The Church and the Barbarians - Being an Outline of the History of the Church from A.D. 461 to A.D. 1003
by William Holden Hutton
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The persecution of the orthodox was renewed for a time under Leo V. (813-20), and it is said that more perished in his time than in that of Constantine V. Theophilus (829-42) was almost equally hostile. It was not till his widow Theodora assumed the reins of power in 842 as regent for her son that the final triumph of orthodoxy was assured; and this was followed by the five years' patriarchate of S. Methodius, a man of peace and of wisdom.

To some the action of the emperors in attacking image worship has seemed a serious attempt at social reform, an endeavour to raise the standard of popular worship, and through that to affect the people themselves intellectually, morally, and spiritually. But history has spoken conclusively of the violence with which the attempt was made, and theology has decisively pronounced against its dogmatic assertions.

The long controversy is important in the history of the Church because it so clearly expresses the character of the Eastern Church, so decisively demonstrates its intense devotion to the past, and so expressively illustrates the close attachment, the abiding influence, of the people and the monks, as the dominant factor in the development of theology and religious life.

[1] See above, pp. 8, 14.

[2] De Studio Coenobio Constantinopolitano, Paris, 1897.




Something has been said in earlier chapters of the relation of several great Churchmen towards education, towards the ancient classics, and towards the studies of their own times. Something has been said, too, in the last chapter, of Greek monastic life. The period which begins with the eighth century deserves a longer mention, inadequate though it be; for there was over a great part of Europe in the days of Charles the Great a veritable literary renaissance which broke upon the long period which men have called the dark ages with a ray of light.

[Sidenote: Learning at the court of Charles the Great.]

Charles the Great had all the interests of a scholar. He knew Latin well and Greek passably. He delighted to listen to the deeds of the past, or to theological treatises, when he dined, after the fashion of monks. His interest in learning centred in his interest in the teaching and services of the Church. Most reverently, we are told by his biographer, and with the utmost piety did he cultivate the Christian religion with which he had been imbued from his infancy. He was a constant church-goer, a regular worshipper at the mass. Near to his religious interest was his interest in education. A famous letter of his to the abbats of monasteries {167} throughout the Empire, written in 787, is a salient example of the close connection between learning and monasticism in his day. He urged that "letters" should be studied, students selected and taught, that all the clergy should teach children freely, and that every monastery and cathedral church should have a theological school. "Although right doing is better than right speaking," he wrote, "yet must the knowledge of what is right go before the doing of it."

What he tried to do throughout his empire was a reflection of what he did in his own court. He delighted to surround himself at Aachen with learned men. Most notable among them were Paul the Deacon, the historian of the Lombards, and Alcuin the Northumbrian whom he had met in Italy and whom he made prominent among his counsellors.

Charles, says Einhard, spent much time and labour in learning from Alcuin, and that not only in religion, but "in rhetoric and dialectic and especially astronomy"; and he "carefully reformed the manner of reading and singing; for he was thoroughly instructed in both, though he never read publicly himself, nor sang except in a low voice, and with the rest of the congregation."

[Sidenote: Alcuin of Northumbria.]

Alcuin connects the learning of England with the revival on the Continent. He had been trained in the school at York by Archbishop Egbert, who was himself a pupil of Bede. He had studied the ancient classics in Greek as well as Latin and knew at least a little of Hebrew. The library at York is known to have contained books in all those languages, and Aristotle was among them. Vergil, he said, when he was a boy he cared more for [Transcriber's note: a line appears to be missing here] than the vigils of the Church and the chanting of the {168} psalms. About 782 he took charge of the schools which Charles had founded at his court, and he became a very close friend and trusted adviser of the emperor himself. With him (but for a short return to England) he lived till in 796 he had leave to retire to Tours, where he was abbat of the great monastery of S. Martin, and where he died in 804. He was a great teacher; a writer of books of education and books of Church practice, of lives of the saints, of hymns, epigrams, prayers, controversial tracts; a compiler of summaries of patristic teaching; a leader in the reform of monastic houses. Among the many notable points in his career, as illustrating the life of learned churchmen of his age, are two especially to be observed. The first is his "humanism." He was a scholar of an ancient type; and the society in which he lived delighted to believe itself classical as well as Christian. In a contemporary description of the life at Charles's court Alcuin is called "Flaccus" and is described as "the glory of our bards, mighty to shout forth his songs, keeping time with his lyric foot, moreover a powerful sophist, able to prove pious doctrines out of Holy Scripture, and in genial jest to propose or solve puzzles of arithmetic." As a theologian he was most famous for his books against Felix of Urgel and Elipandus of Toledo, on the subject of the Adoptianist heresy (see above, ch. vi), and there is no doubt that his was an important influence in the Council of Frankfort which condemned them. The second is his attitude towards the monastic life. He admired the monastic life, but he had not been trained as a strict Benedictine, indeed he was probably no more than a secular in deacon's orders. He held abbeys as their superior, just as many {169} laymen did; but he never seems to have been inclined to take upon him any strict rule. His example shows how natural was the next step in monastic history which is associated with the abbey of Cluny.

[Sidenote: The schools of Europe.]

In Alcuin England was linked to the wider world of Christendom. This has been summarily expressed by a great English historian thus: "The schools of Northumbria had gathered in the harvest of Irish learning, of the Franco-Gallican schools still subsisting and preserving a remnant of classical character in the sixth century, and of Rome, itself now barbarised. Bede had received instruction from the disciples of Chad and Cuthbert in the Irish studies of the Scriptures, from Wilfrid and Acca in the French and Roman learning, and from Benedict Biscop and Albinus in the combined and organised discipline of Theodore. By his influence with Egbert, the school of York was founded, and in it was centred nearly all the wisdom of the West, and its great pupil was Alcuin. Whilst learning had been growing in Northumbria, it had been declining on the Continent; in the latter days of Alcuin, the decline of English learning began in consequence of the internal dissensions of the kings, and the early ravages of the Northmen. Just at the same time the Continent was gaining peace and organisation under Charles. Alcuin carried the learning which would have perished in England into France and Germany, where it was maintained whilst England relapsed into the state of ignorance from which it was delivered by Alfred. Alcuin was rather a man of learning and action than of genius and contemplation like Bede, but his power of organisation and of teaching was great, and his services {170} to religion and literature in Europe, based indeed on the foundation of Bede, were more widely extended and in themselves inestimable." [1]

[Sidenote: John Scotus.]

Side by side with the career of Alcuin, of which much is known, may be placed that of another scholar who was at least equally influential, but of whose life little is known. John the Scot, whose thought exercised a profound influence on the ages after his death, was one of the Irish scholars whom the famous schools of that island produced as late as the ninth century. He became attached to the court of Charles the Bald, as Alcuin had been to that of Charles the Great. He became like Alcuin a prominent defender of the faith, being invited by Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, to answer the monk Gottschalk's exaggerated doctrine of predestination, which went much farther than S. Augustine, and might be described as Calvinist before Calvin; but his arguments were also considered unsound, and his opinions were condemned in later synods. The argument that, evil being the negation of good, God could not know it, for with Him to know is to cause, was certainly weak if not formally heretical, and his subtleties seemed to the theologians of his time to be merely ineptitudes. He was also, it is at least probable, engaged in the controversy on the doctrine of the Holy Eucharist which began about this time, originating in the treatise of Paschasius Radbertus, de Sacramento Corporis et Sanguinis Christi. In 1050 a treatise bearing John the Scot's name was condemned; but it seems that this was really written by Ratramnus of Corbie. The view of Radbert was that which was {171} afterwards formalised into Transubstantiation. The view attributed to John was a clear denial of any materialising doctrine of the Sacrament. Later writers say that John returned to England, taught in the abbey school at Malmesbury, the famous school originated by Irish monks and illustrated by the fame of S. Aldhelm, and there died. His chief work was the de Divisione Naturae, in which he seems to anticipate much later philosophic argument (notably that of S. Anselm and Descartes as to the existence of God) and to have been the precursor if not the founder of Nominalism.

With John the Scot it is clear that both the old literature and philosophy survived and were fruitful and that new interests, which would carry theology into further developments, were arising. A revival of learning was naturally the growth of the monastic system; but that system was itself far from secure at the time of which we speak.

[Sidenote: The Benedictine rule.]

The Benedictine rule did not win its way over Europe without some checks; nor was it always able to retain its hold in an age of general disorder. Much depended upon the abbat in each particular house. In Gaul, the rule of S. Columban had made him absolute. But such a submission was never accepted in central and southern Gaul. From the end of the sixth century it is clear that monasticism was beginning to slacken its devotion. The history of the monastery of S. Radegund as given by Gregory of Tours shows this; so does the letter of Gregory the Great to Brunichild. Nor did the milder rule of S. Benedict long remain unaltered in practice.

A new revival is connected with the names of Odo and Cluny.


[Sidenote: The decay of monasticism in the ninth century.]

Saint Odo emerges from an age in which the most striking feature was the reassertion of the imperial power and the imperial idea. The ninth century, as it began, witnessed a remarkable revival, the revival of a decayed and dormant institution—the Roman Empire—in whose ashes there had yet survived the fire which had inspired the rulers of the world in the past. The great idea of imperialism was reborn in the person of a man of extraordinary physical and mental power, a sovereign who, while he had not a little of the weaknesses of his age, had also in a remarkable degree centred in himself its highest philosophic aspirations. The early ninth century is dominated by the figure of Charles the Great. The result was inevitable. Lay power, lay over-lordship or supremacy, extends everywhere, intrudes into the recesses of monastic life, and dictates even in things purely spiritual. And as the new tide of barbarian invasion, Saracen or Norman, sweeps on in Spain or Gaul, the Church, for very physical needs, seeks refuge under the protection of lay barons, princes, and kings. Feudalism is rising. The monastic houses fall often under the arrogant rule of lay abbats. And the popes, not rarely a prey themselves to the vices of the age, sink into impotence and become enmeshed in worldly, often shameful, intrigue and disorder. The canons of Church councils show that it was below as it was above. Secularity was general, vice was far from rare.

The Divine spirit and the past history of Christianity made it certain that a revival of life must come. The dry bones would feel the breath and would live {173} again. [Sidenote: S. Odo.] On the borders of the lands of Maine and Anjou was born in 879, of a line of feudal barons, Odo, the regenerator of monasticism, the ultimate reviver of the papacy, the spiritual progenitor of Hildebrand himself. Promised to God at his birth, he was long held back by his father for knighthood and the life of a warrior such as he himself had led; a grievous sickness gave him, on his recovery, to the monastic life. The disciple alike of S. Martin and S. Benedict, he took inspiration from them to revive the strict monastic rule. From a canon he became a monk, after a noviciate at Baume, the foundation of Columban in the wild and beautiful valley between the Seille and the Dard, in the diocese of Besancon. For a time he tasted the life of the anchorite and the coenobite. Then he passed to the abbey of Cluny, founded in 910 by William of Aquitaine in the mountains above the valley of the Grosne, and ruled till 927 by Berno, who came himself from Baume. On his death Odo became abbat; and to him the great development of the revival of strict monasticism is due.

[Sidenote: Cluny.]

Cluny became the type of the exempted abbeys, and the highest representative of the monastic privileges. It embodied in itself the best expression of the resistance to feudalism; it became the most powerful support of the papacy and of the much-needed movement for the reform of the Church. The first necessity of the new monasticism was an absolute independence of the lay power. Thus the founder attached it from the first to the Roman Church, and gave up all his own rights of property. Its situation, in the heart of Burgundy, {174} removed it from the power of the king. Charles the Simple permitted its foundation, Louis d'Outremer confirmed its privileges. When Urban II., a militant Cluniac, became pope the interests of Cluny and Rome were more than ever identified. The monks elected their abbat without exterior interference. To prevent this becoming an abuse, the first abbats always proposed their coadjutors as their successors. Thus it was with Berno(910-27), Odo (927-48), Maieul (948-94), Odilo (990-1049). After that there arose the custom of appointing the grand prior as successor—as in the case of S. Hugh (1049-1109). From the confirmation of its foundation in 931 by John XI. Cluny received the greatest favours at the hands of the papacy, its abbats being created archabbots with episcopal insignia; and it was made entirely independent of the bishops.

