A History of Roman Literature - From the Earliest Period to the Death of Marcus Aurelius
by Charles Thomas Cruttwell
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"Mantua me genuit: Calabri rapuere: tenet nunc Parthenope: cecini pascua rura duces."

Tibullus dies. Domitius Marsus writes. 18 Livy working at his fifty-ninth book. 17 Porcius Latro. The Carmen Saeculare. Varius and Tucca edit the Aeneid. 16 Aemilius Macer of Verona dies. Od. iv. 9, to Lollius. 15 Death of Propertius. Victories of Drusus. Od. iv. 4. 14 The fourth book of the Odes(?). 13 Cestius of Smyrna teaches rhetoric. 12 Death of Agrippa. 11 The Epistle to Augustus (Ep. ii. 1). 10 Passienus and Hyginus Polyhistor. 9 Ovid's Amores. 8 Death of Horace. 7 Birth of Seneca (?). 6 Albucius Silo a professor of rhetoric. 5 Tiro, Cicero's freedman, dies (aet. 100). 4 Porcius Latro commits suicide. Ovid now in his fortieth year. 2 Ovid's Art of Love.

A.D. 1 The Remedium Amoris. 2 Velleius Paterculus serves under C. Caesar. 4 Pollio dies. Velleius serves with Tiberius in Germany. 7 Velleius quaestor. 8 Verrius Flaccus, the grammarian, flourished. Ovid banished to Tomi, in December (Tr. 1, 10, 3).

"Aut hanc me gelidi tremerem cum mense Decembris Scribentem mediis Adria vidita quis."

9 The Ibis of Ovid. 11 Death of Messala. [6] 12 The Tristia finished. 13 The Epistles from Pontus were being written. 14 Death of Augustus. Velleius praetor. 18 Death of Ovid at 60; of Livy at 76. Valerius Maximus accompanied Sex. Pompeius to Asia. 19 The elder Seneca writes his "recollections." 24 Cassius Severus in exile. Pliny the elder born (?). 25 Death of Cremutius Cordus. Votienus banished. 26 Haterius flourished. 30 Asinius Gallus imprisoned. 31 Valerius Maximus wrote ix. 11, 4 (extern.), soon after the death of Sejanus. 33 Death of Cassius Severus the orator. His works proscribed. Death of Asinius Gallus. 34 Persius born. 40 Lucan brought to Rome. 41 Seneca's de Ira. Exile of Seneca at the close of this year. 42 Asconius Pedianus flourished. 43 Martial born. 45 Domitius Afer flourished. 48 Remmius Palaemon in vogue as a grammarian. 49 Seneca recalled from exile, and made Nero's tutor. 56 Seneca's de Clementia. 57 Probus Berytius a celebrated grammarian. 59 Death of Domitius Afer. 61 Pliny the younger born (?). 62 Death of Persius. Seneca in danger, Burrus being dead. 63 The Naturales Quaestiones of Seneca. 65 Death of Seneca (Ann. xv. 60). 66 Martial comes to Rome. 68 Quintilian accompanies Galba to Rome. Silius Italicus consul. 69 Silius in Rome. 75 The dialogue de Oratoribus, written (C. 17). 77 Pliny's Natural History. Gabinianus, the rhetorician, flourished. 79 Death of the elder Pliny. 80 Pliny the younger begins to plead. 88 Suetonius now a young man, Tacitus praetor. 89 Quintilian teaches at Rome. His professional career extends over 20 years. 90 Philosophers banished. Pliny praetor. Sulpiciae Satira (if genuine). 95 Statii Silv. iv. 1. The Thebaid was nearly finished. 96 Pliny's accusation of Publicius Certus. 97 Frontinus curator aquarum. Tacitus consul suffectus. 98 Trajan. 99 The tenth book of Martial. Silius at Naples. 100 Pliny and Tacitus accuse Marius Priscus. Pliny's panegyric. 103 Pliny at his province of Bithynia. 104 His letter about the Christians. Martial goes to Bilbilis. 109 Pliny (aet. 48) at the zenith of his fame. 118 Juvenal wrote Satire xiii. this year. 132 Salvius Julianus's Perpetual Edict. 138 Death of Hadrian. 143 Fronto consul suffectus. 164 Height of Fronto's fame. 166 Fronto proposes to describe the Parthian war. 180 Death of Marcus Aurelius.

A large number of other dates will be found in the body of the work, especially for the later period; but as they are not absolutely certain, they have not been inserted here.



