December in the year 1689, when he was seventy-eight years of age, most of these employed in the service of God our Lord. [160] He was given honorable burial at the steps of the clergy-house of our church of Santo Domingo at Manila: and at his funeral were present the royal Audiencia and the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, all the religious orders, and the rest of this community, all bitterly sorrowing for the loss of such a pastor and prelate. Although his government at first ran counter to many who were discontented, as he seemed to them excessive in his rectitude, yet finally—his cause justified, and the truth declared by so many tribunals; and his blameless and holy life being seen [by all]—they hailed him unanimously as a holy prelate, and an example worthy of imitation. And even those who formerly regarded his rule as grievous now felt the lack of such a father, and were grieved that they had not treated him with more respect, their prejudice not having allowed them to know his virtue and holiness. The cabildo was left with the government of the cabildo, and transferred it to the bishop of Troya, Don Fray Gines Barrientos, a member of our own order—not only to show their affection for the deceased archbishop, but to make some amends for the resistance which in past times they had made to his rule, when, at the time of the banishment and exile of the archbishop, he had left the bishop with appointment as his governor. Thus the cabildo made acknowledgment of their past errors, for now were lacking in their number the two prebends who had been the principal authors of that resistance, and of all the incivilities shown to his illustrious Lordship; and these two seditious persons being removed, the rest professed filial reverence to the mitre and to his episcopal dignity.



OFFICIAL VISITATION BY VALDIVIA

An account of the occurrences in Manila on the occasion of the arrival of the [royal] visitor, Don Francisco Campos de Valdivia.

The said gentleman arrived in this city, [161] and on the same day he arrested the fiscal, Don Esteban de la Puente y Alanis, seizing his goods. He did the same with the notaries who had aided [the proceedings] against the church, and with the military leaders—beginning with Don Juan de Vargas, whom he left with guards in his own house. He made inquiries into many facts which had gone forth on the part of the archbishop, and many lies on the part of the Audiencia; many false statements in the acts, and many other things by which people in Manila have been undeceived regarding the just acts of the archbishop—who is lauded by that visitor as upright, just, and holy; and who told all who entered his house what was going on. He sent for the auditor Bolivar, the only one of the four who was yet alive, who had been for another reason banished to Cagayan; he was very repentant, according to report, and was absolved with his solemn declarations—which were published, by command of the archbishop, in all the pulpits of Manila—expressing detestation of all his actions against the church, in detail, up to his neglect to give aid for seizing the two hundred or more bales belonging to the Society. He came with the intention of dying, if it were necessary, in professing what he had detested; but in Ylocos he died suddenly and without the sacraments, while still near Pangasinan. Of his property and of that of Viga, little or nothing has appeared.

The archbishop, seeing that all that he had done had pleased the Council at Madrid and that at Roma, proceeded to lay aside his scruples, by imposing and declaring an interdict against the church of the Society, because the body of Auditor Grimaldos [162] reposed therein; and it was kept closed from the eve of St. Ignatius's day for the space of two months, until the conclusion of the lawsuit which the widow of the said Grimaldos undertook to defend. They went to bring out the bones for sentence, and these were so intermingled with others—they say, it was done purposely or by artifice—that, in order not to deprive of asylum those of the just, the bones of Grimaldos were left in the church. It was blessed by the provisor with much solemnity, and the doors were opened with a peal of bells and the universal joy. Seeing this obstacle removed, on account of which that order were not entering that church, the Catholic visitor spoke in reconciliation of the two orders. At the first movement for peace, our order [i.e., the Dominican] declared that we desired it; and an agreement was reached, all the Society repairing to our convent on the octave of the naval feast. Our provincial preached, the archbishop and the Audiencia being present, and, I think, all Manila; for never was seen such a crowd of people. In a few days, I think in that same week, the feast of St. Ignatius was celebrated at the house of the Society; it had not been done [at the proper time], since on the eve of that day the church of the Society was placed under interdict. They had the same large attendance; Father Cani [163] preached, delivering a very spiritual and appropriate sermon.

The archbishop, seeing that God was on his side, concluded to give a public atonement to the church. In the courtyard of our church was erected a stage, on which sat his illustrious Lordship and his cabildo; one day at twelve o'clock he laid an interdict throughout the city, and on the following day were present all the culprits who had concurred in violating the sacred persons and places—in a body, without swords. They were absolved, with scourges [varillas] and miserere, and afterward his illustrious Lordship restored them to the church. Then the next day a procession was formed, accompanied by our Lady of the Rosary. For the morrow there was a sermon, at which the governor and the city were present; and in the afternoon, for the procession, all the Audiencia, and the archbishop, etc.

The visitor sent Don Juan de Vargas to Pangasinan, as excommunicated, since he had refused to submit to the sentence of his illustrious Lordship; he is still there, and will remain there. He is not going to Espana, as he has not paid the amount to which he was sentenced, which the visitor imposed upon him on account of the residencia, in either silver or jewels; nor has he provided securities for it. As for what concerns the residencia, the sum will be about one hundred thousand pesos; in this decision the judge has, in the opinion of all, proceeded most mercifully. The king's fiscal has been banished to the island of Mariveles until the ship sails. The dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cobarrubias, was involved in the libels that were current last year, and in other matters against the archbishop, in contravention of what he had decreed—as he said under oath when they absolved him; accordingly he was arrested, and came out of prison deprived of all ecclesiastical benefice. Our Fray Raimundo Bertist [i.e., Berart] also is going to Espana. The schoolmaster, Don Francisco Briceno, was also deprived of all benefice on account of his talk, and sentenced to perpetual seclusion in a convent, from which he will not emerge unless he takes the vows; they say that he is going into [the convent of] San Agustin. Very recently occurred the fall of another member of the usurping cabildo, who in my opinion was the worst of them; but he has escaped, through his crafty devices. This is Don Jose de Nava y Albiz, a racionero. They discovered that some sessions of the cabildo had been held without informing the new dean and canons, in opposition to his illustrious Lordship; also they found a libel against the archbishop and our religious order. The treasurer Valencia is also entangled in this matter. I do not know how the affair will end; they will find themselves in bad health if God preserves the archbishop.

Of the four dignitaries who came with the visitor, the two auditors and the fiscal ranged themselves on the side of the governor, Don Juan de Vargas; and when excommunication was laid on those who should have intercourse with him, these persons went in and out, entirely disregarding this, and causing great scandal. On this account the visitor challenged them in a suit which the party of Vargas carried to the Audiencia; and for the same reason the archbishop kept challenging them in regard to ecclesiastical affairs. The fiscal married the widow of the auditor Grimaldos. The other of those auditors—who is the senior, and who is now governing—has much fear of God; and he is all the more discreet and experienced for having been judge in Burgos.

Among other calamities which this community has suffered, not the least is the death of the governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzalegui, who died April 27; for the political government depends on so many heads that, as there is little concord among them and they are young men, much trouble is feared.

In this year, toward the end of January, God sent us an epidemic of influenza, very malignant, from which many children and old persons died throughout the islands. The prominent persons who have died in this city are: Don Francisco Beza, archdeacon of the cathedral; Gallardo, who died suddenly in prison; Master Don Pablo de Aduna, Don Francisco de Ocampo, and others. The governor died poor, and with many debts—a proof of his upright conduct. All feel that these islands have not had [in that post] a man who was more disinterested, or who took better care of the royal exchequer and the credit of the church. God repaid him for this, since our king sent him several letters of thanks for what he had accomplished—especially for having brought back the archbishop to his see, and secured the removal of that monster, the usurping government of the cabildo. The supreme pontiff wrote letters to the archbishop, thanking him for what he had done and suffered, and encouraging him for what was before him—saying that he himself is imitating him, and using very affectionate terms.