[Sidenote: The rule of Cluny.]

Cluny soon attracted attention, wealth, and followers. Corrupt old communities or new foundations sought the guidance or protection of its abbats. When each monastery was independent and isolated it was impossible to reform a lax community, or for it to defend itself from feudal violence and the hostility of the secular clergy. Odo, the saint who saw these evils, therefore started what soon became the Congregation of Cluny. The daughter-houses were regarded not as independent, but as parts of Cluny. There was only one abbat, the arch-abbat of Cluny, who was the head of all. Necessary local control was exercised by the prior, responsible to and nominated by the abbat. Some houses resisted annexation to Cluny, such as S. Martial at Limoges, which kept up the contest from 1063 to 1240. Contact {175} between the abbey and its dependencies was preserved by visitation of the abbat; and the dependent houses sent representatives to periodical chapters, which met at Cluny under the abbat. In the eleventh century these were merely consultative, but in the thirteenth they had become political, administrative, and judicial, even subjecting the abbat to their control. The rule of S. Benedict was followed in the abbey and its dependencies. The monks did some manual labour, but devoted themselves chiefly to religious exercises, to teaching the young, to hospitality and almsgiving.

But the Cluniacs, protected by the papacy, and enriched by the offerings of the faithful all over Europe, taught an extreme doctrine as to the power of the Holy See. Their ideal was the absolute separation of Church from State, the reorganisation of the Church under a general discipline such as could be exercised only by the pope. He, in their ideal, was to stand towards the whole world as the Cluniac abbat stood towards each Cluniac priory, the one ultimate source of jurisdiction, the Universal Bishop, appointing and degrading the diocesan bishops as the abbat made and unmade the priors.

How much of all this did the great Odo plan? Not very much. But it was his work to revive the discipline, the holiness, the self-sacrifice, which, through the reformed monasteries, should touch the whole Church.

And thus monasticism at the beginning of the eleventh century was a wholly new force in the life of Christendom. It was destined to reform the papacy itself.

[1] Bp. Stubbs in Dict. of Christian Biography, vol. i. p. 74.




[Sidenote: Baptism.]

In the centuries with which we deal the importance of Baptism cannot be overrated. It was everywhere, in all the missions of the Church, regarded as the critical point of the individual life and the indispensable means of entrance to the Christian Church. When the children of Sebert the king of the East Saxons wished to have all the privileges of Christians, which their father had had, and "a share in the white bread" though they were still heathen, Mellitus the bishop answered, "If you will be washed in that font of salvation in which your father was washed, then you may also partake of the holy bread of which he used to partake: but if you despise the laver of life you cannot possibly receive the bread of life"; and he was driven from the kingdom because he would not yield an inch. The tale however shows also that there were still on the fringe of Christianity persons who were not baptized, not catechumens, yet still interested in the religion and to some extent anxious to be sharers in its life. Throughout the early history of Gaulish Christianity the same is to be observed, and it is doubtless the reason why a number of semi-pagan customs still survived among those who were nominally Christians, {177} as well as those who still stood outside the Church. Baptism in the case of many was a critical point in the history of a tribe or nation. The baptism of Chlodowech was the greatest historical event in the history of the Franks: it was of critical importance that the Franks, with him, accepted orthodox Christianity, that he, robed in the white vesture which West and East alike considered meet, and which was sometimes worn for the octave after baptism, confessed his faith in the Blessed Trinity, was baptized in the name of Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and was anointed with the holy chrism and signed with the sign of the cross. Baptism not only admitted into the Christian Church, but was invested with the associations of the human family, and thus had transferred to it some of the conditions in which students of anthropology find such interesting survivals, of primitive ideas. The conception of spiritual relationship was endowed with the results which belonged to natural kinship. The sponsors became spiritual parents. The code of Justinian forbade the marriage of a godchild and godparent, because "nothing can so much call out fatherly affection and the just prohibition of marriage as a bond of this kind, by means of which, through the action of God, their souls are united to one another." This led to the growth of as elaborate a scheme of spiritual relationships as that which already hedged round among many tribes the eligibility for marriage among persons even remotely akin to one another. In the East, as in the West, baptism was most frequently conferred at the time of the great Christian festivals, Christmas (as in the case of Chlodowech), Epiphany, and especially Easter; and Easter Eve became, later {178} on, especially consecrated to the sacred rite. In the East baptism was often postponed till the infant was two years old; and everywhere there was for long a tendency even among Christian parents to hold back children from the laver of regeneration for fear of the consequences of post-baptismal sin. It was thus that a name was often given, and a child received into the Church, some weeks or even months before the baptism took place. The Greek Syntagma of the seventh century contains interesting information as to the baptism of heretics. It is ordered that Sabellians, Montanists, Manichaeans, Valentianists and such like shall be baptized just as pagans are, after instruction and examination in the faith, and, after insufflation, by triple immersion.

[Sidenote: Confirmation.]

Throughout these centuries baptism was not separated from Confirmation, except in the case of some converts from heresy. The two rites were regarded as parts of the same sacrament, or at least the former was not considered complete without the latter. The sacramental life of the individual in fact was to begin with his entrance into the Church and never to be intermitted. Even infants were present throughout the celebration of the sacred mysteries and partook of the Communion, a custom which was only abandoned in the West because of the difficulty of frequent giving of Confirmation and the consequent delay of that rite till later years.

[Sidenote: The Holy Communion.]

Baptism and Confirmation was the gate by which the Christian was admitted to the Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood. The celebration of that Sacrament was the chief act of the Church's worship every Sunday and holy day, and in {179} Spain, Africa, Antioch, daily, in Rome every day except Friday and Saturday, in Alexandria except on Thursday and Friday: indeed by the end of the sixth century it seems probable that in most parts of the Church a daily celebration was usual. From the seventh century the mass of the presanctified, when the priest communicated from elements previously consecrated, is found in use on certain days, and in the East throughout except on Saturdays and Sundays. [Sidenote: Frequent Communion.] It seems clear that at least up to the sixth century it was usual for all who were confirmed to communicate whenever they were present, unless they were under penance; but the custom of noncommunicating attendance was growing up. In the East a spiritual writer said, "it is not rare or frequent communion which matters, but to make a good communion with a prepared conscience"; while in the West Bede's letter to Archbishop Egbert of York supplies an excellent illustration of custom. [Sidenote: Bede.] The people are to be told, he advises, "how salutary it is for all classes of Christians to participate daily in the body and blood of our Lord, as you know well is done by Christ's Church throughout Italy, Gaul, Africa, Greece, and all the countries of the East. Now, this kind of religion and heavenly devotion, through the neglect of our teachers, has been so long discontinued among almost all the laity of our province, that those who seem to be most religious among them communicate in the holy mysteries only on the Day of our Lord's birth, the Epiphany, and Easter, whilst there are innumerable boys and girls, of innocent and chaste life, as well as young men and women, old men and old women, who without any scruple {180} or debate are able to communicate in the holy mysteries on every Lord's Day, nay, on all the birthdays of the holy Apostles and martyrs, as you have yourself seen done in the holy Roman and Apostolic Church." It would seem from this that frequent communion was inculcated by the first missionaries to England in the sixth century. Bede tells also how in his day two Anglian priests went on a mission to the heathen Saxons, and, while waiting for the decision of the "satrap," "devoted themselves to prayer and psalm-singing, and daily offered to God the sacrifice of the Saving Victim, having with them sacred vessels and a hallowed table to serve as an altar."

[Sidenote: Fasting Communion.]

The Sacrament was received in both kinds and fasting, and the priest was forbidden to celebrate after taking any food; some exception to this rule may be inferred from a canon of the Second Council of Macon in 585 enforcing it, and the ecclesiastical historian Socrates (whose History extends from 306 to 439) states that some in Egypt did not receive "as the custom is among Christians," but after a meal. The presence of the Lord in the Eucharist was recognised and adored. [Sidenote: The doctrine of the Sacrifice.] S. Anastasius of Sinai, probably of the sixth century, writes: "After the bloodless sacrifice has been consecrated, the priest lifts up the bread of life, and shows it to all." The Eucharist is continually spoken of as the holy Sacrifice, the offering of the Saving Victim, the Celestial Oblation; and it was offered, as the writings of Gregory the Great show, in special intercession for the dead as well as the living. From the beginning of the fifth century it seems to have been, at least occasionally, {181} reserved in church as well as sent to the sick in their own houses.

[Sidenote: The Roman mass.]

During the fifth and sixth centuries it would seem that the Roman mass, the rite which has slowly superseded the local forms of service in most parts of Europe, was undergoing the modifications which brought it to the stereotyped form it now has. The severe, terse, practical nature of the liturgy, in words, ritual, ceremonial, which is so characteristic of the Roman nature, was being altered by the admixture of other elements. This was especially the case, it is said, in France and Germany, during the ninth century. Earlier changes had been made by Gregory the Great, partly from Eastern sources. [Sidenote: The fifth century.] At the middle of the fifth century the rite, in words and action alike, was a simple one. The choir sang an introit, the priest a collect, epistle and gospel were read, and a psalm was sung: the gifts were offered, the prayer or "preface" of the day was followed by the Sanctus, as in the East, and then came the Canon or actual Consecration. After this was the Lord's Prayer, communion of priests, clergy and people, a psalm and a collect and the end. The ceremonial was equally simple, and was connected almost exclusively with the entrance of the celebrant and his ministers, at which incense was used, and with the reading of the gospel, where also lights and incense were prominent. All else was simple and of dignified reticence. "Mystery never flourished in the clear Roman atmosphere, and symbolism was no product of the Roman religious mind. Christian symbolism is not of pure Roman birth, not a native product of the {182} Roman spirit." [1] This reticent character is most clearly found in the Gregorian missal, which has been believed to represent the period of Gregory the Great. More probably the assertion of John the Deacon that Gregory revised the Gelasian Sacramentary is an error, and what is called the Gregorian Sacramentary is simply the book which was sent by Pope Hadrian I. to Charles I. between 784 and 791. But that S. Gregory did make certain alterations is certain. They were three in the Liturgy, two in the ceremonial of the mass. The Alleluia was ordered to be more frequently chanted than before; and we find it used outside the Easter season almost immediately after this by S. Augustine in England. He added words to the "Hanc igitur" in the Canon of the mass, praying for peace and inclusion in the number of the elect. He inserted the Lord's Prayer immediately after the Canon. He also forbade the deacons to sing any of the mass except the gospel and the subdeacons to wear chasubles at the altar.

[Sidenote: The eighth century.]

It is thought that the great change, which made the Roman mass into the elaborate rite it became, is due to the influence, at the end of the eighth century, of Charles the Great, who with the determination of a ruler and the interest of a liturgiologist made one rite to be observed throughout his dominions, but enriched the Gregorian book with details and ceremonies derived from uses already common in France. The study of liturgies became common in the ninth century, and in Gaul additions were made to the book sent by Pope Hadrian {183} to Charles the Great, which were finally accepted throughout the greater part of Italy, the Ambrosian rite in the province of Milan remaining different throughout the changes.

It is natural that English readers should desire to know more particularly of the first English Christian worship. How did the Church's worship first begin in our own land?

[Sidenote: The rites of the Western isles.]