WORDSWORTH. Fragments and Specimens of early Latin. 1874. LIVIUS ANDRONICUS. H. Duntzer. Berlin. 1835. NAEVIUS. Ribbeck. _Trag. Lat. Relliquiae_, p. 5. PLAUTUS. Ritschl or Fleckeisen. Unfinished. ENNIUS. Vahlen. _Ennianae Poeseos Relliquiae._ PACUVIUS. Ribbeck, as above. TERENCE. Wagner. Cambridge. 1869. Text by Umpfenbach. 1870 TURPILIUS. Fragments in Bothe (_Poet. Scen._ V. 2, p. 58-76), and Ribbeck's _Comic. Lat. Relliq._ THE EARLY HISTORIANS. Peter (_Veterum Historicorum Romanorum Relliquiae._ Lips. 1870). CATO. De Re Rustica. _Scriptores rei rusticae veteres Latini, curante_ I. M. Gesnero. Lips. 1735 Vol. 1. CATO. Fragmenta praeter libros de Re Rustica. Jordan. Lips. 1860. THE OLD ORATORS TO HORTENSIUS. H. Meyer. _Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta. Zurich. 1842. ACCIUS. Tragedies. Fragments in Ribbeck, as above. ——- Praeter Scenica. Lucian Muller. _Lucilii Saturaran Relliquiae._ Lips. 1872. Lachmann. ATTA. Fragments. Bothe. _Scen. Lat._ v. 2, p. 97-102. Ribbeck. AFRANIUS. Bothe, p. 156-9. Ribbeck. LUCILIUS. Lucian Muller, as above. SUEVIUS. Lucian Muller, as above. ATELLANAE. Fr. in Ribbeck. _Com. Lat. Rel._ p. 192. AUCTOR AD HERENNIUM. Kayser. _Lips._ 1854.


VARRO. Saturae Menippeae. Riese. Lips. 1865. ——- Antiquities. Fragments in R. Merkel. Introduction to Ovid's Fasti. ——- De Vita Populi Romani. Fragments in Kettner. Halle. 1863. ——- De Lingua Latina. C. O. Muller. Lips, 1833. ——- De Re Rustica. Gesner, as above. See Cato. CICERO. Speeches. G. Long. London. 1862. In four volumes. ——- Verrine Orations. Long, as above. Zumpt. Berlin. 1831. CICERO. Pro Cluentio. Classen. Bonn. 1831. Ramsay. Clarendon Press. ——- In Catilinam. Halm. Lips. ——- Pro Plancio. E. Wunder. 1830. ——- Pro Murena. Zumpt. Berlin. 1859. ——- Pro Roscio. Buchner. Lips. 1835. ——- Pro Sestio. Halm. Lips. 1845. And Teubner edition. ——- Pro Milone. Orelli. Lips. 1826. School edition by Purton. Cambridge. 1873. ——- Second Philippic, with notes from Halm, by J. E. B. Mayor. ——- De Inventione. Lindemann. Lips. 1829. ——- De Oratore. Ellendt. Konigsberg. 1840. ——- Brutus. Ellendt. 1844. ——- Philosophical Writings. Orelli. Vol. IV. ——- De Finibus. Madvig. Copenhagen. Second Edition. 1871. F. G. Otto. 1839. ——- Academica (with De Fin.). Orelli. Zurich. 1827. ——- Tusculanae Disputationes (with Paradoxa). Orelli. 1829. ——- De Natura Deorum. Schomann. Berlin. 1850. ——- De Senectute. Long. London. 1861. ——- De Amicitia. Nauck. Berlin. 1867. ——- De Officiis. 0. Heine. Berlin. 1857. ——- De Republica. Heinrich. Bonn. 1828. ——- De Legibus. Vahlen. 1871. ——- De Divinatione. Giese. Lips. 1829. ——- Select Letters. Watson. Oxford. ——- Entire Works. Orelli. Zur. 1845. Nobbe. Lips. 1828. LABERIUS. Ribbeck. Com. Lot. Relliquiae, p. 237. FURIUS BIBACULUS. Weichert. Poet. Lat. Rell., p. 325. SYRI. Sententiae. Woelfflin. 1869. CAESAR. Speeches. Meyer. Orat. Rom. Fragmenta. ——- Letters. Nipperdey. Caesar, p. 766-599. ——- Commentaries. Nipperdey. Lips. 1847-1856. ——- Gallic War. Long. London. 1859. NEPOS. Nipperdey. Lips. 1849. School edition by 0. Browning. LUCRETIUS. Munro. Cambridge. 1866. SALLUST. All his extant works. Gerlach. Basle. 1828-31. VARRO ATACINUS. Fragments in Riese, Sat. Menippeae. CHINA. Weichert. Poetarum Lat. Vitae, p. 187. CATULLUS. R. Ellis. Oxford. 1867 ——- Commentary. R. Ellis. Oxford. 1876. POLLIO. Fragments in Meyer. Orat Rom. Fragmenta. VARIUS. Ribbeck's Tragic. Lat. Relliquiae. VIRGIL. Ribbeck. 4 vols. With an Appendix Virgiliana. Conington. 3 vols. Oxford. A good school edition by Bryce. (Glasgow University Classics.) London. HORACE. Orelli. Third edition, 1850. 2 vols. School editions, by Macleane and Currie, both with good English Notes. Odes and Epodes, by Wickham. 1874. TIBULLUS and PROPERTIUS. Lachmann. Berlin. 1829. TIBULLUS. Dissen. PROPERTIUS. Paley. OVID. Entire Works. R. Merkel. Lips. 1851. 3 vols. ——- Fasti. Paley. ——- Heroides. Terpstra. 1829. Arthur Palmer. Longman. 1874. ——- Tristia and Ibis. Merkel. 1837. ——- Metamorphoses. Bach. 1831-6. 2 vols. GRATIUS. Haupt. Lips. 1838. Including the Halieuticon, &c. MANILIUS. Scaliger. 1579. Bentley. 1739. Jacob. Berlin. 1846. LIVY. Drakenborg. 7 vols. Teubner text. Weissenbom, with an excellent German Commentary. ——- Book I. Professor Seeley. Cambridge. JUSTIN (Trogus). Jeep. Lips. 1859. VERRIUS FLACCUS. C. O. Muller. Lips. 1839. VITRUVIUS. Schneider. Lips. 1807. 3 vols. Rose. 1867. SENECA (the elder). Keissling (Teubner series). Oratorum et Rhetorum sententiae divisiones colores. Bursian. 1857.