Relation of events in Filipinas arising from the coming of a visitor

While all these islands were in the disconsolate and afflicted condition of which an account was given last year, at the beginning of July arrived the patache that was despatched from Nueva Espana to bring the usual aid. It had a quick voyage, and in this vessel came an entire Audiencia, and a visitor. [164] The latter, disembarking at Bagatao, set out for this city with the utmost speed, in a fragata belonging to the alcalde-mayor of Leyte; and left orders in the patache that no one should go ashore or write letters. He arrived at Manila very quickly, and, landing at Cavite—where he was received with a salvo of artillery—he went to the fort only. Having spent three-quarters of an hour with Don Fernando, without going anywhere else, he continued his journey to this city, where he arrived at two o'clock, and was received with a salvo. He entered the coach of the governor, and going from the fort of Santiago (by the postern gate of which he made his entry), he reached the palace. On the plaza a body of troops had been formed in order, who received him with a general salute of arquebus-shots. He spent about an hour with the governor, at the time making known to him only the commissions which he bore; meanwhile, the faces of various persons expressed their wonder, for it began to be rumored that whatever the archbishop and governor had done received the visitor's entire approval. This statement was very soon confirmed; for the said visitor, leaving the palace, asked for some soldiers, and, riding in the coach, went first to the house of the former governor, Don Juan de Vargas, but did not find him at home because he was outside the city, in his country house, by order of the governor. Leaving some guards there, and sending orders to Don Juan to come within the city, the visitor went to the house of Don Pedro de Bolivar; and when he asked for him and for his goods, he was told that Don Pedro was banished, and confined in the fort at Cagayan, and his goods had been confiscated and sold at public auction, by order of the governor. The visitor proceeded thence to the house of Don Diego de Calderon, and asking for him and for his goods, he was answered that Don Diego was dead, and they did not know of any goods. He left that place and went to the house of Don Diego de Viga, where he made the same inquiry and answer was made that he had died in exile and prison in Cagayan, and his goods also had been sold and confiscated by the governor. He finally proceeded to the house of the king's fiscal, Don Esteban de la Fuente Alanis, whom he found at home in great fear and perturbation. Immediately the visitor told him that he might regard the house as his prison, and withdrawing him to an apartment, he seized all Don Esteban's goods; by this time the afternoon was ended. On the following day, Don Juan de Vargas, having returned to the city, was promptly visited; and after a polite visit, he was told that he must remain a prisoner in his own house, without leaving it, under a penalty of one thousand ducados. On this day, it was published that all acts by the royal Council in favor of the archbishop, the governor, and the Dominicans were approved; that the auditors were suspended; that the ex-governor was fined two thousand pesos; that all were summoned to Nueva Espana—where they must await their sentence, in the place that had been selected, twenty leguas distant from Mejico; and, until a ship was ready, they were all banished from Manila to the same places where the archbishop and the other Dominican religious had been confined. They all were stupefied with fear, at hearing a decision so unexpected; and those of the [archbishop's] following and partners were full of satisfaction and triumph. Fear increased, and no one felt any security in so fierce a storm, thinking that the said visitor was in the place of the governor and the Dominicans. With this it was expected that affairs would be in worse confusion than before, and that the truth of events would be disguised and covered as those personages might choose, with the fraudulent statements made in the earlier accounts.

The said visitor began his investigation, and for it demanded that the court notaries should immediately surrender to him the original documents of all the past disputes between the Audiencia and archbishop, appeals [on the ground] of fuerza, and other causes; of these he furnished a list. Then, in a few days, taking the declaration of the said fiscal of the king, the visitor brought charges against him, and commanded that he should go into banishment on the island of Mariveles, and from that place should answer the charges. In the intervening time while his cause was being prepared, a chaplain said mass in his house; and the archbishop despatched a letter threatening to place him on the public list of the excommunicated, unless he first drew up and signed the same expressions of detestation that Don Pedro de Bolivar had made, commanding that no priest should be allowed to say mass for him; and thus was repaid his good services to his illustrious Lordship during the entire term of the governor Don Gabriel. At the beginning, Don Esteban resisted; but seeing that he had no human recourse, and that, when he demanded counsel from the visitor, that person gave him to understand that he must do it, he had to yield under compulsion, and do what was commanded him. Another strong reason why he consented to do it was, that he might not go to his destination as an excommunicate; he went thither absolved, leaving the said act of detestation dated and signed, to the pleasure and satisfaction of the archbishop.

So frequent were now the visits of the reverend Verart, and so close was his intimacy with the visitor, that he did not leave the latter's house by day or even by night—so that it was soon rumored that the said Father Verart was the one who acted and took the management in the inquiries, investigations, and charges which were made in regard to those who were included therein by the worthy visitor. This has been made more certain by time, not only by information and occurrences which have come to our knowledge, but by seeing how ignorant and unlearned the said visitor was; and if Verart did not draw up the allegations and other documents, many will doubt that the visitor could succeed in doing anything to advantage. We shall see how the whole affair will turn out, and how thoroughly investigated the truth as to affairs in these islands will go to the Council. The governor, the archbishop, the visitor, and the Dominicans [will figure] tied together by pairs, and Fray Raimundo Verart as the leader [corifeo] of the dance.

When the patache reached the port, and the auditors this city, various mails from his Majesty were opened, and it was found that the remedy was worse than the disease itself; since the Dominicans and the archbishop, like headlong furies, began a fierce tempest of vengeance against all those who were not of their faction and at their disposal, without heeding or fearing any one who might restrain them in whatever they might attempt. Accordingly, they made the first attack, or rather continued the old persecution, against the fathers of the Society (using a pretext, in order to close our church for a long time), the archbishop declaring that it had been profaned, meaning that in it was interred [the body of] Don Cristobal Grimaldos—who, he said, had died an excommunicate by having incurred that penalty in the archbishop's banishment—although it was five years since he had died, and only now for the first time did his illustrious Lordship begin to have scruples, which he could not lay aside. In order to conceal better his revengeful spirit against the Society, he waited until the day of most publicity and greatest attendance [at our church], which was the day of our great patriarch St. Ignatius; choosing this day, he waited until the hour of nine, when the church was full of people, including all the religious communities of this city, and only the arrival of the royal Audiencia was awaited to begin high mass for the saint. For that time and hour, then, his illustrious Lordship reserved his scruples; and, sending two notaries, they published and posted on the church door his edict, declaring the church of the Society of Jesus to be polluted—declaring under penalty of major excommunication, latae sententiae, that no faithful Christian should attend divine worship in the said church. All the people, therefore, were obliged to go out, and the doors were locked for two months and two days, from July 31 to October 2; and, although Dona Manuela Barrientos, formerly the wife of the said Senor Grimaldos, came out in our defense—proving not only by the confessors who assisted him, but by the testimony of other witnesses, that he had died with all the sacraments and with great contrition—nothing of this was sufficient to prevent the archbishop from pronouncing notices that he had died impenitent and excommunicate. He therefore commanded that the bones should be exhumed, for which purpose the provisor, Juan Gonzalez, went one afternoon, October 2, with other officials and some negroes with spades, and opened the tomb; but, finding many bones, and among them three skulls, they had to leave these in their place, as they could not distinguish which were those of the auditor Grimaldos. On the following day the said provisor came to bless our church, and the gates were again opened, to the great joy and consolation of the people.