No doubt the Christians who received conversion during the Roman occupation of Britain, and those of Ireland who were won by the preaching of S. Patrick, worshipped according to the same rite as the churches of Spain or the churches of Gaul, following that use which survived in Spain generally till the eleventh century and in Gaul till the ninth. Gildas, who wrote during the stress of the conquest of the Christian Brythons by the heathen English, mentions one custom which undoubtedly was Gallican, and which is preserved in the Gelasian Sacramentary and the Missale Francorum, the one a Roman collection which contains Gallican uses, the other a Gallican rite. It is that of anointing the hands of priests, and perhaps deacons, in ordination, and the custom was kept up after the conversion of the English, at least in some parts of England in the tenth and eleventh centuries. But the influence of the British Church was slight. It is of more interest to us to know what was the first worship offered in this land by those who were to convert our own forefathers.

Bede tells us how first Augustine prayed when he came before the heathen king of Kent. Some days after their landing Aethelbert received the monks from {184} Rome. [Sidenote: S. Augustine in Kent.] They had tarried, it seems probable, under the walls of the old Roman fortress of Richborough. They had waited, in prayer and patience, for the beginning of their Mission. It was on prayer that they still depended when they were summoned before the king. On a ridge of rocks overlooking the sea sat Aethelbert and his gesiths, and watched the band of some forty men draw near. Slowly they came, and the strange sound of the Church's music was wafted to the ears of the heathen company as they drew near. Before them was borne a tall silver cross, and a banner which displayed the pictured image of the Saviour Lord,

The Cross preceding Him who floats in air, The pictured Saviour.

S. Gregory, the great pope who had sent the mission, who had himself long dwelt at the court of the emperors in Constantinople, had learnt the value of icons, of sacred pictures, as texts for an appeal, or as stimulants to devotion. Those who cannot read, he said, should be taught by pictures, but pictures are valuable only because they point to Him whom we adore as incarnate, crucified, sitting at the right hand of God. As they came, they sang, and Bede says: "they sang litanies, entreating the Lord for their own salvation and that of those for whom and to whom they came." The litany ended when they came to the king, and then Augustine preached the word. He declared, says an old English writer of later days, "how the merciful Saviour with His own sufferings redeemed their guilty world, and opened an entrance into the kingdom of heaven to all faithful men."

The king bade them deliver their message, and they {185} sat—for it was no formal sermon, but rather, as we should say, a meditation on the things of God—and "preached the word of life to him and all his gesiths who were present." Bede tells us the answer of the grave thoughtful Aethelbert—"They are certainly beautiful words and promises that you bring; but because they are new and unproved, I cannot give my assent to them and give up those things which I with all the English race have so long observed. But since you are strangers and have come a long way, so that—as I think I can see clearly—you might impart to us that which you believe to be true and most good, I do not wish you any harm, but rather will treat you kindly and see that you have all you need, and we will not hinder you from bringing over to the faith of your own religion all of our people that you can win." And so he gave them lodging in his own city, the metropolis, as Bede, as it were by prophecy, calls it, of Canterbury. [Sidenote: The litanies.] Towards Canterbury they went, still with litany and procession, and thus, Bede tells us, it is said they sang—still carrying the holy cross and the picture of the great King, our Lord Jesus Christ.—

"We beseech Thee, O Lord, according to all Thy mercy, that Thy wrath and Thine anger may be turned away from this city, and from Thy holy house; for we have sinned. Alleluia."

A tradition that lasted down to Bede's own day thus handed down their words. There is great interest in this picture of Christian worship in the heathen land, our own, that was to be won for Christ. It illustrates the worship of the land the missionaries came from, as well as serves as a pattern for the worship which the {186} English, under Augustine's guidance, should follow. What was this litany? Litanies at Rome were regulated by S. Gregory himself, and he was very likely only revising and setting in order a form of service already well known. But this very litany S. Augustine and his companions had most likely heard during their passage through Gaul. There the Rogation litanies had been over a hundred years in use; and these words form part of a Rogation litany used long after in Vienne, through which doubtless Augustine travelled. Thus the missionaries were using a part of the Gallican service-books, and not of the Roman; and the legation procession, which lasted so long in England, which still lingers in some places in the form of "beating the bounds," and which in late years has been here and there revived among us, comes to us with Augustine from Gaul, and not from Rome, where it was not yet in use. "Alleluia!" too, a strange ending to a penitential litany in modern ears, was the close of Gallican litanies at Rogationtide, as later in Christian England itself, and its use outside the Easter season was especially authorised by Gregory the Great. And if Augustine's own first public prayers were Gallican, so most probably was the use of the chapel of the Kentish Queen Bercta, who was daughter of the West Frankish king, and who had with her a Frankish bishop, Liudhard. But his own use would be the Roman, just as his own manner of chanting, long preserved at Canterbury, was after the manner of the Romans. And thus, with the strong sense of unity natural to a man trained in the school of the great Gregory, Augustine was startled at the contrast of customs when it came to him in practical guise. Why, {187} the faith being one, are there the different customs of different churches, and one manner of masses in the holy Roman church, another in that of the Gauls? So he asked the great teacher who had sent him. A wise answer came from the wise pope, disclaiming all peculiar authority or special sanctity for the use of Rome. "Things are not to be loved for the sake of places, but places for the sake of things." "Select, then," he advises, "from many churches, whatever you have found in Gaul, or in Rome, or in any other church, that is good; make a rite for the new church of the English, such as you think pious and best."

[Sidenote: English uses.]

All this, when Augustine's position is remembered, will be seen to show how far Rome then was from arrogating to herself any strange supremacy such as later days have brought. The first primate of the English was allowed freedom to make an English rite. But, on the other hand, we have no evidence that he did so. He preferred, we have every reason to believe, the Roman rite, with only here and there a few changes or additions. The Council of Clovesho, presided over by Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 747, followed in his steps, taking in regard to rites "the model which we have in writing from the Roman Church." But none the less later English service-books show very considerable Gallican influence. Celtic missionaries, and the connection four centuries later with Gaul and Burgundy, left traces in the way in which the service was performed; and England, up to the Reformation, like all other countries indeed, had some distinct customs of its own. Throughout the long history of conversion which spreads over the whole island, it is noteworthy {188} that preaching and the singing of litanies, as at the first coming of Augustine, are conspicuous in the methods of the saints who won England to Christ.

[Sidenote: The Eucharist in the sixth century.]

What then was the service of the Holy Communion, as S. Augustine celebrated it, and our English forefathers first came to know it? If, as we suppose, it was the Roman, it would proceed thus. First an antiphon, which came to be called an introit, or psalm of entrance, with a verse having special reference to the lesson of the day or season, was sung, as the priest, wearing a long white surplice or alb and a chasuble (the robe worn alike by lay and by clerical officials), entered with two deacons, wearing probably similar garments. In the Gallican rite, as in the eastern, there followed the singing of the "Trisagion": and in both Gallican and Roman the "Kyrie Eleeson," as in our own office to-day, though we now add to it a special prayer for grace to keep the Commandments. Then in the Roman rite was sung the "Gloria in Excelsis," while in the Gallican the "Benedictus" took its place. This was introductory. Now came the collect, the prayer when all the people were gathered together. Then the Lesson from the Old Testament, the Epistle, and the Gospel. Between the Old Testament Lesson and the Epistle was sung the "Gradual," a psalm sung from the steps of the ambo or pulpit, but gradually the use of Rome was followed all over Europe, and the Old Testament reading was omitted altogether. After the Epistle was sung "Alleluia" or the psalm called the Tract. Then the Gospel was sung, introduced with special solemnity. The deacon mounted the pulpit, seven candles being carried before him, and the choir {189} chanting "Glory be to Thee, O Lord." After the deacon had read the Gospel, a sermon was generally preached, but the Creed was at this time not said. A short common prayer followed (in the Gallican rite a litany), and then the mass of the catechumens was over, and those who were unbaptized or unworthy to remain at that time for the consecration departed from the church, a custom which has survived in England under changed conditions.

Then, when the faithful only remained, the offertory was sung, and the bread and wine and water were offered (the ceremonial was different and much longer in the Gallican rite, and included the kiss of peace). S. Augustine, if he followed the Roman use, would offer the bread and wine himself, with the laity assisting: the Gallican use was to prepare the elements beforehand, and now bring them into church in procession. The priest then washed his hands and said privately a collect, while in the Gallican rite he read from the diptychs, or tablets of the church, the names of those departed who were to be especially commemorated.

Then followed the prayer called the Preface, and the singing of "Holy, Holy, Holy." After this, in the Gallican rite, came a special prayer, and then, as still in the Mozarabic, followed the recital of our Lord's institution of the Sacrament, as in the English Prayer-book now; but the Roman rite had also prayers for the Church, for the living and dead, and both united in the prayer (called paraklesis) that the elements might receive consecration from God, which was the consecration itself until much later. Then the dead and living were again prayed for, and the fruits of the earth were dedicated by prayer.


The Lord's Prayer, by the order of S. Gregory himself, concluded this part of the service, which came to be known as the Canon, the invariable part of the Mass. In the Roman rite the kiss of peace followed, the faithful kissing each other according to the ancient custom. Then the priest broke the bread, and said the Lord's Prayer alone till the last clause. Then he placed a piece of the bread in the cup, and received the Sacrament himself, afterwards giving it in one kind to the clergy and laity, while the deacon followed with the chalice. Before the Communion it was a custom taken from Gaul, which lasted in England up to the Reformation, that the Bishop, if present, should bless the people. A hymn was sung during the communion of the people; the ancient "Draw nigh and take the Body of the Lord" remains still to us from a Celtic source for use at this time. The service ended with a "Let us pray" and collect after Communion, closely followed by the second of the alternative post-communion prayers now in our English office. Immediately after this prayer the deacon said "Ite, missa est" ("Go: it is the dismissal").

In the English services to-day, while much is changed, and the language is our own, we can still trace very much that has been used continuously since the day when S. Augustine first said the whole office of the Church on British soil.

Much more might be said; but this may suffice to illustrate the interest and importance which belong to sacraments and liturgical rites in the ages of which we speak.

[1] Edmund Bishop, "The Genesis of the Roman Rite," in Essays on Ceremonial, 1904.




[Sidenote: The end of the age.]

As we draw to the close of the long period which, through the conversion of the barbarian races and the growth of a central power in the Church at Rome, so profoundly influenced the future of the world, we are met by some outstanding facts which mark an epoch of crisis and of reformation. They are—the widening breach in matters religious, as earlier in matters political, between East and West; the influences which served to strengthen the theory of the papal monarchy even at the time of its greatest practical weakness; and the strength of the Empire under the Saxon Ottos as a power to unite Western Europe and to reform the Western Church.

[Sidenote: The papacy of Nicolas I., 858-67.]

Nicolas, who was elected in 858, was a great pope. He asserted the moral force of Christianity in a way in which his predecessors very frequently followed him, by vindicating the indissolubility of the marriage tie. Chlothochar, King of Lotharingia, separated from his wife Theudberga, bringing against her foul charges, which a council of clergy at Aachen accepted. Nicolas intervened: again and again he endeavoured to control the Frankish clergy and rescind the divorce; but it was {192} only in 863 by a council at Rome, where the archbishops of Cologne and Trier were present, that he was able to proceed to extremities. He excommunicated those two prelates, and deposed them with all those who had assisted them: he warned Hincmar of Rheims of what he had done. The emperor Louis, Chlothochar's brother, marched on Rome and captured the city; but there, through illness it appears, he completely submitted to the pope. Nicolas enforced his decision on the Frankish king, the Frankish bishops, on Hincmar, the great archbishop of Rheims himself. In a letter he developed the theory that the Empire owed its confirmation to the authority of the Apostolic See, and that the sword was conferred on the emperor by the pope, the vicar of S. Peter. Truly it was said of this pope by one who wrote a century after his death, "Since the days of Gregory to our own sat no prelate on the throne of S. Peter to be compared to Nicolas. He tamed kings and tyrants and ruled the world like a monarch: to holy bishops he was mild and gentle: to the wicked and unconverted a terror; so that truly may we say that in him arose a new Elijah."