GERMANICUS (translation of Aratus). Breysig. Berlin. 1867. VELLEIUS. Kritz. Lips. 1840. Halm. VALERIUS MAXIMUS. Kempf. Berl. 1854. CELSUS. Daremberg. Lips. Teubner. PHAEDRUS. Orelli. Zur. 1831. Lucian Muller. 1876. SENECA. Tragedies. Peiper and Richter. Lips, 1867. ——- Entire Works. Fr. Haase. 3 vols. 1862-71. (Teubner.) ——- Naturales Quaestiones. Koeler. 1818. CURTIUS. Zumpt. Brunsw. 1849. COLUMELLA. In Gesner, Scriptures Rei Rusticae. MELA. Parthey. Berl. 1867. VALERIUS PROBUS. In Keil Grammatici Latini. Vol. I. 1857. PERSIUS. Jahn. Lips. 1843. Conington. Oxford. 1869. LUCAN. C. F. Weber. Lips. 1821. C. H. Weisse. Lips. 1835. PETRONIUS. Bucheler. Berl. 1871. Second edition. CALPURNIUS. Glaeser. Gottingen. 1842, ETNA. Munro. Cambridge. 1867. PLINY. Sillig. Lips. 8 vols. ——- Chrestomathia Pliniana, a useful text-book by Urlichs. Berlin. 1857. VALERIUS FLACCUS. Lemaire. Paris. 1824. Schenkl. 1871. SILIUS. Ruperti. Gottingen. 1795. STATIUS. Silvae. Markland. Lips. 1827. ——- Entire works. Queck. 1854. ——- Thebaid and Achilleid. Vol. I. 0. Muller. Lips. 1871. MARTIAL. Schneidevin. 1842. ——- Select Epigrams. Paley. London. 1875. QUINTILIAN. Bonnell. (Teubner.) 1861. ——- Halm. 2 vols. 1869. ——- Lexicon to, by Bonnell. 1834. FRONTINUS. Text by Dederich, in Teubner edition. 1855. JUVENAL. Heinrich. Bonn. 1839. Mayor. London. 1872. Vol. I. (for schools). Otto Iahn. 1868. TACITUS. Works. Orelli. 1846. Ritter. 1864. ——- Dialogue. Ritter. Bonn. 1836. ——- Agricola. Kritz. Berlin. 1865. ——- Germania. Kritz. Berlin. 1869. Latham. London. 1851. ——- Annales. Nipperdey. Berlin. 1864. PLINY the younger. Keil. Lips. 1870. ——- Letters. G. E. Gierig. 2 vols. 1800-2. ——- Letters and Panegyric. Gierig. 1806. SUETONIUS. Roth. Teubner. 1858. ——- Praeter Caesarum Libros. D. Reifferscheid. Lips. 1860. FLORUS. Jahn. Lips. 1856. FRONTO. Niebuhr. Berl. 1816. Supplement. 1832. S. A. Naber. (Teubner.) 1867. PERVIGILIUM VENERIS. Bugheler. 1859. Riese's Anthologia Latina i. p. 144. GELLIUS. Hertz. Lips. 1853. GAIUS. Lachmann. Berlin. 1842. ——- Institutes. Poste. Oxf. 1871. APULEIUS. Hildebrand. Lips. 1842. 2 vols. ITINERARIUM ANTONINI AUGUSTI ET HIEROSOLYMITANUM. G. Parthey and M. Finder. Berlin. 1848.


1. Trace the influence of conquest on Roman literature.

2. Examine Niebuhr's hypothesis of an old Roman epos.

3. Compare the Roman conception of law as manifested in an argument of Cicero, with that of the Athenians, as displayed in any of the great Attic orators.