At this time, when the archbishop was engaged in disinterring the bones of the said auditor Grimaldos, the visitor—who had been declared investigating judge for special suits and commissions only—was going about in another direction, making his secret inquiries about past affairs. In everything he proceeded greatly in favor of the archbishop, governor, and Dominicans, but with general complaints from all the witnesses, who said that the examiner had come not to ascertain the truth, but to confirm the fraudulent and malicious reports of the archbishop and the friars—for, as soon as they said anything against the latter, they were immediately checked, and what was set down in the document was moderated; but if it was anything in favor of them, the examiner heard it at much length, and employed his rhetoric to dilate upon it very extensively. He very soon gave orders that Captain Lerma (who took the place of Armenta, the secretary of the Audiencia, who was banished to Pangasinan) and Sargento-mayor Juan Sanchez (who was secretary of that court in the time of the controversies between the Audiencia and the archbishop) should enter the fort as prisoners. Every day his friendship and intercourse with the governor grew more and more intimate, so much so that not a night passed when he did not inform the governor of all that he had accomplished that day, praising himself for having gained control of everything [de hechar todo a su barda]. This was seen by what occurred in the country; and he took away life from whomever he chose, as easily as if he had been a governor. It being necessary for his investigation that Auditor Bolivar should come to this city, the examiner demanded that he be brought from Cagayan, where he was at the time; and the latter while coming, in good health, upon entering the province of Pangasinan from that of Ylocos fell dead, from [drinking] one cup of chocolate, without obtaining the sacraments. This rumor of poisoning was so widely spread in all this region that the governor, notwithstanding all his efforts, could not stop the mouths of all; accordingly the worthy examiner was full of fear and dread lest they should do as much more to him, and did all that the governor, archbishop, and Dominicans desired—if before with some concealment, from that day with entire publicity—calling the archbishop a saintly old man.

The residencia of the ex-governor was published, and in the course of it and of other investigations (all which were proceeding at the same time) the goods of most of the prominent citizens of Manila were seized and detained—some having incurred blame in certain charges of the residencia, and others because they had been commanded by the [former] royal Audiencia and its governor and captain-general, under grave penalties in the decrees, to find and seize the Dominican religious. Consequently the people were in great perplexity, not knowing what was to be done; for it went ill with them if they obeyed the king, and still worse if they did not obey. They showed the [former] orders and decrees, but nothing availed them; consequently all went out after several days of imprisonment (in which time died Sargento-mayor Don Juan Gallardo), mulcted in amounts of three hundred, four hundred, and even five hundred pesos [each].

At the beginning of the month of October, the examiner took greatly to heart the establishment of peace between the Dominican fathers and those of the Society, in which negotiation the governor and the archbishop were active, since now the latter found no longer the means for annoying us. The affair was very diligently conducted, but always with the claim of advantages for the other side. The worthy man was quite deceived, having been told that the Dominican fathers had only broken off their former intercourse with our church inasmuch as it had been polluted from the time when Auditor Grimaldos was interred in it; but this was a great lie, and quite notorious, since, a year before the said auditor died, since the controversy over the arms, [165] they had ceased intercourse [with us]. Notwithstanding all this, they always directed their efforts to the end that the Society should yield; and, the octave of the naval feast falling on the very day of St. Francis de Borgia, we had to delay until the octave the feast and sermon for the saint, and went in a body to the church. Great rejoicing was displayed in the city; much artillery was fired; the [Dominican] provincial Marron preached; the archbishop, governor, and Audiencia were present. All this was repeated on the day of the octave of St. Francis Borgia, when Father Cani preached; and from that day the Dominican fathers and their archbishop have displayed, at least externally, their former friendliness.

A little while afterward, on the day of St. Peter [of] Alcantara, [166] occurred the most fearful earthquake that ever, according to report, was known in these islands, the shocks being repeated at various times. The father rector went to the archbishop to ask his permission to offer the act of contrition, but he refused to allow it—saying that he had thought of something else that was better, which was, to carry the Virgin of the Rosary through the streets, all reciting the rosary aloud. Moreover, in order to make peace with God and placate His just anger, he commanded one day that a general interdict be rung, publishing as excommunicated all those who had in any manner been concerned in the banishment of his illustrious Lordship and the other Dominican religious, and all the officers who had taken part in the blockade of the convent of Santo Domingo. Afterward, having erected a scaffold or stage in the courtyard of his convent, he published the absolution—for which they went past him one by one to be absolved, without sword or hat. In this were ranked all the military and officials of Manila—all solemnly swearing never again to take action or render obedience for such occasions, even though the king should command them to. All those who were absent were likewise absolved, Don Juan de Vargas being excepted, nominatim. This function was ended by the promise that with this God would be placated, and the earth rendered quiet—although His Divine Majesty, for [the ends of] His lofty judgments, continued the incessant tremblings of the earth.

It seems that with this the tragedies were ended, all [the culprits] absolved, and the earth blessed; but his illustrious Lordship and the friars, recalling to mind the former preposterous attempt to change all the [members of the] cabildo and arrange it according to their own humor and taste, and seeing themselves masters of the field, without any one remaining who could resist them, undertook to put that scheme into execution, bringing against all the prebends such suits as they pleased. Commencing with the dean, after a long imprisonment they passed sentence on him that he should be deprived of his dignity and should go to Espana; and, being meanwhile suspended from office, he should remain in Manila. Then they put in his place, and made dean, the provisor Juan Gonzalez—a person of the qualifications that we all know. Soon they attacked in the rear the good old archdeacon, Doctor Francisco Deza, and brought against him a very infamous complaint, entirely unworthy of his exemplary life and gray hairs, in order to deprive him of his prebend. God chose, rather, to take him to himself; but on the day when he died they seized all his goods, and placed in the prebend the cura of Quiapo, Caraballo—a Visayan by birth, and a notorious [167] mestizo. By way of courtesy, they passed then to the schoolmaster, Don Francisco Gutierrez; and, not finding any worse fault than the report that he had spoken ill of his prelate, it was enough for their purpose. After a long imprisonment, his sentence was pronounced—the loss of his prebend, and perpetual seclusion in a religious order, which he might choose; accordingly, he entered the convent of San Agustin. Thus they had a position into which to thrust a student from Santo Tomas, named Altamirano—of whom, when I say that he is a nephew of Cervantes, there is nothing more to be added. Another prebend, a racionero, named Don Jose de Nava, they got into their clutches a little while ago—because it is known that he wrote to his Majesty the excellent qualifications of those whom his illustrious Lordship was placing in the cabildo, which are admirable and undoubted—and seized all his goods. They are keeping him in fetters, in a place where he does not even know whether it is day or night, without [allowing him to] communicate with a soul. That they might more effectually form the entire cabildo from their own faction, and to suit themselves, his illustrious Lordship posted edicts regarding the two canonries, the doctoral and the magistral, saying that his Majesty commands that these prebends shall be given by competition in this cathedral, as in the others. Those who competed for them were the Japanese Naito, the little Visayan Caraballo, the mulatto Rocha, and Altamirano; and although Doctor Don Jose de Atienza entered the competition, and gave his competitive discourse in public, and preached on short notice to the admiration of his hearers, no one in the city doubts that he will not succeed in obtaining anything, as he is not of their faction and was graduated by the Society. He felt so certain of this that he said so in his sermon. For they will strive to form the entire cabildo of their own men and from their following, so that, even if the archbishop dies, the Dominican fathers will not cease to rule, which is the object at which they aim. Thus far the canonries have not been conferred; it seems that they are waiting until the ship shall sail, so that they may send word [to Espana that the matter remains] in doubt; but no one has any doubt that two will surely enter upon these prebends, and that Atienza has no chance at all. That clique are proceeding, in regard to everything, in a reckless and very insolent manner, and without any caution, for there is no one who can resist them; and therefore they have rendered themselves formidable in this country, and the arbitrators of all matters. It is hoped that the storm will not be so severe now, with the entrance of the royal Audiencia upon the government—on account of the very unexpected and sudden death of the governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzelaegui, the abettor of all these doings. This occurred in the month of April last, and was caused by a retention of urine, which ended his life in three days. At that time, governor, archbishop, investigating judge, and Dominicans were preparing a farrago of documents to mislead the Council and to further their own reckless proceedings; they even notified the ex-governor, Don Juan de Vargas, that he must go into exile to Pangasinan, to which place he had banished the archbishop. He made an urgent plea for his absolution, in view of his Majesty's decree which ordered the archbishop to absolve him, but the latter would not listen to it. On the day when they carried him into exile, he entered the house of the archbishop, and, ascending the stairs on his knees until he reached the prelate's feet, Don Juan begged him, with tears in his eyes, to absolve him; but the archbishop, with a heart like a tiger's, refused to hear him, and answered him only with harsh words. He told Don Juan that he must submit to the penance imposed, which required him to wear the sackcloth robe, the halter round his neck, the yellow breeches, etc., going through the churches, as he had been commanded to do; and that, if he did not consent to this, he must go to Lingayen without absolution. Thence he repaired to the royal Audiencia, who issued a royal decree to the archbishop that he must absolve Don Juan; but immediately the governor and archbishop joined hands to avert this pressure, and drew up an iniquitous accusation against the auditors, containing many falsehoods and charges. Among other things, they brought forward evidence that the auditors had illicit relations with Dona Isabel, the wife of Don Juan de Vargas, and this by several witnesses. It may be imagined what sort of a country this is, and how much credit is due to the accusations that are made here—and to the witnesses in Manila, who swear to anything that suits a governor. This done, the archbishop replied to the royal decree by challenging the auditors, for the causes which he proved against them. This answer was made a very short time before the governor's death; it was sent to him sealed, and afterward was found with the above accusation—which as some declared, was for the purpose of ruining this Audiencia as he had destroyed the other.