Of equal though different importance was the action of the papacy in regard to the East. What is known as the Photian schism is the divergence between the churches of Constantinople and Rome, which became critical during the pontificate of Nicolas I.

[Sidenote: The Photian schism.]

Photius, a man of great learning and experience, a scholar and theologian of the familiar Greek type, was elected Patriarch of Constantinople on Christmas Day, 857. At the time when Michael III. determined on his appointment he was not even ordained: in six days he {193} received the different orders and was made patriarch. But his election was uncanonical. Ignatius the patriarch, who was still living, was deposed because of his censures of the emperor's evil life. Photius announced his election to Pope Nicolas, but Ignatius refused to surrender his rights; both parties excommunicated each other; and the emperor mocked at both. But he also asked the pope to send legates to a council which should restore order to the Church. The Council met in 861. It confirmed Photius in his office, and the papal legates assented. Nicolas refused to accept the decision and took upon him to annul it, to depose Photius, to declare the orders conferred by him invalid, and to announce his decision to the other patriarchs and to the metropolitans and bishops who owed obedience to Constantinople. Neither the emperor nor Photius would submit; and in 867 Photius issued, in a council at Constantinople, an encyclical letter, in which he repudiated the papal claim of jurisdiction (which was complicated by assertions of supremacy over the Bulgarian Church), and denounced a number of tenets held by Westerns, [Sidenote: The Philioque controversy.] and most notably the addition of the word Filioque to the Nicene Creed, as asserting the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son. He ended by excommunicating the pope.

In the year 867 Nicolas died, Michael was deposed, Photius followed him into retirement, Basil the Macedonian ascended the throne, and Ignatius was restored to the patriarchate. A council was held in 869 at which papal legates attended, which approved these acts, and which is counted by the Roman Church as {194} the Eighth Oecumenical Council. This Council confirmed the Church's decision as to image-worship. Ignatius held his throne till his death in 877, when Photius was reinstated. His return was signalised by a new agreement with Rome, in which Pope John VIII. repudiated the insertion of the Filioque, and declared that it was inserted by men whose daring was due to madness, and who were transgressors against the Divine Word. Another council at Constantinople (879-80) confirmed the reinstatement, declared Photius to be lawful patriarch, and anathematised the Council of 869. This is reckoned by the Greeks as the Eighth Oecumenical Council. [Sidenote: End of the schism.] Then the schism was for the time healed. It made no difference that a new emperor, Leo VI., the Wise, deposed Photius again and appointed his own brother. The union remained formally throughout the tenth century. But though the eleventh century opened with a nominal agreement, it was not destined to endure. The points of severance must be dealt with in a later volume. It may here suffice to say that the position of the Greeks was rigidly conservative, of the popes aggressively authoritative.

It was an age of growing papal claims; and the claims had now found a new basis.

[Sidenote: The forged decretals.]

The promises, true and legendary, of Pippin, and the spurious donation of Constantine, had still further extension in the False Decretals. These were first used by Nicolas I., who was pope from 858 to 867. During his pontificate the collection of Church laws, with the canons of the Oecumenical Councils, the letters of the most important bishops and the like, with the ecclesiastical laws of the {195} emperors, which were practically becoming a corpus juris canonici, received a notable addition. The genuine decretals of the popes begin with Siricius (384-98); but there now (between 840 and 860) appeared fifty-nine more, professing to date from the second and third centuries, and also thirty-nine became interpolated among the genuine documents, which ranged from 386 to 731. These were put forth by a skilful forger as the collection of Isidore of Seville, and they were incorporated in the authentic collection made by him. A most remarkable series of documents was this, in every point supporting the claims now put forth by the Roman See to political as well as ecclesiastical supremacy, deciding questions of discipline and right such as were then vexed, and supplying a veritable armoury for the advocates of papal claims to rule everywhere, over all persons, and in all causes. The forged decretals, now known as the pseudo-Isidorian, had their origin among the Franks, and showed the aims and the needs of the Frankish reformers. They set forth three great objects—"freedom from the secular power, establishment of the ecclesiastical hierarchy with a firm discipline, and centralisation of organisation upon which all could depend." [1] They represented, in fact, a scheme of reform and the way in which a somewhat unscrupulous reformer imagined it could best be carried out. Probably the forged decretals were concocted at Rheims, or possibly at Mainz, and they were first used in a critical case in 866, when a bishop of Soissons, deposed by Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, appealed to the pope on the ground that the power of deposition by the decretals belonged to him alone. It is difficult {196} to believe that when Nicolas I. accepted them he was not aware that they were not the genuine writings of the popes whose work they professed to be: he can hardly have thought that Spain (where it was said that they had been discovered) was more likely to have kept papal documents safely than the Roman Chancery itself. Their importance was, however, not evident at first. In the ninth and tenth centuries comparatively little was made of them. It was in the eleventh and the centuries which followed that a gigantic edifice of papal assumption was to be built upon them by popes who were fired with a true zeal to reform the world, and who, not doubting their authenticity, found in them an instrument ready to their hands.

[Sidenote: The decay of the papacy.]

The weakness of the papacy in the tenth century was indeed such that no theory could give it respect in Europe. The weakness of the Church was heralded by that of the Empire. The Carling house expired in contempt almost as great as that which had fallen on the Merwings. In Gaul the Norman had won fair provinces on the coast; and the house of the Counts of Paris came in the tenth century to rule over the Franks. There the Church remained strong as the State decayed, and it was the great archbishopric of Rheims which gave the crown to the line of Hugh the Great. In Germany the dynasty of the Carlings became extinct. In Rome the power over the city fell into the hands of the local nobility; and the period was made infamous by the lives of Theodora and Marozia, who were the paramours of popes. The tale of the age of disgrace which marks the greater part of the tenth century is of no importance in the history of the Church. A succession of {197} popes, whom their contemporaries certainly did not believe to be infallible, followed each other in rapid procession. John X. alone (914-28) has any claim to greatness; but he, like the others, was deeply stained with the vices, political if not moral, of his age. It was not until the Saxon Otto came to Italy like a knight-errant to redress the wrongs of the Northern princes, and was crowned at Rome in 962, that the Church in Italy began to revive from its ashes. He deposed and set up popes; and he gave to the papacy something of the bracing ideals which the new life of Gaul and Germany inspired.

The moral weakness of the papacy, the political weakness of Italy, had founded the Empire anew, as it had been founded anew in 800. The revival of the Empire under Charles the Great, and again under Otto, was not due to political considerations only; it was due also to the force of religious ideas.

[Sidenote: The religious revival of the Empire under the Saxons.]

One great characteristic of the revived Empire in German hands was the important part played in its policy by missions, and, it must be added, missionary wars. It was said of Charles the Great by his eulogists that he converted Saxons and Vandals and Frisians by the Word and the sword: and this thought was embodied in a series of wars which have been somewhat fancifully compared to the Crusades of later days. Otto I. thrice invaded the land of the Slavs and made all the barbarians from the Oder to the Elbe admit his lordship. Six new bishoprics were founded as his sway spread, and the bishop of Magdeburg was raised to be "archbishop and metropolitan of the whole race of the Slavs beyond the Elbe which has {198} been, or still remains to be, converted to God." But though it was a real work of civilisation, a work which made for peace, that the German Caesars undertook, it was not a Crusade. A Crusade was a war to win back from the infidel what had once been the patrimony of the Crucified: the wars of the Ottos were directed to extend their own sway, and, as ever, the true work of the converting Church was not helped but hindered by the arms and enterprises of soldiers and statesmen. When the tribes revolted against the government of the Germans, they often disowned their Christianity and destroyed their churches. Under Otto III. the Empire did not recover what she had lost, and the province of Magdeburg remained for nearly half its extent in heathen hands. [Sidenote: Otto the Great's endowment in Germany.] The Church suffered from this association. Where the mission of S. Boniface had been purely spiritual, the work of his successors was often hampered by the ambition of the emperors. In the lands alike of Eastern and Western Franks the Church was often led to lean on the State, and the results, of slackness, corruption, weakness, were inevitable. The rich endowments which were poured upon the Church were not always wisely given or wisely used. The Caesars themselves showered gifts: Otto the Great surpassed all his predecessors in lavishness,[2] and his dynasty followed in his steps. But the honours and riches were given quite as much for political as for religious objects. In the bishops and abbats the sovereigns found the wisest servants, the most capable administrators. As among the West Franks under the {199} Merwings, so now among the East Franks, the great ecclesiastics were the supports of the monarchy, the real governors of the country. It was thus that they came to owe their position—if not their election always yet certainly their confirmation—to the imperial will. As in Rome the emperors were stretching forth a hand to control the elections to the papacy, so in Germany there was growing up at the end of the tenth century the practice of imperial control over the things of the Church. The policy of the Ottos and the reformation of the papacy were certain ultimately to lead to the contest concerning investitures. High clerical office had come too often to be bought and sold, and the churches were becoming mere appanages of the great principalities. It was wise of Otto I. to try to win from the dukes the power they had obtained: but it was not for the good of the Church that the power should be even in the imperial hands.

[Sidenote: Otto III. and the popes.]

Otto I. died in 973. He had begun the reformation of the papacy. His son and grandson succeeded him, Otto II. in 973, Otto III. in 983. In 996 died Pope John XV., a Roman whom the Frankish chronicler, Abbo of Fleury, declares to have been lustful of filthy lucre and venal in all his acts. To Otto the clergy, senate, and people of Rome submitted the election of his successor. He chose his own cousin Bruno, "a man of holiness, of wisdom, and of virtue,"—news, to quote the same saintly writer, more precious than gold and precious stones. His throne was insecure: the Roman noble Crescentius drove him from it, but he won his way back and overcame one who had been set up as an anti-pope. He died in 999.


At the close of the tenth century a pope and an emperor of great ideas stand forth from the blackness of an age when, according to the evidence of councils and of monastic chronicles alike, vice was rampant—"the more powerful oppress the weaker, and men are like fishes in the sea, which everywhere in turn devour one another"—and the bishops and clergy alike neglected their duties. Otto III. (983-1002), the offspring of the German who sat on the imperial throne and the daughter of the Caesars of the East, made himself a real ruler of the Empire in Church as well as in State, and after the disputed succession of his cousin Bruno (Gregory V., 996-99) placed on the papal throne the first of the great line of later medieval popes. Gregory V. was the first pope of transalpine birth imposed by the Germans; Gerbert was the first of the French popes. It needed the imperial army to keep Gregory on the throne, and to crush the last of the Roman princelets who had made the papacy infamous; Gerbert (Silvester II., 999-1003) was only able to remain in the eternal city so long as Otto was there to protect him. [Sidenote: Gerbert.] But Gerbert's greatness belonged to a sphere far wider than that of the local papacy. He was a scholar in the ancient classics, a logician, mathematician, astronomer and musician, a great collector of books and a great teacher of men. An Aquitanian by birth, he was brought up at Aurillac, and then passed from one place of study to another, till, by the influence of the Emperor Otto I., he settled at Rheims in 972. His school was a famous one: among those whom he taught were many bishops, Robert the future king of the Franks and Otto the future emperor. From Rheims he went as abbat to {201} Bobbio, where the necessary severity of his rule provoked such opposition that he was obliged to return to Gaul. [Sidenote: In Gaul] He returned in time to win the influence of the great see of Rheims on behalf of the child heir of Otto II., who died at the end of 983, and to take part in the diplomacy which ended in the transfer of the West Frankish crown to Hugh the duke of the Franks. When Arnulf, of the very Karling house which had been dispossessed, became archbishop, and tried to hand over Rheims to his kindred, Gerbert, the steadfast supporter of the "Capetians," was made his successor. The election was of more than doubtful legality, and the politics, papal and imperial, of the time still further complicated the question: it was only settled by the transference of Gerbert, on the nomination of his old pupil, Otto III., to the see of Ravenna, From 998 he remained in Italy till his death. [Sidenote: and in Italy.] In 999 he became pope, and then he gave himself, heart and soul, to forward the great schemes, missionary, reforming, imperial, which were indeed as much his own as those of the enthusiastic genius of the young emperor. The old offices of the "republic" were revived and harmonised, as in the East, with the Christian character of the imperial power. Pope and emperor worked hand in hand for the conversion of the barbarians: it is said that it was Silvester who gave the kingship to the Hungarian Duke Stephen, as a son of the Christian Empire and the holy see of the imperial city. In the unquiet days of his papacy he was yet able to set an example of wisdom, counsel, godliness, charity, which formed an epoch in the regeneration of the Roman episcopate. Zealous, loyal, inspired by an overpowering sense of duty, {202} Silvester II. in a short time fulfilled a long time and left a mark on the history of the Middle Ages such as was made by but few even of its greatest men. [Sidenote: Pope Silvester II.] At his death in 1003 the age of reform had started on its way; and his was the light which had directed its beginnings. Thus in the West the end of the period shows the Empire and the papacy of one mind, eager for a spiritual reform in the Church, for Christian and missionary ideals in the State, not careful to delimit the provinces of Church and State, but eager rather for unity of action as well as sentiment in the cause of Christian extension and endeavour.