4. Trace the causes of the special devotion to poetry during the Augustan Age.

5. The love of nature in Roman poetry.

6. What were the Collegia poetarum? In what connection are they mentioned?

7. What methods of appraising literary work existed at Rome? Was there anything analogous to our review system? If so, how did it differ at different epochs?

8. Sketch the development of the Mime, and account for its decline.

9. Criticise the merits and defects of the various forms which historical composition assumed at Rome (Hegel, Philos. of History, Preface).

10. "Inveni lateritiam: reliqui marmoream" (Augustus). The material splendour of imperial Rome as affecting literary genius. (Contrast the Speech of Pericles. Thuc. ii. 37, sqq.)

11. Varro dicit Musas Plautino sermone locuturas fuisse, si Latine loqui vellent (Quintil.). Can this encomium be justified? If so, show how.

12. "Cetera quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes." Is the true end of poetry to occupy a vacant hour? Illustrate by the chief Roman poets.

13. The vitality of Greek mythology in Latin and in modern poetry.

14. State succinctly the debt of Roman thought, in all its branches, to Greece.

15. What is the permanent contribution to human progress given by Latin literature?

16. Criticise Mommsen's remark, that the drama is, after all, the form of literature for which the Romans were best adapted.

17. Form some estimate of the historical value of the old annalists.

18. What sources of information were at Livy's command in writing his history? Did he rightly appreciate their relative value?

19. What influence did the old Roman system have in repressing poetical ideas?

20. In what sense is it true that the intellectual progress of a nation is measured by its prose writers?

21. Philosophy and poetry set before themselves the same problem. Illustrate from Roman literature.

22. Account for the notable deficiency in lyric inspiration among Roman poets.

23. Compare the influence on thought and action of the elder and younger Cato.

24. Examine the alleged incapacity of the Romans for speculative thought.

25. Compare or contrast the Italic, the Etruscan, the Greek, and the Vedic religions, as bearing on thought and literature.

26. Compare the circumstances of the diffusion of Greek and Latin beyond the limits within which they were originally spoken.

27. Analyse the various influences under which the poetical vocabulary of Latin was formed.

28. Give the rules of the Latin accent, and show how it has affected Latin Prosody. Is there any reason for thinking that it was once subjected to different rules?

29. "Latin literature lacks originality." How far is this criticism sound?

30. Examine the influence of the Alexandrine poets upon the literature of the later Republic, and of the Augustan Age.

31. What is the value of Horace as a literary critic?

32. Give a brief sketch of the various Roman writers on agriculture.

33. It has been remarked, that while every great Roman author expresses a hope of literary immortality, few, if any, of the great Greek authors mention it. How far is this difference suggestive of their respective national characters, and of radically distinct conceptions of art?

34 What instances do we find in Latin literature of the novel or romance? When and where did this style of composition first become common?

35. Trace accurately the rhythmical progress of the Latin hexameter, and indicate the principal differences between the rhythm of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace's epistles.

36. Distinguish between the development and the corruption of a language. Illustrate from Latin literature.

37. "Virgilius amantissimus vetustatis." Examine in all its bearings the antiquarian enthusiasm of Virgil.

38. "Verum orthographia quoque consuetudini servit, ideoque saepe mutata est" (Quintil.). What principles of spelling (if any), appear to be adopted by the best modern editors?

39. Show that the letter v, in Latin, had sometimes the sound of w, sometimes that of b; that the sounds o u, e i, i u, e q, were frequently interchanged respectively.

40. Examine the traces of a satiric tendency in Roman literature, independent of professed satire.

41. How far did the Augustan poets consciously modify the Greek metres they adopted?

42. Is it a sound criticism to call the Romans a nation of grammarians? Give a short account of the labours of any two of the great Roman grammarians, and estimate their value.

43. Cicero (De Leg. i. 2, 5) says: "Abest historia a literis nostris." Quintilian (x. i. 101) says: "Historia non cesserit Graecis." Criticise these statements.

44. "O dimidiate Menander." By whom said? Of whom said? Criticise.

45. Examine and classify the various uses of the participles in Virgil.

46. What are the chief peculiarities of the style of Tacitus?

47. "Roman history ended where it had begun, in biography." (Merivale). Account for the predominance of biography in Latin literature.

48. The Greek schools of rhetoric in the Roman period. Examine their influence on the literature of Rome, and on the intellectual progress of the Roman world.

49. In what sense can Ennius rightly be called the father of Latin literature?

50. Can the same rules of quantity be applied to the Latin comedians as to the classical poets?

51. Mention any differences in syntax between Plautus and the Augustan writers.

62. Examine the chief defects of ancient criticism.

53. The value of Cicero's letters from a historical and from a literary point of view.

54. What evidence with regard to Latin pronunciation can be gathered from the writings of Plautus and Terence?

55. Examine the nature of the chief problems involved in the settlement of the text of Lucretius.

56. Compare the Homeric characters as they appear in Virgil with their originals in the Iliad and Odyssey, and with the same as treated by the Greek tragedians.