In this condition are affairs at present. Father Fray Raimundo Verart, the instigator of so many disturbances, is going there [i.e., to Espana], summoned by his Majesty. May it please God that now the misfortunes of this unhappy land may cease.



Information from Filipinas and Nueva Espana

With the arrival of the galleon from Filipinas in this Nueva Espana has been unladen a raft [flota] of news, which other pens, less awkward than mine, will relate; I can only tell what I have known. In the year 1687 the examiner [pesquisidor]—as the Chinese say, the fisherman [pescador]—Don Francisco Campos y Valdivia arrived at Manila; according to the reports, it would seem that he went there to encourage anew and continue the malignant acts of the archbishop and the Dominicans, and to pillage the wealth of that community and finally squeeze out of it the little blood that it has. He immediately joined hands with Governor Curuzealegui, the archbishop, and the Dominicans; he selected as his adviser, director, and counselor the Dominican Fray Raimundo Verart, the source of so many disturbances; and—without heeding that his Majesty, on account of the latter's turbulent disposition, had commanded that the said religious should proceed to the court [at Madrid]—he immediately took possession of the said religious, who was with him at all hours of day and night, in his house. [He did so] in order that the religious should prepare for him the documents, acts, and inquiries for which he was commissioned, on account of the illiterate manner in which the fisherman usually drew them up. From this may be interred what documents he will carry to the court, with a hand so malicious and bold—but with the safety of the father confessor's broad shoulders, and the cunning tendencies of the chief, of vast piety.

There are more than three hundred thousand pesos, in jewels and commodities, that he has carried away, well guarded; and he is full of confidence of new rewards. I do not doubt that the chief distributor will enjoy a very pleasant time, knowing that the Jesuits remain humbled, trampled down, and without recourse—they, to whom on so many grounds he ought to show himself at least indifferent.

He discharged his fury against the governor, Don Juan de Vargas, and, without allowing him to defend himself—since hardly had Don Juan chosen a lawyer or notary when he awoke in exile—he banished him to a distant place, and among Dominicans. And, to soften this humiliation, the archbishop denied him the absolution that he sought (going up to the prelate's house on his knees), without paying any attention to the strict injunction of his Majesty, or urging the visitor to secure its fulfilment; and demanding an order to carry Don Juan to Mexico, notwithstanding the securities [that he had given] for his residencia. He was left in the hands of the Dominicans and the archbishop, in order that the latter might satiate himself more at leisure with Don Juan's sorrows.

The visitor turned his attention to the auditors, whom he found already exiled by the governor; and, two of them having died a little while before, he sent for the auditor Bolivar. It is reported that the governor, fearing this man, gave orders that they should put him to death on the route. [168] What is certain is, that as he finished drinking a cup of chocolate, he fell dead, and his finger-nails and lips made known the poison; and it is noted that in the following year, about the same time, the said governor died very suddenly, and in melancholy circumstances—according to rumor and letters, like a beast. The last of the officials, the fiscal Alanis, the visitor brought with him to Nueva Espana, after having confiscated all his goods and inflicted on him a thousand annoyances—as also the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz. With him came the Dominican Verart, in order that with his assistance the visitor might continue the management of his documents.

About this time began the fury of the archbishop and the Dominicans against the Society. [The remains of] Auditor Grimaldos having reposed five years in the sepulcher of the college at Manila, the archbishop was pricked by scruples on the day of St. Ignatius; and, when the church was full, and the governor and the Audiencia were expected for the fiesta, a notary came in, publishing the declaration that the church was polluted—that the auditor Grimaldos had died impenitent, and that everyone should go out of the church, under penalty of excommunication. The church remained closed until the second day of October. On that day the provisor went and opened the sepulcher, and, seeing therein three corpses, among which he could not distinguish the one that he sought, he proceeded to bless what he called the "contaminated" church. The examiner [i.e., Campos y Valdivia], playing the role of a reconciler, obliged the fathers of the Society to go to attend a feast-day of the Dominicans, and the latter to be present at another in the Society's house. Afterward the archbishop arranged the cabildo to suit himself, without accepting or noticing the prebends who came appointed by his Majesty, and replaced all of them from his own college of Santo Tomas; and among these were men most unworthy [of such posts], mestizos who were half negro. His principal object is, that if he should die the cabildo may appoint the bishop of Troya as ruler [of the diocese], in order that the disturbances may not cease; and very strung recommendations are going for the court, to appoint in that church the said bishop of Troya, in order that he may more vigorously continue the disputes and lawsuits, which do not cease. Meanwhile, at court let not efforts cease to persuade that this religious order is not suited for sees [mitras] so remote—as the father confessor sets forth, and that boldly. In every Dominican there is a bishop, a governor, and an absolute monarch; nor will he acknowledge himself to be a vassal—as is shown by a fiscal reply that comes from Filipinas and will go to the court, in the terms of which is recognized the intention of that prelate [i.e., Barrientos].

In the course of the investigation the visitor did not spare the [belongings required by] decency for the governor's wife, Dona Isabel de Ardila, taking away from her at public auction even the bed and the jewels that she used, and from her husband even the sword that he carried at his belt. The annoyances inflicted upon the citizens are innumerable; and in order that the jewels and other valuables which he obtained from the seizures of goods should not be sold at a low price, at auctions, he caused them to be knocked down to himself, but in the names of other persons, and he is becoming, therefore, enormously wealthy.