[Sidenote: The end of the Dark Age.]

Though the contest was not yet over, it might be said with confidence that the Church of Christ had won over the barbarians. Missionaries and martyrs had changed the face of Europe, and the fierce tribes which were pouring over the Continent in the fifth century, barbarous and heathen, were now for the most part tamed and converted to the love of Christ. Out of a land which had been wild and barbarous, and where one of the greatest of saints and missionaries had met his death, had come a revival in Christian form of the old imperial idea, and the great men who had been nourished by it had given new health to the central Church of Europe. For the moment, the Empire and the Papacy, Germany and the new temporal State in the hands of the Roman bishop, were united to lead the Christian nations and to convert the heathen on their borders. In the East remained the magnificent fabric of the immemorial Empire, active still in missionary labour and setting an example of the union of Church and State in {203} agreement to which the West could never attain. The eleventh century was to bring to East and West alike, with new responsibilities, new difficulties in action and new problems in thought. Everywhere it was for unity men strove, the unity which if in its main aspect it was political, was on its spiritual and ideal side embodied in the visible Church of Christ.

[1] Dr. O. L. Wells, The Age of Charlemayne, p. 434.

[2] See H. A. L. Fisher, The Medieval Empire, ii. p. 65; Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, iii. 57-9.





457 Leo I. 461 Hilarus 461 Severus ————- 467 Anthemius 468 Simplicius 472 Olybrius 473 Glycerius 474 Julius Nepos 474 Zeno 475 Romulus Augustulus 483 Felix III. ————- 491 Anastasius I. 492 Gelasius I. 496 Anastasius II. 498 Symmachus 514 Hormisdas 518 Justin I. 523 John I. 526 Felix IV. 527 Justinian I. 530 Boniface II. 532 John II. 535 Agapetus I. 536 Silverius 537 Vigilius 555 Pelagius I. 560 John III. 565 Justin II. 574 Benedict I. 578 Pelagius II. 578 Tiberius II. 582 Maurice {206}

590 Gregory I. 602 Phocas 604 Sabinianus 607 Boniface III. 607 Boniface IV. 610 Heraclius 615 Deusdedit 618 Boniface V. 625 Honorius I. 638 Severinus. 640 John IV. 641 ( Heracleonas ( Constantine III. 642 Theodorus I. 642 Constans II. 649 Martin I. 654 Eugenius I. 657 Vitalianus. 668 Constantine IV. 672 Adeodatus 676 Domnus I. 678 Agatho 682 Leo II. 683 Benedict II. 685 John V. 685 Justinian II. 687 Sergius I. 694 Leontius 697 Tiberius III. 701 John VI. 705 John VII. 705 Justinian II. (restored) 708 Sisinnius 708 Constantine 711 Philippicus 713 Anastasius II. 715 Gregory II. 715 Theodosius III. 717 Leo III. 731 Gregory III. 741 Zacharias 741 Constantine V. 752 Stephen II. 752 Stephen III. 757 Paul I. 768 Stephen III. (or IV.) 772 Hadrian I. 775 Leo IV. 779 Constantine VI 795 Leo III. 797 Irene {207}

800 Charles I. 802 Nicephorus I. 811 Stauracius 811 Michael I. 813 Leo V. 814 Louis I. 816 Stephen IV. 817 Paschal I. 820 Michael II. 824 Eugenius II. 827 Valentinus 827 Gregory IV. 829 Theophilus 840 Lothar I. 842 Michael III. 844 Sergius II. 847 Leo IV. 855 Benedict III. 855 Louis II. (in Italy) 858 Nicolas I. 867 Hadrian II. 867 Basil I. 872 John VIII. 875 Charles II. (West Franks) 882 Marinus I. 882 Charles III. (East Franks) 884 Hadrian III. 885 Stephen V. 886 Leo VI. 891 Formosus 891 Guido (in Italy) 894 Lambert (in Italy) 896 Boniface VI. 896 Arnulf 896 Stephen VI. (East Franks) 897 Romanus 897 Theodorus II. 898 John IX. 900 Benedict IV. 901 Louis III. (in Italy) 903 Leo V. ————— 903 Christopher 904 Sergius III. 911 Anastasius III. 912 Constantine VII. (till 958) {208}

913 Lando 912 Alexander ) 914 John X. 919 Romanus I. ) co- ( Constantine ) emperors 915 Berengar 944 ( VIII ) 928 Leo VI. (in Italy) ( Stephanus ) 929 Stephen VII.

931 John XI. ———— 936 Leo VII. 939 Stephen VIII. 942 Marinus II. 946 Agapetus II.

955 John XII. 958 Romanus II. 962 Otto I. 963 Leo VIII. 963 Basil II. ) [964 Benedict V.] 963 Nicephorus ) 965 John XIII. II. ) co- 973 Benedict VI. 973 Otto II. 969 John I. ) emperors 974 Domnus II. 976 Constantine ) 974 Benedict VII. IX. ) 983 John XIV. 983 Otto III. 985 John XV. 996 Gregory V. 999 Silvester II. 1002 Henry (II.) 1003 John XVII.

NOTE.—This list is for the most part that adopted by Dr. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire; but the dates might be slightly varied by reference to Duchesne, K. Mueller, and Funk (Weltzer and Welte, Kirchenlexicon). It may also be noted that the popes were frequently not elected till the year after the death of their predecessors.




I. A list of original authorities for the whole of the period 461-1003 would be too long in proportion to the text of this book, but a few of the most important may be mentioned for the sake of those who wish to begin to study the period at first hand. Any such study should include:—

Evagrius, ed. Bidez and Parmentier, 1898. Zachariah of Mitylene [translation], ed. Hamilton and Brooks, 1899. Bede, ed. Ch. Plummer, 1895. Procopius, ed. Haury (in course of publication). Joannes Diaconus, Vita S. Gregorii, ed. Migne, and Zeitschrift fuer Katholische Theologie, XI., 158-73. Gregory the Great, Letters, ed. Ewald and Hartmann, 1887, etc. Paulus Diaconus, ed. Waitz, 1878. Monumenta Moguntina, ed. Jaffe, 1866. Gregory of Tours, ed. Arndt and Krusch, 1884-5. Liber Pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, 1886-92. Liudprand, ed. Duemmler, 1877. Letters of Gerbert, ed. Havet, 1889. Regesta Pontificum Romanorum, ed. Jaffe, 1851, 2nd ed. 1885. Mansi, Concilia, 1759-98. Einhard, Vita Caroli Magni, ed. Pertz and Waitz, 1880.

II. Reference to the other authorities can be most easily found through modern works, from which the following is a selection:—

Milman, History of Latin Christianity. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (ed. Bury). {210} Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire. Oman, The Dark Ages. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte. Duchesne, Les Eglises Separees. " Les Premiers Temps de L'Etat Pontifical. H. Leclercq, L'Afrique chretienne. " L'Espagne chretienne. M. J. Labourt, Le Christianisme dans l'Empire perse. P. J. Pargoire, L'Eglise byzantine, de 527 a 847. A. J. Butler, The Arab Conquest of Egypt. Diehl, L'Afrique byzantine. " Justinien. " Etudes sur l'administration byzantine dans l'Exarchat de Ravenne. F. H. Dudden, Gregory the Great. Hefele, History of the Councils. Gasquet, L'Empire byzantin et la Monarchie franque. Hutton, The Church of the Sixth Century. Besse, S. Wandrille. Du Bourg, S. Odon. Martin, S. Colomban. Hodgkin, Charles the Great. Davis, Charlemagne. Fisher, The Medieval Empire. Hunt, The English Church, 597-1066. Margoliouth, Mohammed. Gardner, Theodore of Studium. Marin, De Studio Constantinopolitano. Lavisse (ed.), Histoire de France. Marignan, Etudes sur la civilisation francaise (la societe merovingienne). Luetzow, Bohemia. Morfill, Poland. Rambaud, Histoire de la Russie. Poole, Illustrations of Medieval Thought. Kraus, Geschichte der Christlichen Kunst, I. Potthast, Bibliotheca Medii Aevi.