57. How far is it true that Latin is deficient in abstract terms? What new coinages were made by Cicero?

58. Contrast Latin with Greek (illustrating by any analogies that may occur to you in modern languages) as regards facility of composition. Did Latin vary in this respect at different periods?

59. What are the main differences in Latin between the language and constructions of poetry and those of prose?

60. The use of tmesis, asyndeton, anacoluthon, aposiopesis, hyperbaton, hyperbole, litotes, in Latin oratory and poetry.

61. What traces, are there of systematic division according to a number of lines in the poems of Catullus or any other Latin poet with whom you are familiar? (See Ellis's Catullus).

62. Trace the history of the Atellanae, and account for their being superseded by the Mime.

63. Examine the influence of the other Italian nationalities on Roman literature.

64. Which of the great periods of Greek literature had the most direct or lasting influence upon that of Rome?

65. What has been the influence of Cicero on modern literature (1) as a philosophical and moral teacher; (2) as a stylist?

66. Give some account of the Ciceronianists.

67. What influence did the study of Virgil exercise (1) on later Latin literature; (2) on the Middle Ages; (3) on the poetry of the eighteenth century?

68. Who have been the most successful modern writers of Latin elegiac verse?

69. Distinguish accurately between oratory and rhetoric. Discuss their relative predominance in Roman literature, and compare the latter in this respect with the literatures of England and France.

70. Give a succinct analysis of any speech of Cicero with which you are familiar, and show the principles involved in its construction.

71. Discuss the position and influence of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophies in the last age of the Republic.

72. State what plan and principle Livy lays down for himself in his History. Discuss and illustrate his merits as a historian, showing how far he performs what he promises.

73. Give the political theory of Cicero as stated in his De Republica and De Legibus, and contrast it with either that of Plato, Aristotle, Machiavel, or Sir Thomas More.

74. Analyse the main argument of the De Natura Deorum. Has this treatise a permanent philosophical value?

75. How far did the greatest writers of the Empire understand the conditions under which they lived, and the various forces that acted around them?

76. Examine the importance of the tragedies ascribed to Seneca in the history of European literature. To whom else have they been ascribed?

77. How did the study of Greek literature at Rome affect the vocabulary and syntax of the Latin language?

78. The influence of patronage on literature. Consider chiefly with reference to Rome, but illustrate from other literatures.

79. Are there indications that Horace set before him, as a satirist, the object of superseding Lucilius?

80. Compare the relation of Persius to Horace with that of Lucan to Virgil.

81. Account for the imperfect success of Varro as an etymologist, and illustrate by examples.

82. What is known of Nigidius Figulus, the Sextii, Valerius Soranus, and Apuleius as teachers of philosophic doctrine?

83. Sketch the literary career of the poet Accius.

84 What were the main characteristics of the old Roman oratory? What classical authorities exist for its history?

85. Prove the assertion that jurisprudence was the only form of intellectual activity that Rome from first to last worked out in a thoroughly national manner.

86. Compare the portrait of Tiberius as given by Tacitus, with any of the other great creations of the historic imagination. How far is it to be considered truthful?

87. At what time did abridgments begin to be used at Rome? Account for their popularity throughout the Middle Ages, and mention some of the most important that have come down to us.

88. What remains of the writers on applied science do we possess?

89. Is it probable that the great developments of mathematical and physical science at Alexandria had any general effect upon the popular culture of the Roman world?

90. What are our chief authorities for the old Roman religion?

91. Account for the influence of Fronto, and give a list of his writings.

92. Which are the most important of the public, and which ef the private, orations of Cicero? Give a short account of one of each class, with date, place, and circumstances of delivery. How were such speeches preserved? Had the Romans any system of reporting?

93. A life of Silius Italicus with a short account of his poem.

94. Who, in your opinion, are the nearest modern representatives of Horace, Lucilius, and Juvenal?

95. In what particulars do the alcaic and sapphic metres of Horace differ from their Greek models? What are the different forms of the asclepiad metre in Horace? Have any of the Horatian metres been used by other writers?

96. Enumerate the chief imitations of Ennius in Virgil, noting the alterations where such occur.

97. Point out the main features of the Roman worship. (See index to Merivale's Rome, s. v. Religion.)

98. Write a life of Maecenas, showing his position as chief minister of the Empire, and as the centre of literary society of Rome during the Augustan Age.

99. Donaldson, in his Varronianus, argues that the French rather than the Italian represents the more perfect form of the original Latin. Test this view by a comparison of words in both languages with the Latin forms.

100. Give a summary of the argument in any one of the following works:— Cicero's De Finibus, Tusculan disputations, De Officis, or the first and second books of Lucretius.