Nor was the archbishop idle at this time. He proceeded to give rules to the new Audiencia as to the manner in which it was to conduct itself, declaring that recourse to it in cases of fuerza and banishment was faulty; and a little later, when urged to absolve Governor Vargas, he replied that he challenged the new auditors for cause, since he considered them all to be in love with the governor's wife. Consequently, it would be necessary that another Audiencia should come, or that, to check lawsuits, they delegate the authority to him—which they refused, since the ecclesiastics are vassals.

In this so tangled web of mischiefs occasioned by his cause, died very suddenly Governor Don Gabriel de Curuzaelegui; so many pecuniary obligations of his were made public that they seem incredible, even to those who do not know the opportunities for profit of that governmental post. He left the administration of his estate to the man who had been the mainstay of his government, Don Tomas de Andaya—a native of Andaya in France, [169] however much he has tried to persuade people that he was born in Viscaya.

On December 19, 1689, the ship "Santo Nino" cast anchor in Acapulco, and in it came the dean of Manila, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cobarrubias; the fiscal, Don Lorenzo de Alanis; the Dominican father Fray Raimundo Verart; and the examiner, Don Francisco Campos y Valdivia. The last-named was detained in the said port, continuing some investigations with which he was charged—especially that concerning the registration [of the galleon's cargo] for the year 1684; and in regard to the seizure in the same year of the property of Governor Don Juan de Vargas, in which he supposed there had been some formal act of the royal officials, with information from the viceroy, Marques de la Laguna—investigations all upon uncertain matters, little praised by his subordinates, or acceptable to them. On occasion of receiving a declaration, the examiner compelled General Antonio de Aztina to surrender his authority, at the same time appointing, de plenitudine potestatis [i.e., "in the fulness of his power"], as commander Captain Oriosola—who enjoyed this new favor no long time; for the viceroy, Conde de Galvez, being informed of this, immediately gave the appointment of commander to Don Juan de Garaicochea.

On the fourteenth of January, 1690, his investigations being concluded, the examiner left Acapulco, and sent ahead by the fast carriers as many as twenty loads of his own equipage, with a servant, and verbal orders that the guards should give them free passage. Information of this exemption reached the custom-house of this city, and its special judge, Don Juan Jose de Ciga y Linage, stationed officers on the route for safety. The examiner set out, by easy stages, because he was conveying a woman who had lately become a mother—one of his two maidservants, with whom he traveled, whom he had secretly married while in the bay, a little before landing at Vera Cruz; and the said lady died, a few days after leaving Acapulco, and was buried in the town of Cuernavaca. The said freight and equipage arrived at Mexico, and, notwithstanding the orders of the examiner, the following articles were unloaded in the custom-house: twenty-one chests, four boxes, two escritoires, three boxes, one screen, four china jars [tibores], [170] one trunk of clothes, and four civet-cats. Permission was given that the animals be sent to the house of Don Geronimo de Chacon, to whom the above goods came directed; but the rest was kept [at the custom-house], the packages being opened, and a list of the goods being made. The said examiner being asked for a load that had gone astray on the journey, he replied, desiring to shield himself and another person, that it did not belong to him, and he knew nothing about it. The cause of this search was, it seems, that secret warning had been given [to the customs officers] of perfumes, fine stuffs, and other goods improper for [the possession of] an examiner.

On the fifteenth of February, 1690, after various protests and threatening statements that the said boxes contained only his clothing, and especially that three contained only the private papers and documents of his visitation and commission, as he resisted surrendering the keys the locks were broken of the said three boxes; and in them was found not one paper. The contents of these, as in the boxes above mentioned, were as follows: three ornamental boxes and two writing-desks of lacquered wood, perfume-caskets, trays, combs, fans, porcelain cups, and curious articles of japanned ware. Besides these, there were forty cases of fans; item, eighty-six bundles of untwisted silk, and several libras more of spun silk; item, two hundred and seventy-five pieces of stuffs—satin, lampotes, ribbed silk, Chinese silk, velvets, and other wares from Canton; item, one hundred and fifty-eight onzas of musk; item, three hundred and forty-four pairs of silk hose.

They are sure that he is bringing many more packets in the names of Commander Aztina and Captain Oriosola, the source of these being the fines—which, they say, he regulated more by the wealth than by the faults of the citizens of Manila, levying the fines in merchandise at low prices, by a third hand, that of the said commander. It is currently reported that the bales which he is bringing on his own account, under the names of other persons, exceed one hundred and fifty in number. It is certain that in the custom-house were opened two lots of goods [shipped] in the name of the said commander—one of forty bales of various commodities, and another of thirty bales of Canton silk stuffs, both without invoices; also packets, which show little care and arrangement. This almost entirely confirms the suspicions entertained, all the more as it is well known that the said commander has no wealth, and even hardly enough to eat. But as the merchants of China are here—who have come, like many of the citizens of Mejico, frightened by the extortions imposed in Manila—it is difficult to declare the [contents of the] said packets while the examiner remains in these kingdoms.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The sources of the documents in the present volume are thus indicated:

1. Dampier in the Philippines.—This document is here concluded from Vol. XXXVIII, q.v.

2. Petition for missionaries.—A printed pamphlet in the British Museum, found in a volume of MSS. and pamphlets, of which this constitutes fol. 710-711; pressmark, "13,992; Plut. CXCI.D."

3. Events in Filipinas.—From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732.

4. The Pardo controversy.—The matter in this document is obtained from Retana's Archivo, i, no. iv; Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 29-56, 523-571, 621-624, 695-726; and Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 490-513.

5. Visitation by Valdivia.—From Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 589-596, 641-673.



NOTES

[1] The Mindanayans are the Mindanaos or Maguindanaos, the Hilanoones are the Ilanos; the Sologues cannot well be identified. "Alfoores" is a corruption of the Portuguese "Alforas," which is derived from the Arabic "al" and the preposition "fora" without. The term was applied by the Portuguese to all natives beyond their authority, and hence to the wild tribes of the interior. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 10.

[2] Apparently referring, if one may trust to Dampier's points of compass, to the region about Dapitan, as the Indians of that quarter were among the first subdued by the Spaniards in Mindanao.

[3] The Tagalog word for "banana" is "saguing," which is thus almost identical with the Mindanaon term as reported phonetically by Dampier.

[4] Cf. Dyak pangan ("kinsman, comrade, or fellow"), also panggal ("pillow"), and panggan ("bedstead"); see Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak, ii, p. xxvii. See Porter's Primer and Vocabulary of Moro Dialect (Washington, 1903) p. 65, where the Moro phrase for "sweetheart" is given as babay ("woman") a magan pangaluman.

[5] Corralat had two sons, Tiroley and Uadin, but they died young (see Retana's edition of Combes's Hist. Mindanao, col. 738, 739). The "sultan" mentioned by Dampier is probably the Curay who in 1701 fought a sort of duel with the sultan of Jolo, in which both were killed. (Concepcion, Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 301, 302.)

[6] Apparently referring to the weapon known as kris, which Dampier would liken to a bayonet.

[7] Sarangani and Balut Islands; the large bay beyond is Sarangani.

[8] The Meangis Islands are a group in the Malaysian Archipelago, in about latitude 5 deg. North, ninety miles southeast of Mindanao. The chief island is Nanusa.

[9] The Lizard Point, the southernmost point of England, located in Cornwall.

[10] This native was taken to England finally by Dampier, he having obtained a half-interest in him, and was there exhibited. He died at Oxford. See Dampier's Voyage, pp. 511, 513-517.