Aachen, 167; councils at(809), 81; (860), 190 Abasgi, a Caucasian people, converted, 95 Abbassides, dynasty of Khalifs, descendants of Muhammad's uncle Abbas, 156 Abbats, lay, 168-9, 172; in the Rule of S. Columban, 171; Cluniac, 174-5 Abbo of Fleury, Frankish chronicler, 199 Abder Rahman I., Ommeyad Khalif of Cordova (755), 146 Abyssinian Church, Monophysite, 9, 23, 111 Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople, 7, 8, 10 Acca, bishop of Hexham (709-32), 169 Adalbert, S. (Voytech), bishop of Prague, 125-6, 129 Adalwald, Lombard king, 63 Adam of Bremen, 130 Adamuan's Life of Columba, 115-16 Adiaphorites, 86 Adoptianist heresy, 72; in the West, 78-9, 81, 168; in the East, 79, 80, 156 Aelfeah (Alphege), bishop, 121 Aelfric, abbat of Eynsham, 121 Aethelbert, king of Kent, 183-5 Aethelred, king of England, 121 Aethelstan, king of England, 131 Aethelwold, bishop of Winchester, 119 Africa, the Church in North, 5, 17, 20, 103-10; increase of papal power, 65, 67, 69, 107-8; Eucharist, 179; survival of Christian customs to modern times, 23, 110; Vandals in, 103; reconquered by Belisarius, 105; Muhammadan conquest, 5, 108, 109 Agapetus (Agapitus), Pope, 15, 38 Agatho, Pope, 88 Agde, 146 Agilulf, Lombard king, 62, 134 Agnellus, archbishop of Ravenna, 33 Agriculture, cared for by the Benedictines, 36; by Gregory the Great, 65 Aidan, S., 116 Airulf, Lombard king, 68 Aistulf, Lombard king, 148, 149 Akoimetai, 8, 14, 161 Aktistetes, 86 Alamanni, 42, 135 Alans, Mongol barbarians, in Gaul, 41 Albagrians of the Caucasus, converted, 95 Albinus, abbat of Canterbury (d. 732), 169 Alcuin, 81, 116, 141, 152, 167-70 Aldhelm, S., of Malmesbury, 115, 171 Alexandria, Church and Patriarchate of, 8, 10, 16, 17, 24, 64, 65, 84, 87, 110; Eucharist, 179; conquered by the Arabs, 109 Alfred the Great, king of England, 32, 118 Alodaei, Soudanese people, converted, 111 Althing, Icelandic assembly, 132 Amalric, Wisigothic king in Spain, 74 Ambo (pulpit), 188 Ambrosian Rite (so called from S. Ambrose, bishop of Milan, 374-97), 183 Amoeneburg (Hessen), monastery, 136 Anastasius, emperor, 7, 9, 47 Anastasius, patriarch of Antioch, 63 Anastasius, patriarch of Constantinople, (703-53), 155, 157 Anastasius of Sinai, S., 180. Andover, 121 Angarii, tribe allied with the Saxons, 140 Annegray, S. Columban's settlement at, 55 Anselm, S., archbishop of Canterbury (died 1109), 160, 171 Ansgar, S., archbishop of Hamburg, 129-30 Anthimus, patriarch of Constantinople, 15 Antioch, Church and Patriarchate of, 8, 10, 16, 17, 23, 24, 84, 87, 156; Eucharist, 179; synod at (541 or 542), 16 Antirrhetici of S. Theodore the Studite, 164 Antistes (bishop), 66 Antony, archbishop of Novgorod (c. 1200), 161 Aphthartodocetes, 21, 85 Apocrisiarius, papal envoy at Constantinople, 63 Aquilea, patriarch of, 21, 39 Aquitaine, 49 Arabia, conquered by Muhammad, 101; Arabian Christians in Persia, 110; Christianity in S. Arabia, 111 Arabs. See Muhammadans. Architecture, Byzantine, 25-8, 100, 106 Arcona (Isle of Ruegen), heathen temple at, 127 Arianism, extinct in the East, 9; of the Goths in Italy, 29, 30, 60; its suppression a political necessity, 33; the Frankish struggle against, 47-8; of the Vandals in Africa, 103-5; of the Lombards, 56, 61; in Spain, 73, 74, 75 Arles, 46, 49, 50, 146 Armagh, monastery, 53 Armenia, 3; Church of, 13, 84, 85, 95, 156; Monophysite, 23, 110; Adoptianiats in, 79; Paulicians in, 80 Arnulf, S., bishop of Metz, 58, 135, 139, 144, 145 Arnulf, archbishop of Rheims, 201 Asser, bishop of Sherborne, 118 Assyria, Christians in, 93, 96 n. Athanagild, Wisigothic king in Spain, 74 Athanasian Creed, 81-2 Athens, 99 Augustine of Canterbury, S., 62, 69, 113, 117, 182-90 Augustine of Hippo, S., 3, 72, 103, 106, 170; De Civitate Dei, 154 Aurillac, 200 Austrasia, Eastern Frankish kingdom, 43, 49, 135, 145-6; Synod in (742), 138 Autun, Council of (670), 59 Avars, Mongol race, 135, 141 Avignon, 146 Avitus, bishop of Vienne, 81 Axum, Ethiopic kingdom, 111-12

Baghdad, 96, 97 Bangor (Ireland), monastery, 54-5; Antiphonary of, 115 Baptism, 176-8; of Chlodowech, 42; of Borivoj, 128; of the people of Kiev, 127; of Olaf Trigvason, 132 Basil the Great, S. (329-79), his Rule, 163 Basil I. the Macedonian, emperor, 80, 193 Basil II., emperor, 126 Baume, monastery at, 173 Bavarians, 135, 138 Bede (Baeda), 68 n., 115-16, 118, 167, 169, 170, 179, 180, 183-5 Belisarius, 30, 61, 105 Benedict Biscop, 115, 169 Benedict of Nursia, S., 34-9, 53, 58, 163; his Rule, 35-7, 58-9, 69, 119, 121, 171, 173, 175; the Benedictines, 35-8, 60, 62, 137 Bercta, Kentish queen, 186 Berno, abbat of Cluny, 173-4 Besancon, 56, 173 Beziers, 146 Bishops, their position under Justinian, 24-5; share in the civil government of Italy, 33-4; without dioceses in the Celtic Church, 114; "Universal Bishop," 66, 175; bless the people at the Eucharist, 190 Blemmyes, Ethiopic tribe, converted, 111 Bobbio, 53, 56, 201 Boethius, 32 Bohemia, Christianity in, 127-9; Bohemian princess brings about the conversion of Poland, 125 Boiar, title of Bulgarian magnates, 124 Boleslav I., duke of Bohemia, brother of S. Wenceslas (died 967), 128 Boleslav II., "the Pious," duke of Bohemia (967-99), 128, 129 Boniface, S. (Winfrith), 130, 136-40, 142, 147, 198 Boris, Bulgarian king, 124 Borivoj, Bohemian duke, baptized, 128 Boso, bishop of Merseburg, 126 Braga, councils at (563, 572), 74 Bremen, archbishopric, 130, 142 Bretislav II., king of Bohemia (1092-1100), 127 Britain, 83, 88; Christianity in, 113 ff; early British Church, 183; ritual in the British Church, 183. See England Brittany, 115 Brunichild, 13, 48-9, 56, 74-5, 171 Bruno (Pope Gregory V.), cousin of Otto III., 199, 200 Bruno, missionary to the Prussians, 125 Brythons, Celts of Britain, their Church, 113, 183 Bulgarians, a Finnish race, conversion of, 124; they and their Church, 13, 23, 44, 84, 128, 193 Burgundians, 41; Frankish kings of, 49, 55-6, 135 Bury, Dr. J. B., quoted, 21 n., 46-7, 113 Byzacene, African see, 106 Byzantine architecture, 25-8, 100, 106; Church and Patriarchate, 91, and see Constantinople; Empire, see Umpire, Eastern

Caelian Hill at Rome, 60, 64 Caesarius, bishop of Arles, 72, 81 Calabria, 157, 162 Candace, title of the queens of Abyssinia, 111 Canons, collection of, 85; canon law, 194-5; canon of the Mass, 181-2, 190 Canterbury, 115, 185-6 Capetians, House of Hugh the Great, duke of the Franks, 201 Carisiacum (Quierzy), 151 Carling House. See Karlings Carloman, son of Charles Martel, brother of Pippin the Short, 114-5, 147, 149 Carloman, son of Pippin the Short, brother of Charles the Great, 148, 150-1 Carthage, taken by the Vandals, 103; by the Muhammadans, 77, 109; Church of, survival, 110; bishop of, 67, 103-6, 108 Cassiodorus, 30, 38 Catholicos, primate of the Monophysite Armenian Church, 84, 95; of the "Church of the East," 96; of the Persian Church, 93-4, 99 Celibacy of the clergy. See Marriage Celtic Church, 113-17, and see Ireland; Celtic Easter, 55, 114; Celtic influence on the English liturgy, 187, 190; Celtic missionaries and Boniface, 138 Ceremonial, 181-90 Ceylon, 96 Chad, S., 116, 169 Chalcedon, Council of (451), 2, 7, 9, 10, 18, 24, 65-6, 79, 85-6, 89, 95 Chaldeaecan Church, 23, 93 Chalons, Battle of, 41 Charles Martel, Frankish mayor of the palace, 135, 137, 141, 146 Charles I., the Great, 50, 136, 182, 197; anointed king, 148; revives the Empire, 152-4; destroys the Lombard kingdom, 150, 152; supposed donation of, 151-2; theocratic ideas of, 139; religious wars, 127, 140-2; his share in the Adoptianist controversy, 80; his learning and piety, 166-70; aspirations, 172 Charles II., the Bald, emperor, son of Louis I., the Pious, 170 Charles the Simple, sole king of the West Franks (898-922), 174 Cherson, near the mouth of the Dnyepr, 126 Childebert I., Frankish king, 39 Childebert II., Frankish king, son of Sigebert and Brunichild, 49 Childerich III., last of the Merwings, 147 Chilperich I., Frankish king of Neustria, son of Chlothochar I., 43, 51, 54, 75 China, Nestorian missions in, 96, 98 Chlodowech, king of the Franks, baptized, 42, 177; dies, 43; his aim, 46; receives the consulate, 47; his daughter, 74 Chlothochar I., Frankish king, son of Chlodowech, 43, 47, 54, 74 Chlothochar II., Frankish king, son of Chilperich I. and Fredegund, 56, 58, 145 Chlothochar (Lothar), king of Lotharingia, son of the emperor Lothar I. (855-69), 191-2 Chora, Church of the, at Constantinople, 26 Chosroes II., Persian king (590-628), 101 Chosroes, Persian king (800-50), 80 Christmas baptisms, 177; communion, 179 Christology, 98. See Heresies Chrotechild (Clotilda), wife of Chlodowech, 42 Church, The, her task in fifth century, 1; organisation, 2, 24; tendency to separation in East and West, 3, and see Schism; Churches of Rome and Constantinople held to be one, 10; East and West differ in use of Quicunque, 81-2 Church, the Eastern, strengthens the Empire, 4; her firm position in 527, 11; united with the State, 12; history, 6-28, 83-92, 155-65; conservative character, 165, 194. See Constantinople, Schism Church, the Western: Church property and jurisdiction under the Gothic kings in Italy, 30-1; determines the development of the Frankish nation, 45; maintains imperial tradition, 45-6; her aggressive claims, 194; subject in Germany and Italy to the control of the Saxon emperors, 191, 197-201. See Papacy, Rome, Schism "Church of the East," Nestorian, 96-7 Clonard, monastery, 53, 55 Clonfert, monastery, 53 Clonmacnoise, monastery, 53 Clotilda, Clotilde. See Chrotechild, Hlothild Clovesho, Synod of (747), 138, 187 Cluniacs, monks of Cluny, 174-5 Cluny, monastic reform of, 169, 171-5; abbey of, 173-4; Rule of, 174-5; congregation of, 174 Cologne, archbishop of, 192 Columba, S., 114-16 Columban, S., 53-8, 116; his Rule, 55, 171; monastery at Baume, 173 Communion, Holy, 178-90; received by the Stylites, 25. See Eucharist Confirmation, 178; of Olaf Trigvason, 121 Consolation of Philosophy, The, by Boethius, 32 Constans II., emperor, 109 Constantine I., emperor, 12, 40; donation of, 154 [Constantine IV.], emperor, 89 Constantine V., Copronymus, 80, 155, 158, 162, 165 Constantine, pope, 91 Constantine of Thessalonica (S. Cyril), 123 Constantine, founder or reviver of Eastern Adoptianism, 79-80 Constantinople, theological bent of its people, 8; buildings at, 25-7; captured by the Turks (1453), 163; modern, 158, 161 Constantinople, Church of, its growing isolation, 13; a witness for religious liberty, 14; valuable services to the Church Universal, 20; quarrel with Rome over the Ecthesis and Type, 88; missions to Bulgarians, 124; to Russians, 126-7; to Moravians and Czechs, 128; theology in, 156. See Church, Eastern; Schism Constantinople, councils at: Fifth General (553), 15, 17, 18, 20-2, 39, 63-4, 86, 106-7, 161; synod of 588, 66; Sixth General (680-1), 21, 84-5, 88; Council of 681, 67; in Trullo (691), 85, 89-92; Council of 692, 67; iconoclastic synod of 754, 165; Councils of 861 and 867, 193; Eighth General (869), 193-4; Council (879-80), 194 Constantinople, Patriarchate of, 24, 67, 85, 90, 124, 192-4 Constantinople, patriarchs of, 87-8; claim the title of Oecumenical, 65. See Acacius, Germanus, Ignatius, John the Cappadocian, Mennas, Methodius, Nicephorus, Paul, Photius, Sergius, Tarasius Coptic Church, 9, 23, 84, 101, 110, 112; Copts resist Saracens, 109 Corbie (New Korvey), monastery, on the Weser, 130, 170 Corbinian, S., 135 Corinth, bishops of, 67 Cornwall, early British Church of, 113, 117 Corsica, 151 Cosmas, sixth-century traveller, 97 Councils, valuable work of the, 19. See Aachen, Antioch, Austrasia, Autun, Braga, Chalcedon, Clovesho, Constantinople, Frankfort, General, Gentilly, Hatfield, Macon, Orange, Regensburg, Rome, Toledo, Whitby Cracow, relics at, 125 Creed, at the Council of Chalcedon, 2; proposal to reform, 14; importance of a logically tenable, 19; Pope Leo III. discourages additions to, 81; Athanasian, 81-2; Nicene, 193 Crescentius, John, patrician of Rome, 199 Crete, bishops of, 67 Croatia, Croats, 84, 124 Cross, the Holy, 100-2; tolerated by the iconoclast emperor Leo III., 159; sign of the, in baptism, 177; used by S. Augustine in his mission, 184-5 Crusades, true and false, 197-8 "Culdees," Celtic monks, 119 Cumbria (or Strathclyde), early British Church of, 113 Cuthbert, M., 116, 121, 169 Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury, 187 Cyprus, Church of, 21 Cyril, S., patriarch of Alexandria (412-44), opponent of Nestorius, 10, 18, 22 Cyril, S. (Constantine), apostle of the Slavs, 123-4, 126, 128 Czechs, Slav race of Bohemia, 127