101. State the position and influence on thought and letters of the two Scipios, Laelius, and Cato the censor.

102. Give Caesar's account of the religion of the Gauls, and compare it with the locus classicus on the subject in Lucan (I. 447). What were the national deities of the Britons, and to which of the Roman deities were they severally made to correspond?

103. Examine the chief differences between the Ciceronian and Post- Augustan syntax.

104. Trace the influence of the study of comparative philology on Latin scholarship.

105. "Italy remained without national poetry or art" (Mommsen). In what sense can this assertion be justified?

106. What passages can you collect from Virgil, Horace, Tacitus, and Juvenal, showing their beliefs on the great questions of philosophy and religion?

107. Examine the bearings of a highly-developed inflectional system like those of the Greek and Latin languages, upon the theory of prose composition.

108. To what periods of the life of Horace would you refer the composition of the Book of Epodes and the Books of Satires and Epistles? Confirm your view by quotations.

109. What is known of Suevius, Pompeius Trogus, Salvius Julianus, Gaius, and Celsus?

110. Who were the chief writers of encyclopaedias at Rome?

111. How do you account for the short duration of the legitimate drama at Rome?

112. Who were the greatest Latin scholars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries? In what department of scholarship did they mostly labour, and why?

113. Enumerate the chief losses which Latin literature has sustained.

114. Who were the original inhabitants of Italy? Give the main characteristics of the Italic family of languages. To which was it most nearly akin?

115. Illustrate from Juvenal the relations between patron and client.

116. Contrast briefly the life and occupations of an Athenian citizen in the time of Pericles and Plato, with those of a Roman in the age of Cicero and Augustus.

N.B.—Many other questions will be suggested by referring to the Index.



[1] Quint. I. 5, 72. The whole chapter is most interesting.

[2] How different has been the lot of Greek! An educated Greek at the present day would find little difficulty in understanding Xenophon or Menander. The language, though shaken by rude convulsions, has changed according to its own laws, and shown that natural vitality that belongs to a genuinely popular speech.

[3] See Conington on the Academical Study of Latin. Post. Works, i. 206.

[4] See esp. R. II. Bk. 1, ch. ix. and xv.



[1] E.g. Finns, Lapps, or other Turanian tribes.

[2] The Latin agrees with the Celtic in the retention of the dat. plur. in bus (Celt, ib), Rigaib = regibus; and the pass. in r, Berthar = fertur.

[3] Cf. Plaut. Cure. 150, Lydi (v. 1, ludii) barbari. So Vos, Tusci ac barbari, Tib. Gracch. apud Cic. de Div. ii. 4. Compare Virgil's Pinguis Tyrrhenus.

[4] It is probable that Sp. Carvilius merely popularised the use of this letter, and perhaps gave it its place in the alphabet as seventh letter.

[5] Inst. Or. 1, 7, 14.

[6] In Cicero's time the semi-vowel j in the middle of words was often denoted by ii; and the long vowel i represented by the prolongation of the letter above and sometimes below the line.

[7] 1, 4, 7.

[8] This subject is well illustrated in the introduction to Masson's ed. of Todd's Milton.

[9] The reader should consult the introduction to Notes I. in Munro's Lucretius.

[10] Var. L. L. v. 85.

[11] Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 86.

[12] E.g. edepol, ecastor.

[13] Prob. an old optative, afterwards used as a fut.

[14] Cf. dic. fer.

[15] L. L. vii. 26, 27.

[16] Oscan estud. This is one of several points in which the oldest Latin approximates to the other Italian dialects, from which it gradually became more divergent. Cf. paricidas (Law of Numa) nom. sing. with Osc. Maras.

[17] Pol. iii. 22. Polybius lived in the time of the younger Scipio; but the antiquity of this treaty has recently been impugned.

[18] Inst. Or. i. 7, 12.

[19] Or, accentuating differently, "quoius forma virtutei parisuma fuit." We notice the strange quantity Lucius, which recalls the Homeric uperopliae.

[20] From Thompson's Essay on the Sources and Formation of the Latin Language; Hist. Of Roman Literature; Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.


[1] The Ludi Romani, as they were afterwards called.

[2] Satura.

[3] The early laws were called "carmina," a term applied to any set form of words, Liv. i. 25, Lex horrendi carminis. The theory that all laws were in the Saturnian rhythm is not by any means probable.

[4] The passages on which this theory was founded are chiefly the following:—"Cic. Brut. xix. utinam extarent illa carmina, quae multis saeculis ante suam aetatem in epulis esse cantitata a singulis convivis de clarorum virorum laudibus in Originibus seriptum reliquit Cato." Cf. Tusc. i. 2, 3, and iv. 2, s.f. Varro, as quoted by Non, says: "In conviviis pueri modesti ut cantarent carmina antiqua, in quibus laudes erant maiorum, et assa voce et cum tibicine." Horace alludes to the custom, Od. iv. 15, 27, sqq.