[11] Dampier describes the Acapulco ships and their route as follows (chapter ix): "The Ships that Trade hither are only three, two that constantly go once a Year between this [i.e., Acapulco] and Manila and Luconia, one of the Philippine Islands, and one Ship more every Year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives a little before Christmas; she brings them Quick-silver, Cacao, and Pieces of Eight. Here she stays till the Manila Ships arrive, and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muslins, and other East-India Commodities, for the use of Peru, and then returns to Lima. This is but a small Vessel of 20 Guns, but the two Manila Ships are each said to be above 1000 Tun. These make their Voyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at the Manila's. When either of them sets out from Acapulco, it is at the latter end of March, or the beginning of April; she always touches to refresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in about 60 Days space after she sets out. There she stays but two or three Days, and then prosecutes her Voyage to Manila, where she commonly arrives some time in June. By that time the other is ready to sail from thence, laden with East-India Commodities. She stretcheth away to the North as far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. before she gets a Wind to stand over to the American shoar. She falls in first with the Coast of California, and then Coasts along the shoar to the South again, and never misses a Wind to bring her away from thence quite to Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, which is the Southernmost point of California, she stretcheth over to Cape Corientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. from thence she Coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and there she sets ashoar Passengers that are bound to the City of Mexico. From thence she makes her best way, Coasting still along shoar, till she arrives at Acapulco, which is commonly about Christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before or after. Upon the return of this Ship to Manila, the other which stayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir John Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards, who told him that there were 8 Sail, or more, that used this Trade."

[12] The Galapagos (or "Islands of the Tortoise") belong to the government of Ecuador, and are located seven hundred and thirty miles west of that country in the Pacific. They consist of six principal and seven smaller islands. The largest is Albemarle. They are all volcanic. Of them Dampier says (chapter v): "The Gallapagos Islands are a great Number of uninhabited Islands, lying under, and on both sides of the Equator. The Eastermost of them are about 110 Leagues from the Main. They are laid down in the Longitude of 181, reaching to the Westward as far as 176, therefore their Longitude from England Westward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers do not place them far enough to the Westward. The Spaniards who first discovered them, and in whose draught alone they are laid down, report them to be a great number, stretching North-West from the Line, as far as 5 degrees N. but we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them 7 or 8 leagues long and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth, most of them flat or even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eastermost are rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Grass, but a few Dildo-trees, except by the Sea side."

[13] Captain Davis was one of the Privateers with whom Dampier had sailed the Spanish Main. When Captains Davis and Swan parted company at Realejo, Dampier went with the latter in order to become acquainted with the northern part of Mexico, in whose waters Captain Swan designed to sail.

[14] The town of Realejo or Realexo, a seaport town of Nicaragua situated on Realejo Bay of the Pacific Ocean, and twenty miles from the city of Leon, whose seaport it is.

[15] The town of Copiapo or Porto Copiapo, a small seaport of Chili, in the province of Atacama, on Copiapo Bay.

[16] Captain Harris was commander of one of the privateer ships sailing in Spanish-American waters. When Captains Swan and Davis parted company he accompanied the latter. See Dampier's Voyage, p. 224.

[17] Pigafetta in his relation of the first circumnavigation (VOL. XXXIV, p. 86) notes the word used by the inhabitants of the Moluccas for "one and the same thing" as "siama siama."

[18] A ship captain whom Dampier (see chapter xviii) met at Achin on the island of Sumatra. Dampier and two of his companions started for Nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon the voyage. He importuned Dampier to make a voyage with him to Persia, but the latter declined, preferring to go to Tonquin with Captain Welden.

[19] Captain Philip Carteret, commander of the royal British sloop "Swallow," in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devotes his eighth chapter to "Some account of the Coast of Mindanao, and the Islands near it, in which several Mistakes of Dampier are corrected." See this account in Collection of Voyages (printed for Richard Phillips, London, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361.

[20] Referring to the Basilan group, ten miles from the Mindanao coast; the largest island is Basilan, which has an area of four hundred and seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependent islands (fifty-seven, according to U. S. Gazetteer). (See Census of Philippines, i, p. 283.)

[21] Probably the small island of Guimaras, which lies between Negros and Panay, and which is approximately as described by Dampier. Sebo is, of course, Cebu; but Dampier evidently means Negros Island. The bay was Igan.

[22] Dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan.

[23] The name Mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro, as it was supposed to be rich in gold. In the document showing that the Spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to which see our VOL. III, p. 105, note 32), it is called Luzon le menor ("Luzon the less;" cf. p. 74).

"This island was formerly called Mainit, and the Spaniards gave it the name of Mindoro, on account of a village called Minolo, which lay between Puerto de Galeras and the harbor of Ylog." (Concepcion, Hist. de Philipinas, viii, p. 8.)

[24] From 1603 the English, as well as the Dutch, had a factory at Bantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eighty years. In 1683 the Dutch sent a considerable force from Batavia and expelled the English from Bantam; the latter, after being baffled at Achin, made a settlement at Bencoolen (1685), where they built Fort York. This site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, Fort Marlborough, was erected, away from the river. In 1824, Bencoolen and the factories dependent on it were given over to the Dutch, in exchange for Malacca and some factories in India. (Crawfurd's Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 48). Sellebar was a village not far east from Bencoolen.

[25] The Bashee or Bachi Islands form the northern cluster of the northern group of islands, called Batanes, which lie north of Luzon. They are the most northern of all the American possessions in the Orient, and are separated from Formosa by the strait of Bachi. The islands composing the cluster are Mabudis, Misanga, Siayan, Tanan, and Y'Ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. The Batanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamed islets and rocks, the southern cluster including Bachi Rocks; Batan, the central and most important island of the group; Dequez; Diamis Rocks; Diego; Ibayat (or Isbayat), the largest of these islands; Ibugos; North; and Sabtan. The name of Bachi is sometimes extended to the entire group, and it is probable that Dampier's five islands, or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for Dequez Island is also called Goat; Ibayat, Orange; and Ibugos, Bachi. The group is separated on the south from the Babuyanes by the Balingtan Channel. The larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin; the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations of coral. In this group are a number of good harbors; but communication between the islands is difficult because of the strong currents in the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. The exports of the islands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and some valuable woods. The soil is fertile, especially of Batan, and many vegetables are produced. Some of the products of the United States can be successfully raised. The chief industry is the raising of cattle, hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and in demand. A catechism of the dialect spoken in the Batanes was published by a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led Dr. Pardo de Tavera to the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerably from the other Filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch" and a nasal sound like the French "en." It is probable, however, that the present population of the Batanes, as well as of the Babuyanes, is composed very largely of Ibanag from the Cagayan Valley (Luzon), introduced there as colonists by the Dominican friars. This population is Christian. The earlier population must have borne considerable resemblance to the natives of Formosa. See Gazetteer of Philippine Islands, and Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 264, 448.

[26] Pillau or pilau, a Turkish dish consisting of boiled rice and mutton fat.

[27] An anchor carried at the bow of a ship.

[28] The Babuyanes Islands. Salazar relates (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an English pirate (August, 1685) on the islands of Babuyanes, Bari, and Camiguin, then in charge of Dominican missionaries. They plundered the village of Babuyanes and its church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionaries there.

[29] So in the text; probably a typographical error, since Villalba did not leave the Philippines until 1683, and remained in Nueva Espana until at least 1686 (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 79-80). It is probable that this document was written at least as late as 1687, for confirmation of which see Villalba's own statement, post, that the mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven or twelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made; the mission before this one had reached Manila in August, 1679.