Dagobert I., Frankish king, son of Chlothochar II., 44, 58, 145 Danes ravage England and Scotland, 117-19, 121; settle, and are converted, 118; Danish invasions, 122; conversion of Denmark, 129, 131 David, S., 118 Decretals, false, 194-6 Deira, northern kingdom of England, 63 Denmark, conversion of, 129, 131 Desiderius (Didier) of Cahors, S., 58 Dionysius the Areopagite, Platonist so called, 89 Dnyepr (Dnieper), Russian river, baptisms in, 127 Dokkum, S. Boniface martyred at, 139 Donation of Constantine, 154; of Pippin, at Quierzy, 149, 151; of Charles the Great, 151-2 Donatists, 103, 107 Double procession of the Holy Ghost, 76, 80-1, 193-4 Druidism favoured the growth of Christian monasticism, 53 Dublin, conversion of Danes at, 122; Norse king of, 132 Duchesne, Mgr., quoted, 40, 208 Dudden, F. H., quoted, 50, 75 n. Dunstan, S., 115, 119-21 Durham, see of, 121

Eadgar, king of England, 119 East, the, large number of ecclesiastics in, 25 East and West, reunion of, after the quarrel of pope and emperor, in 519, 10; political severance completed, 149; breach widens, 191; divergence, Photian schism, 192-4; nominal reunion throughout tenth century, 194. See Schism Easter baptisms, 177; communion, 179; use of the alleluia, 182; Celtic Easter, 55, 114 Eastern Church, orthodox, securer than the West in its Christianity, 7; its intense conservatism, 27; dictates to the papacy under Vigilius and Pelagius, 40. See Church, Constantinople, Schism Ebbo, archbishop of Rheims, 129, 141 Ebroin, mayor of the palace in Neustria, 146 Ecthesis, issued by Heraclius, 87, 89 Edessa, 93, 96, 110 Education, 166-7, 175. See Learning Egbert, archbishop of York, 167, 179 Egypt, 9; National Church, 13; Monophysite Church, 23; sects, 110; Church, 112; Holy Communion, 180; Muhammadan invasion, 84, 108. See Alexandria, Coptic Einhard, biographer of Charles the Great, 142, 153, 167 Eligius, S., 58 Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo, 78-9, 168 Ellesthaeos, Ethiopian king, 112 Eloi (Eligius), S., 58 Emly, monastery, 53 Emmeran, Emmeram, S., missionary in Bavaria, 135 Empire, the, becomes a Christian power, 1; obsolescent, 2; representative of Christian unity, 3; invaded by barbarians, 1, 3; its vitality, 3 Empire, Eastern, relations with the Franks, 46-7; its strength renders the Nestorian missions possible, 98; becomes more purely Oriental, 113; end of the imperial power in Italy, 147-8; its recognition of the Western Umpire of Charles the Great, 153. See Constantinople Empire, Western, ends with Romulus Augustulus (476), 28; tradition preserved by the Church, 45-6; revival of the imperial idea, 172; Charles the Great restores the Empire, 139, 144, 152; origin of the "Holy Roman Empire," 153; papal theory of the Empire, 192; weakness of the Empire in ninth and tenth centuries, 196; revival under the Saxon Ottos, 191, 197-202 England, conversion of, 62-3, 69, 117, 183-7; Church of, 117-21; its independent attitude towards Rome, 117, 120, 121; kings the nursing fathers of the Church, 27; English missionaries to Germany, 136-9, 141-2; ritual in, 183-90 Ennismore, monastery, 53 Epiphanius, bishop of Pavia, 29 Epiphany baptisms, 177; communion, 179 Etherius, chaplain and notary to Charles the Great, 151 Ethiopian Church, 110-12 Eucharist, celebration of, in sixth century, 188; doctrine of, controversy concerning, 170-1; Aelfric's doctrine of, 120; reservation of, 180-1. See Communion, Mass Eugenius, S., bishop of Carthage, 104-5 Eutychian heresy, 7 Evagrius, ecclesiastical historian (period 431-594), 21 n. Exarch of Ravenna, 34, 40, 91; the Exarchate, 61-2, 69, 147-9, 151, 157

Facundus, bishop of Hermione, 106 Fasting Communion, 180; Saturday fast in tenth century, 131 Faustus, bishop of Riez, a semi-Pelagian, 72 Felix II., pope, 8 Felix, bishop of Urgel, 78-9, 168 Ferrand, African deacon, writer in the "Three Chapters" controversy, 106 Feudalism, rise of, 44-5, 172-3 Filioque ("and [from] the Son"), word added to the Nicene Creed in the West, leads to controversy with the East, 193-4 Fontaine, monastery, 55 Fontenelle, abbey, 57 Fortunatus, bishop of Carthage, 108 Frankfort, Council of (794), 79, 168 Franks in Gaul, 42; conversion of, 4, 43, 177; their imperfect Christianity, 43-4, 54; staunch Catholicism, 42, 47-8, 177; break up of their kingdom, 44; formative influence of the Church, 45; relations with the Eastern Empire, 46-7; alliance with the papacy, 49; their Church's relations with Rome, 50; greatly influenced by monasticism, 58; they invade Spain, 74; laxity and corruption of their Church, 138, 144; Karling reformation, 144; Frankish missal, 183; relations with England, 186; Frankish clergy concoct the forged decretals, 195 Fredegund, wife of Chilperich I., 43 Frederic, Saxon bishop in Iceland, 132 Freeman, Edward Augustus, quoted, 3 Freising, see of, 138 Frisians, 197; English missionaries to, 136, 139 Fritzlar, abbey, 140 Fuero Jusgo, the Wisigothic code, 74, 76 Fulda, monastery, 81, 140 Fulgentius, S., African bishop, 105

Gaiseric (Genseric), king of the Vandals, 103-4 Gall, S., 56, 116 Gallican Church, 39, 41-59, see Franks, Gaul; Gallican liturgy and ritual, 47, 181-3, 186, 188-90; influence on the English liturgy, 186-7 Galswintha, wife of Chilperich I. of Neustria, 48 Gaul, Roman, 41; Christianity in, 41-59, 83, 176; Gregory the Great in, 48-51, 65, 69; monasticism in, 171; feudalism, 172; Normans in, 196 Gelasian Sacramentary (so named from pope Gelasius I., 492-6), 182-3 Gelimer, Vandal king, 105 General Councils, first four, 76; Third (of Ephesus, 431), 96; Fourth (of Chalcedon, 451), 2, 7, 9-10, 18, 24, 65-6, 79, 85-6, 89, 95; Fifth (of Constantinople, 553), 15, 17, 18, 20-2, 39, 63-4, 86, 106-7, 161; Sixth (of Constantinople, 680-1), 21, 84-5, 88; Seventh (of Nicaea, 787), 155, 165; Eighth (of Constantinople, 869), 193-4; Eighth, according to the Greeks (of Constantinople, 879-80), 194 Gentilly, Council of (767), 81 Georgia, Church of, 23, 95 Gerbert of Aurillac (Silvester II.), 200-2 Germanus, S., patriarch of Constantinople, 155 Gildas, British historian, 183 Glastonbury, monastery, 115, 119 Gnesen, archbishopric of, 125 Goidels, Celtic stock in Ireland, 53; Goidelic language, 119 Goths, Eastern (Ostrogoths), in Italy, 4, 29-32; Western, see Wisigoths Grado, archbishop of, 157 Gradual, 188 Greece, iconoclasm causes a rising in, 157; Greek Church, its character, 6: the Eastern Empire in its religious aspect, 13. See also Church, Constantinople, Eastern, Schism Greenland, mission to, 132 Gregorian Sacramentary, 182 Gregory I., the Great, S., pope, 21, 25, 34, 40, 55, 76, 113, 134, 171, 180-2, 184, 186, 190, 192; his life and work, 60-71; his relations to Gaul, 48-51, 65, 69; to Africa, 107; to missions, 69; to monasticism, 69; to classical learning, 52, 70; his claim to jurisdiction, 68; claimed no special authority for the use of Rome, 187; his theology, 70-1; his writings, 35, 60, 63-5 Gregory II., pope, 136-7, 157 Gregory III., pope, 137, 147, 157 Gregory IV., pope, 130 Gregory V. (Bruno), pope, 199, 200 Gregory of Tours, bishop and historian, 43-5, 51-2, 58, 66 n., 145, 171 Gregory, abbat of Utrecht, 136 Gregory, patrician, upstart emperor, 109 Guntchramn (Guntram), king of the Burgundian Franks, 55

Haakon (Hacon) the Good, king of Norway, 131 Hadrian I., pope, 151, 154, 182 Hadrian II., pope, 123-4 Hamburg, archbishopric, 129-30 Harnack, A., referred to, 22 Harold Bluetooth, king of Denmark (died 978), 131 Harold, Danish king in 822, 129 Harold Haarfager (Fairhair), king of Norway, 131 Hatfield, Council of (680), 88 Helena, empress, 100 Henotikon, the, 7, 8, 10 Henry I., "the Fowler," first German king of the Saxon House(919-36), 126 Heraclius, emperor, 22-3, 83-4, 100-1, 109, 158; as a theologian, 87 Herat, Nestorian bishopric of, 98 Heresy, not a unifying power, 134; real danger of sixth and seventh century heresies, 19; heresy akin to patriotism in the East, 13; an expression of national independence, 23; baptism of heretics, 178. See Adoptianist, Aphthartodocetes, Arianism, Donatists, Eutychian, Jacobite, Monophysites, Monothelites, Nestorians Hermenigild (Hermenegild), Wisigothic king in Spain, 75 Heruls, a Teutonic tribe, 29, 94 Hessen, 136-8 Hieria, iconoclastic synod at, 155 Hieroclea, author of the Synekdemos, 24 Hilarus, papal official under Gregory the Great, 107 Hilda, S., 116 Hilderic, Vandal king, 105 Himyarites, Christians in South Arabia, 111-12 Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, 170, 192, 195 Hira (in Persia), Monophysite bishop of, 110 Hlothild (Chlothildis), daughter of Chlodowech, 74 Hodgkin, Dr. Thomas, quoted, 32-3, 48, 75 n, 135, 144 Homerites (Himyarites) in South Arabia, Christian, 111-12 Honorius I., pope, 87-8; condemned by the Sixth General Council, 85 Hormisdas, pope, 9-10, 90 Hugh the Great, duke of the Franks (923-56), 196 Hugh Capet, duke (956), and king (987-96) of the Franks, 201 Hugh, S., abbat of Cluny, 174 Hungary, 141; received a Christian king, 201 Hunneric, Vandal king, 104 Huns, 41, 94 Hymns, 15 n, 81, 156, 162, 168, 190