[5] Poeticae arti honos uon erat: si qui in ea re studebat, aut sese ad convivia adplicabat, grassator vocabatur.—Cato ap. Aul Gell. N.A. xi. 2, 5.

[6] In his epitaph.

[7] See Mommsen Hist. i. p. 240.

[8] It is a term of contempt in Ennius, "_quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant."

[9] Virg. Ecl. ix. 34.

[10] Fest. p. 333a, M.

[11] Ep. ii. 1, 162.

[12] It has been argued from a passage in Livy (ix. 36), "Habeo auctores vulgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis literis erudiri solitos," that literature at Rome must be dated from the final conquest of Etruria (294 B.C.); but the Romans had long before this date been familiar with Etruscan literature, such as it was. We have no ground for supposing that they borrowed anything except the art of divination, and similar studies. Neither history nor dramatic poetry was cultivated by the Etruscans.

[13] Others, again, explain fascinum as = phallos, and regard the songs as connected with the worship of the reproductive power in nature. This seems alien from the Italian system of worship, though likely enough to have existed in Etruria. If it ever had this character, it must have lost it before its introduction into Rome.

[14] Ep. ii. 1, 139, sqq.

[15] vii. 2.

[16] Macr. S. ii. 4, 21.

[17] C. lii.

[18] C. lxi.

[19] Loc. cit.

[20] Juv. viii. 191.

[21] Some have imagined that, as Saturnia tellus is used for Italy, so Saturnius numerus may simply mean the native or Italian rhythm. Bentley (Ep. Phal. xi.) shows that it is known to the Greeks.

[22] The name prochaios, "the running metre," sufficiently indicates its applicability to early recitations, in which the rapidity of the singer's movements was essential to the desired effect.

[23] Attilius Fortunatianus, De Doctr. Metr. xxvi. Spengel (quoted Teuff. Rom. Lit. S 53, 3) assumes the following laws of Saturnian metre:— "(1) The Saturnian line is asynartetic; (2) in no line is it possible to omit more than one thesis, and then only the last but one, generally in the second half of the line; (3) the caesura must never be neglected, and falls after the fourth thesis or the third arsis (this rule, however, is by no means universally observed); (4) hiatus is often permitted; (5) the arsis may be solved, and the thesis replaced by pyrrhics or long syllables."

[24] The reader will find this question discussed in Wagner's Aulularia; where references are given to the original German authorities.

[25] Dactylic poetry is not here included, as its progress is somewhat different. In this metre we observe: (1) That when a dactyl or spondee ends a word, the natural and metrical accents coincide; e.g. omnia, sunt mihi, prorumpunt. Hence the fondness for such easy and natural endings as clauduntur lumina nocte, common in all writers down to Manilius. (2) That the caesura is opposed to the accent, e.g. arma virumque cano Troiae qui. These anti-accentual rhythms are continually found in Virgil, Ovid, &c. from a fondness for caesura, where the older writers have qui Troiae, and the like. (3) That it would be possible to avoid any collision between ictus and accent, e.g. scilicet omnibus est labor impendendus et omnes: inveterascit et aegro in corde senescit, &c. But the rarity of such lines after Lucretius shows that they do not conform to the genius of the language. The correspondence thus lost by improved caesura is partially re-established by more careful elision. Elision is used by Virgil to make the verse run smoothly without violating the natural pronunciation of the words; e.g. monstrum horrendum informe; but this is only in the Aeneid. Such simple means of gaining this end as the Lucretian sive voluptas est, immortali sunt, are altogether avoided by him. On the whole, however, among the Dactylic poets, from Ennius to Juvenal, the balance between natural and metrical accent remained unchanged.

[26] Most of the verses extant in this metre will be found in Wordsworth's Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin.

[27] A good essay on this subject is to be found in Wordsworth's Fragments p. 580, sqq.


[1] Scipio quoted Homer when he saw the flames of Carthage rising. He is described as having been profoundly moved. And according to one report Caesar's last words, when he saw Brutus among his assassins, were kahi se teknon.

[2] The reader will find them all in Wordsworth.

[3] Brut. xviii. 71, non digna sunt quae iterum legantur.

[4] Ep. ii. 1, 69.

[5] Liv. vii. 2.

[6] 19, 35. The lines are—

"Etiam purpureo suras include cothurno, Altius et revocet volueres in pectore sinus: Pressaque iam gravida crepitent tibi terga pharetra; Derige odorisequos ad certa cubilia canes."

In their present form these verses are obviously a century and a half at least later than Livius.

[7] Livy, xxvii. 37.

[8] Gell. xvii. 21, 45.

[9] See page 46.