[30] In the Dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 101-194).

[31] The mission which came to the islands in 1694 contained forty-three religious, besides four others who remained in Nueva Espana. (Resena biografica, ii, pp. 363-457.)

[32] Spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a person sent to the king with important despatches (Velazquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed.).

[33] Jacinto Garcia was born in Castellar, November 6, 1654, and at the age of twenty-one entered the Jesuit order. Four years later he joined the Philippine mission, he was procurator of the Manila college for three years, and superior in Marinduque for the same time. He died at Manila, May 1, 1710. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 397 b.)

[34] Fiancisco Salgado was born in Galacia, April 2, 1629, and at the age of nineteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1662 he went to the Philippines. He spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards as vice-rector, in the college of St. Joseph, and later was rector of Silang. He went to Europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order, and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rector of the Manila college, and provincial (1683). His death occurred at Manila, July 14, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 357.)

[35] Luis Pimentel was born in Portillo, on May 30, 1612. In 1632 he entered the Jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the Philippine mission. He was a teacher in the college at Manila for two years, and afterward was at the head of various Jesuit residences. He was sent to Europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666 with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector of St. Joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). He died at San Miguel on July 5, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 356 b.)

[36] On account of a ranch which the college of San Ignacio at Manila possesses in the land of Meybonga, not far from the said city—its name being Jesus de la Pena, or Mariquina—the Society began to administer the sacraments, establishing the mission village of Mariquina, or Jesus de la Pena, by authority from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of Zebu and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of Manila, on April 16, 1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Juan Nino de Tabora, governor of these islands, on April 22, 1630. The said village was cared for by the minister stationed in Santa Cruz, or by a father sent by the rector of the college of Manila, who was the director of the said village; for this no stipend was asked from his Majesty, because the minister was not permanently established there, and therefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, for lack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. In the year 1675, the Society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree, dated July 26, on account of the Society's right to the said parish having been disputed by the religious of St. Augustine, from November, 1669. In 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it was judged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the better administration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a larger church; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, the Society asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipend which his Majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance with the number of tributes. The fiscal of his Majesty replied that in view of what the Society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipend should be given. In the year 1686, the religious of St. Augustine claimed that that Indian village belonged to them, as an annex to the ministry of Pasig. The archbishop issued an act, on October 11, 1686, in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered by the Society, he took from all its religious permission to minister in Jesus de la Pena; and on March 10, 1687, he declared that the lawful parish priest of the mission of Jesus de la Pena was the prior of Pasig, a religious of St. Augustine. In this spoliation concurred also, through complaisance, the governor Don Gabriel Curuzelaegui, who on March 23 of the said year decreed that Don Juan Pimentel, alcalde of Tondo, should begin proceedings against the Society in the mission of Jesus de la Pena, as the king commanded; and that he should assist the provisor in tearing down our church—which he did, commanding the Indians to demolish that temple. "What obedience! the monster of the Indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power, and of prejudice." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 345 b.)

[37] Antonio Mateo Xaramillo was born at Zafra February 23, 1648, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. He was sent to the Marianas Islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionary labors. While rector at Manila he was sent to Spain as procurator; and he died at Ocana, on December 30, 1707. (Sommervogel, Bibliotheque Comp. Jesus, viii, col. 1321.)

[38] The English pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on which Dampier voyaged to the Philippines, as that vessel was, at the time here mentioned, cruising off the coast of Luzon (see his own account of this, ante, p. 91). The name of Captain Swan's vessel in which Dampier sailed was the "Cygnet." That ship separated from Captain Davis in the "Batchelor's Delight" in Realejo Harbor, August 27, 1685. See Lionel Wafer's Voyage and description of Isthmus of America (London, 1699), p. 189.

[39] "Soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of Tagalos, the Society undertook the administration of Cainta, a village close to Mariquina. Because the rectitude of its minister, Father Miguel Pareja, restrained some Indian chiefs, so that they should not use for themselves the property of the community, to the injury of the rest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them by the ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it, instigated by one who should, on account of his character and his obligations, have restrained them. They are an insolent people, and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb the minds of the crowd. They hastened to complain to the archbishop of his ministers, and he, without hearing the Society, despoiled it of that administration, on March 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious of St. Augustine. The archbishop demanded aid from the governor in order to arrest Father Diego de Ayala and Father Pedro Cano, on complaints either frivolous or false, without having made any specific charges against them, or notifying their superiors." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345.)

"From the first conquest Cainta was a visita of Taytay, the ministry of both villages being the very same, until, its population increasing—Indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate the black negroes [negros atezados])—it seemed expedient to give Cainta its own minister." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406b.)

[40] Antonio de Borja was born at Valencia in 1644, and at the age of twenty-seven went to the Philippine missions. He acted as rector of various Jesuit colleges, and died at Manila on January 27, 1711. (Sommervogel.) He is only mentioned incidentally by Murillo Velarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of Mindanao and Jolo.

[41] "An altar raised in churches on Holy Thursday to resemble a sepulchre" (Velazquez).

[42] Pedro de Oriol was born at Urgel in Cataluna, August 15, 1639; at the age of nineteen he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and in 1663 joined the Philippine mission. "He was two years rector of Bohol, three of Zebu, and two of Yloylo; seven years vice-provincial, and twice filled that office for Pintados; was two years rector of Cavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of Manila, where also he was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept that office." He died September 27, 1705. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 389 b-393.)

[43] Pedro Cano was born in the archbishopric of Toledo, on February 22, 1649. In 1670 he entered the Jesuit order at Sevilla, in order to join the province of Filipinas, where he arrived in the following year. He was procurator of the college, and of the province. Being appointed procurator for Madrid and Rome, he died while on the voyage thither, near Acapulco, December 18. 1692. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369.)

[44] On September 28, 1687 (Diaz, p. 788).

[45] This man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before 1683) alcalde-mayor of Cagayan.

[46] In 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of the country, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on account of the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constant rains which fell—which injured the salt springs even more, so that a half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals, reached the price of twelve pesos. In La Estacada there was a great conflagration on Good Friday, in the night, which destroyed many houses. In the following year the scarcity of food was increased by a plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a caban of rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. But what caused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in the year 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed many persons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick that they could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessary for human life." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345 b, 346.)

[47] Spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and current in Batavia, Brazil, and Turkey." (Dominguez).

[48] These seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this document to be expanded and written out in detail.

[49] Diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of Ilocos was a personal friend of the cura Maranon; and that Banguet had remained vacant so long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesome climate. Arqueros de Robles was probably a son of the Lorenzo Arqueros so noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61.

[50] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this name appears as Benguet; and in Diaz's Conquistas (p. 752) as Banguet and Banget. The modern form is Bangued.

[51] This was at first Nueva Segovia (in Cagayan), which has always given name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (before Pardo's time) to Lal-lo, not far from Nueva Segovia, and later to Vigan, which is still the capital of that diocese.

[52] Thus in Retana's print, and in the copy of this document in Ventura del Arco MSS.; it apparently indicates an omission in the original print.

The hiatus is supplied by Diaz (p. 752), who says that Pardo informed the auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the Audiencia sent to Arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being the ruler of the vacant see of Nueva Segovia. He also states that Pardo ordered Arqueros (who had come to Manila to consult him) to set out within a week for Ilocos and finish up his business there; but the latter could not obey this order in so short a time.