Ibas of Edessa, 16-18 Iberians of Georgia, 95 Iceland, 115; conversion of, 132-3 Iconoclastic controversy, 12, 143, 147, 155-65, 194 Ignatius, patriarch of Constantinople, 193-4 Illyria, Illyricum, 65-7, 157 Image-worship. See Iconoclastic Incarnation, doctrine of the, the Church's tenacity of, 19; endangered by iconoclasm, 160, 164. See Heresies India, 9, 23, 96-8 Ingunthis, Frankish princess, daughter of Sigebert and Brunichild, wife of Hermenigild of Spain, 48, 75 Iona, 116-17 Ireland, Christian and outside the Empire, 3; the Church in, 53, 113-16, 121-2, 183; Irish learning, 169-71; missionaries in Thuringia, 136; monks in Iceland, 132; priests at Glastonbury, 115, 119 Irene, Empress, 154, 164 Irminsul, the, a column worshipped by the Saxons, 140 Isidore of Seville, 76, 195 Isis, worship of, 111 Islam, 98. See Muhammadanism Istria, 63-4, 68, 151 Italy, conquered by Goths, 4, 29; reconquered by Belisarius and Narses, 32; Imperial restoration, 33; Church in, 29-40; S. Columban in, 56; saved from Arianism, 60; liturgy, 183; end of the Eastern Imperial power, 143, 147-8; Charles the Great, 150-4; the Saxon Ottos, 197-201 Italy, Northern, long refuses to accept the Fifth General Council, 21; Gregory the Great's activity, 65, 69; Bavarian kings in, 135 Italy, Southern, Benedictines in, 62; effect of iconoclasm on, 157, 162

Jacobite sect, 109-10; in Syria, 23, 84 James, Studite monk, 162 Jarrow, monastery, 116 Jerusalem, Church and patriarchate of, 8, 16-17, 84, 87, 100-1, 156; councils at (553), 20; (628), 101 Jews, Gregory the Great tries to convert, 69; persecuted in Spain, 77; Jews in Syria, 100; influence Muhammad, 101; Jews in Arabia, 111-12 Joannicius, S., Bulgarian recluse, 124 John I., pope, martyred, 31 John II., pope, 15 John VIII., pope, 194 John X., pope, 197 John XI., pope, 174 John XV., pope, 199 John XVI., anti-pope set up by Crescentius (997-8), 199 John of Biclaro (Joannes Biclarensis), bishop of Gerona, 62 n., 95 n., 75 John the Cappadocian, patriarch of Constantinople, 10, 90 John of Damascus (John Damascene), S., 87, 159-60 John the Deacon, biographer of Gregory the Great, 64, 182 John of Ephesus, Monophysite bishop and Syriac writer of sixth century, 24, 111 John Maro, 89 John of Nikiu, Jacobite bishop, 86, 109 John the Patrician, recaptures Carthage from the Arabs, 109 John the Scot (Johannes Scotus "Erigena"), 170-1 Julian of Halicarnassus, 86 Justin I., emperor, 10, 32, 112 Justin II., emperor, 21-2 Justinian I., emperor, 86, 89, 90, 94, 99-100, 107, 110-12, 143, 153, 177; his birthplace, 24, 67-8, 91; building, 26, 27, 100, 106; Christian legislation of, 28; controversies of his reign, 14-22; corresponds with the pope, 10, 14; deals with the Monophysites, 15; his alleged heresy, 15, 21, 22; summons Fifth General Council, 17; intervenes in Africa, 105-6; his relations with the Franks, 47; restores the imperial rule in Italy, 33; Spanish war, 74; hymn-writer, 15 n. Justinian II., 90-1 Justiniana Prima, 67, 91 Jutes in Britain, 117; of Jutland, converted, 130

Karlings, Frankish royal house, 57, 139, 144, 147, 196, 201 Kerait, Tartar kingdom of, 96-7 Key of Truth, The, book of the Armenian Paulicians, 80 Khalifs of Baghdad, 97, 99; Khalif Omar, 101 Khartoum, Christian remains near, 111 Khorassan, 93 Kiev, town on the Dnyepr, becomes Christian, 127 Kothransson, Thorwald, Icelander, 132 Kristian, tenth-century Bohemian historian, 128

Lateran synod (649), 88 Leander, archbishop of Seville, 63, 75-6 Learning, 5, 38, 123; survival of, 5; at the court of the Merwings, 51; classical, taught to Gregory the Great, 60; yet he opposed classical learning in bishops, 52; classical, of the Irish Church, 115; in England, 115; of the Irish monks, 121-2; of the Studite monks, 163; revival of, under Charles the Great, 154, 166-70. See Aelfric, Bede, Gerbert, Education, Literature Lebanon, 84; Monothelites in, 22 Leger (Leodegar), S., 81, 146 Lent, 36, 140 Leo I., the Great, S., pope, 6, 7, 10, 29, 63, 89 Leo III., pope, 81, 152 Leo III., the Isaurian, emperor, 109, 155, 157-8 Leo IV., the Chazar, emperor, 155 Leo V., the Armenian, emperor, 165 Leo VI., the Wise, emperor, 194 Leodegar, Leodgar, (S. Leger), bishop of Autun, 81, 146 Leontius of Byzantium, 86 Leovigild, Wisigothic king in Spain, 48, 75 Lerins, abbey, 81 Liber Pontificalis, 39 n., 151 Liberatus, sixth-century theological writer in Africa, 106 Limoges, 150, 174 Lindisfarne, 117 Litanies, 184-6 Literature in North Africa, 106; literary renaissance under Charles the Great, 166. See Boethius, Cassiodorus, Gregory the Great, Gregory of Tours, John of Damascus, Learning, Paul the Silentiary, Procopius, Venantius Fortunatus, Theodore of the Studium Liturgies, 181-90 Liudhard, Frankish bishop in Kent, 186 Lombards, 40, 147-50, 152; invade Italy, 34, 61; pope negotiates with, 62; conversion from Arianism to Catholicism, 4, 56, 63, 134 Lothar (Chlothochar) II., king of Lotharingia, 191-2 Louis I., the Pious, emperor, son of Charles I., 129 Louis II., emperor, son of the Emperor Lothar I., 192 Louis the German, king of Bavaria (840-76), son of Louis the Pious, 128 Louis d'Outremer, king of the West Franks (936-54), son of Charles the Simple, 174 Ludmilla, S., of Bohemia, 128 Luxeuil, S. Columban's monastery at, 55-6

Macon, Second Council of (585), 180 Magdeburg, archbishopric, 126, 197-8 Maieul (Majolus), abbat of Cluny, 174 Mainz, 195; S. Boniface, archbishop of, 137-8 Malmesbury, abbey, 115, 171 Manichaeans, 104, 178 Mansi, G. D., Italian theologian (1692-1769); his Concilia referred to, 15 n., 17 n., 21 n., 76 Maraba, catholicos of Persia, 99 Mark, S., evangelist, 64 Maron, John, founder of the Maronites, 84 Maronite Church, 23, 89 Marozia, paramour of Pope Sergius III., mother of Pope John XI., 196 Marriage of the clergy, 25, 91, 119-20; in the Greek Church, 85; marriage of spiritual relations forbidden, 177 Martel, Charles, Frankish mayor of the palace, 135, 137, 144, 146 Martial, S., monastery at Limoges, 174 Martin, S., monastery at Tours, 168, 173 Martin I., pope, 88 Martin, S., bishop of Braga, 74 Martyrdom of S. Adalbert, 125, 129; S. Boniface, 139, 202; Pope John, 31; S. Theodosia, 158; S. Wenceslas, 128-9 Mary, the Blessed Virgin, 18, 80; images of, 156-7 Mass, the, 15 n.; Mass of the presanctified, 179; the Roman Mass, fifth to eighth century, 180-2: sixth century, 188-90; "ite, missa est," 190 Maurice, emperor, 22, 62, 66 Maurice, S., 125 Maximus, orthodox African abbat and controversialist, 89, 108 Meccah, 101 Media, 93 Medinah, 101 Melkites, orthodox, in Egypt, 84, 110 Mellitus, bishop, 176 Melrose, monastery, 116 Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople, 15, 17 Merovech, son of Chilperich I., 43 Merovingians. See Merwings Merv, Nestorian Church of, 98 Merwings, Frankish royal house, 43-7, 138, 144, 147, 196, 199; encourage literature, 51; their sins, 52-4: their age called golden by Mabillon, 57; decay of their kingdoms, 135 Mesopotamia, national Church of, 13 Methodius, S., patriarch of Constantinople (843-7), 12, 156 Methodius, S., archbishop of Moravia, 123-4, 128-9 Metz, capital of Austrasia, 135; bishop of, 144 Michael III., "the Drunkard," emperor, 192-3 Mieczyslaw, king of Poland, 125 Milan, archbishop of, 39; church of, 183 Mir (Theodemir), king of the Suevi in Spain, 74 Missale Francorum, 183 Missions, important in this period, 2, 3; Byzantine, 6, 84; supported by the emperors, 23; missions from Rome, 62, 117, 183-90; Nestorian, 6, 96-8; Monophysite, 24, 111; missionary zeal of the Irish Church, 116, 121-2; missions of the ninth century, 123; to the Bulgarians, 124; to the Slavs, 124-9; to Northmen, 129-32; to Frisians, 136, 139; missions checked by the iconoclastic controversy, 156; mission of S. Augustine, 183-90; missionary wars of Charles the Great, 139-42, and of the Saxon emperors, 197; zeal of Otto III. and Silvester II. for missions, 201-2 Monasticism, in the East, 25, 161-3; its debt to S. Benedict, 37; to S. Columban, 53; Irish, 53, 114; monasticism in Gaul, 54, 171; a defence against the secularisation of the Frankish Church, 57; in Persia, 99; in Scotland, 119; missionary fruits of, 130; close connection with learning, 167; Alcuin's attitude to, 168; decay in ninth century, 172; revival at Cluny, 173-5; the Studium at Constantinople, 161-3; kings become monks, 77, 145 Mongols, 100 Monophysites, Monophysitism, 23, 83, 85, 110, 156, 159; Eastern attempts at compromise rejected by Rome, 7-8; Justinian studies the question, 10-11, and condemns it, 15; its condemnation necessary to the acceptance of a logically tenable creed, 19; Monophysite missions, 24, 111; Monophysitism in Abyssinia, 112; Arabia, 101; Armenia, 95; India, 97; Persia, 98-9; Syria, 101 Monothelites, Monothelitism, 22-3, 84-9, 159; its condemnation necessary, 19; favoured the progress of Islam, 102; weakened African Christianity, 108 Montanists, heretical followers of the second-century fanatic Montanus, 178 Monte Cassino, monastery, 35, 39, 61, 145 Monza, Lombard relics at, 69 Moors, heathen, of fifth century, 103; Muhammadan, in Spain and Gaul, 73, 146 Moralia of Gregory the Great, 63 Moravia, 124, 127-9 Mosaics at Constantinople and Ravenna, 26 Mozarabic rite, Christian liturgy which survived the Moorish occupation and is still in use in Spain, 189 Mugurrah (Nubia), visited by missionaries, 111 Muhammad (Mohammed), the prophet, 101 Muhammad II., conqueror of Constantinople in 1453, 27 Muhammadans, Muhammadanism, theocratic ideal of, 139-40; absorb the attention of the Eastern emperors, 143; contributes to the iconoclastic movement, 158; conquests, 84; conquest of Arabia, etc., 112; Merv, 98; Persia, 99; Syria, 101; Egypt, 102; Africa, 5, 108-9; Soudan, 111; Spain, 72-3, 77-8, 146; defeated in Gaul by Charles Martel, 146

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