[53] Alonzo Sandin, procurator-general for the Dominicans, wrote a long reply to Sanchez's account of the controversy between the Audiencia and Archbishop Pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply, here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. Pardo asks the Audiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court, since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain the episcopal authority in due force.

[54] The dean then was Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias; the archdeacon, Licentiate Francisco Deza.

[55] Diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry with the archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of Santiago (then held by Gregorio Diaz de Isla) the Spaniards who lived in Tondo, Binondo, Santa Cruz, and other places so far away that the cura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially to the dying. The archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval of the governor and other officials.

[56] Raimundo Berart was a Catalan, and came from the Dominican convent at Barcelona. He was teaching law in the university of Lerida when he resolved to enter the Philippine mission; he arrived in 1679, when twenty-eight years old. He was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector (1686-89) of Santo Tomas; in 1689, it appears that he went to Spain, and in 1696 was in Mexico. Later, he was probably procurator of the Philippine province in Europe; and he died in Atocha, Spain, on April 13, 1713. See sketch of his career in Resena biografica, ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him.

[57] Several of Pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of San Gabriel" (the name of the hospital).

[58] A petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop, dated April 10, 1681, is reproduced in Resena biografica, ii, pp. 196-198, followed by Pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. The editor claims that Juan Gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see) signed the petition under compulsion.

[59] Diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he would send Verart to Spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient to remove him from Manila; he informed the Audiencia that Verart had not only rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in the ecclesiastical courts. The Dominican provincial said that the Audiencia must show cause for Verart's removal, or he could do nothing; for Verart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop.

[60] These men came in 1681. The last named, Fuente y Alanis, came as fiscal of the Audiencia.

[61] Diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that Maranon came to Manila (but without permission to do so), a few days after Arqueros, to complain of the latter to the archbishop. The latter demanded an account of Arqueros's proceedings in the case; Arqueros presented documents which proved, by the complaints of many Indians, that Maranon deserved punishment. The archbishop therefore sustained Arqueros, and ordered Maranon's arrest.

[62] According to Diaz (p. 756), Pardo answered that he had reserved Maranon's case as being the metropolitan, and because the cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of the archbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had accepted his jurisdiction. Finally, "to avoid controversies he offered to surrender to the bishop-elect the person of Licentiate Diego Espinosa Maranon—which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, without telling the archbishop, he sent Maranon to his curacy of Vigan, removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of Manila]."

[63] Diaz says (p. 757) that Pardo informed the Audiencia that he had not punished Herrera for these reasons, but because the latter, in his quarrel with Archbishop Lopez, had treated that prelate with insolence and even posted him as excommunicate (Diaz, p. 705); and when afterward he had been treated with great kindness by Pardo, he had conspired with the cabildo against him.

[64] i.e., Requiring a previous judicial decision before the final sentence (Velazquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed., 1901).

[65] Adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly to try a cause" (Velazquez). Pardo claimed that the cabildo of Manila was not an exempted one (i.e., from submission to the ordinary), and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunct judges (Diaz, p. 757).

[66] "And these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were the ones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment, which was decreed on the first of October [1682]." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b.)

[67] There is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously cited referred to the priority of San Jose college over that of Santo Tomas; the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard to privileges and exemptions allowed to the Jesuits in regard to trading.

[68] Salazar states (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 235) that this action was taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially of the recent constitution of Clement IX—the said enactment giving the ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors, seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals and other pious purposes." Accordingly, Archbishop Pardo instituted a secret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened major excommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for any person who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaid trading. Abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. It is said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging to the Jesuits.

[69] Probably in view of the arguments adduced by Concepcion (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of Clement IX forbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinary to inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders, that being reserved to their own superiors—the ordinary, in such cases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for pious purposes.

[70] Murillo Velarde and Concepcion give this name as Pizarraldi; and Diaz makes it Lizarraldi.

[71] In the Dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted that no religious of that order should become executor of a deceased person's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. This was to prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was the dishonest administration of executorships in Manila—so much so that it occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although all complained of the grievances thus caused. "There are few fortunes which have not some executorship as the foundation." See Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario (Manila, 1742), p. 43.

[72] It had begun in 1672, in the time of Archbishop Lopez, under whom judgment was rendered in favor of Sarmiento; but Lopez's death in 1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. Various delays ensued, and Cordero died, being succeeded by Ortega as executor. (Salazar, Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 236.)

[73] Also written Carballo, Carvallo, and Caballero.

[74] Spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiastic Cordero was the legatee of Dona Maria de Roa (Montero y Vidal, i, p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps for the pious purposes mentioned later in this document.

[75] See Concepcion's account of this affair (Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presents it thus in order to vindicate the course of the Audiencia, and that Pardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction.

[76] Diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric.

[77] See accounts of this affair in Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 758, 759; Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; Concepcion, cited supra; Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 236, 237.

[78] A mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him, was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist, so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction, and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties.

[79] Diaz says (Conquistas, p. 760): "Where the letter of requisition says, 'For doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated,' the Audiencia desired it to say, 'Your Grace will be excommunicated.'" Salazar says (p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governor and the Audiencia had the right to use such terms to him.

[80] Diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that the soldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (where the archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decree of banishment gave the alternative of the Babuyanes Islands, or Cagayan, or Pangasinan as his place of exile. Diaz cites (p. 762), this sentence in Sanchez's account, as proof that the latter could not have written it, since he took part in the arrest of Pardo.

[81] According to Diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for the expenses of this voyage, but on reaching Mariveles no provisions of any sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no food if a Dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly gone back to Manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned at midnight with them to Mariveles. Diaz says that this friar was not allowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which Pardo had embarked, or to exchange any word with him.

[82] Spanish, vsasse de su derecho—literally, "exercise its right," i.e., to govern the vacant see.

[83] Diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the Dominicans" in Manila. Santa Cruz (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 106) says that every year, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the Virgin of the Rosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devoted to thanksgiving to Mary for the victories won by the Spaniards over the Dutch in 1646 (see our VOL. XXXV), which were attributed by the people to her miraculous aid. That fiesta of eight days was apparently instituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of Collado's new congregation in Filipinas (see Santa Cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and our VOL. XXIX, pp. 25-27).

[84] "The bishop of Troya, knowing well that the true spiritual jurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop, sent a Dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part their superiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiors should choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolve those persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in the arrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they might have thus incurred—excepting the principal offenders—until he should be restored to liberty and they should perform public penance and give juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons." (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 764.)

[85] The interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but a penalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save in cases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of church burial. All solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except on the five great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, the Assumption of our Lady, and Corpus Christi. The churches remained closed, the crucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. This penalty might be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merely particular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like; again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. It might be imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate, even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiastical ruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, or to any body of clergy, regular or secular. The earliest mention of a church interdict apparently is Ferraris's allusion to one in the fourth century, of which, however, no details are available. In Frankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, the first of these being at Rouen, in 588; Bishop Praetextatus having been murdered, by order of Queen Fredegonda, while officiating in his own church, the senior suffragan of that province, Leudovald of Bayeux, after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churches of Rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should be discovered. But prior to the eleventh century general interdicts are but rarely mentioned in church history. It does not appear that there was any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart from the usually concomitant sentence of excommunication—which in former ages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named in the decree of penalty. The interdict was usually laid under conditions that amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrong done, at which the interdict would be lifted. According to present church law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the Holy See, to put under interdict particular churches, and the like. See Moroni's Dizionario (Venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; Ferraris's Bibliotheca (Paris, 1853), article "Interdictum;" Guerin, Les Petits Bollandistes (Paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, article "Interdict."—Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

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