[10] The reader may like to see one or two specimens. We give one from tragedy (the Lycurgus):

"Vos qui regalis corporis custodias Agitatis, ite actutum in frundiferos locos, Ingenio arbusta ubi nata sunt, non obsita;"

and one from comedy (the Tarentilla), the description of a coquette—

"Quasi pila In choro ludens datatim dat se et communem facit; Alii adnutat, alii adnictat, alium amat, alium tenet. Alibi manus est occupata, alii percellit pedem, Anulum alii dat spectandum, a labris alium invocat, Alii cantat, attamen alii suo dat digito literas."

[11] The Hariolius and Leo.

[12] Mil. Glor. 211.

[13] Brut. 19, 75.

[14] If immortals might weep for mortals, the divine Camenae would weep for Naevius the poet; thus it is that now he has been delivered into the treasure-house of Orcus, men have forgotten at Rome how to speak the Latin tongue.


[1] See Livy, vii. 2.

[2] The most celebrated was that erected by Scaurus in his aedileship 58 B.C., an almost incredible description of which is given by Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 12. See Dict. Ant. Theatrum, whence this is taken.

[3] A temporary stone theatre was probably erected for the Apollinarian Games, 179 B.C. If so, it was soon pulled down; a remarkable instance of the determination of the Senate not to encourage dramatic performances.

[4] Done by Curio, 50 B.C.

[5] Primus subselliorum ordo.

[6] Otho's Law, 68 B.C.

[7] See Mommsen, Bk. iii. ch. xv.

[8] See prol. to Andria.

[9] Quint. x. 1, Comoedia maxime claudicamus.

[10] Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 170.

"At vestri proavi Plautinos et numeros et Laudavere sales: nimium patienter utrumque Ne dicam stulte mirati."

[11] De Off. i. 29, 104.

[12] iii. 3, 14.

[13] This process is called contamination. It was necessitated by the fondness of a Roman audience for plenty of action, and their indifference to mere dialogue.

[14] Cic. de Sen. 50.

[15] ii. 2, 35.

[16] Poen. v. 1.

[17] Plautus himself calls it Tragico-comoedia.

[18] We find in Donatus the term crepidata, which seems equivalent to palliata, though it probably was extended to tragedy, which palliata apparently was not. Trabeata, a term mentioned by Suet. in his Treatise de Grammat., seems = praetextata, at all events it refers to a play with national characters of an exalted rank.

[19] E.g. trahax, perenniservus, contortiplicati, parcipromus, prognariter, and a hundred others. In Pseud. i. 5; ii. 4, 22, we have charin touto poio, nal nam, kai touto dae, and other Greek modes of transition. Cf. Pers. ii. 1, 79.

[20] One needs but to mention forms like danunt, ministreis, hibus, sacres, postidea dehibere, &c. and constructions like quicquam uti, istanc tactio, quid tute tecum? Nihil enim, and countless others, to understand the primary importance of Plautus's works for a historical study of the development of the Latin language.

[21] De Opt. Gen. Or. 1; cf. Att. vii. 3, 10.

[22] "in eis quas primum Caecili didici novas Partim sum earum exactus, partim vix steti. * * * * * Perfeci ut spectarentur: ubi sunt cognitae Placitae sunt" —Prol. 2, 14.

[23] 2 Hor. Ep, li. 1, 59. Vincere Caecilius gravitate.

[24] Adelph. prol.:

"Nam quod isti dicunt malevoli, homines nobiles Hunc adiutare, assidueque una scribere; Quod illi maledictmn vehemens existimant, Eam laudem hic ducit maximam: cum illis placet, Qui vobis universis et populo placent: Quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio Suo quisque tempore usus est sine superbia."

[25] See prol. to Andria.

[26] Suet. Vit. Ter.

[27] Tu quoque tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander, poneris, &c.—Ib.

[28] Possibly the following may be exceptions:—Andr. 218; Haut. 218, 356; Hec. 543. See Teuffel.

[29] See the first scene of the Adelphoe.

[30] Metriotaes, the quality so much admired by the Greek critics, in which Horace may be compared with Terence. Cf. Aul. Gell. vi. (or vii.) 14, 6.

[31] 1. 37, sqq.

[32] Suet. Vit. Ter.

[33] Sat. 1, 4, 53, referring to the scene in the Adelphoe.

[34] Except in the prologues to the Eun. and Hecyra.

[35] 805, "ut quimus" aiunt, "quando ut volumus non licet." The line of Caecilius is "Vivas ut possis quando non quis ut velis."

[36] Georg. iii. 9.

"Tentanda via est qua me quoque possim Toll ere humo victorque virum volitare per ora."

He expresses his aspiration after immortality in the same terms that Ennius had employed.

[37] Eun. v. iv.

[38] Or "Lanuvinus." Those who wish to know the inartistic expedients to which he resorted to gain applause should read the prologues of Terence, which are most valuable materials for literary criticism.

[39] Att. xiv. 20, 3.

[40] Teuffel 103.

[41] Sometimes called Tabernaria, Diomed iii. p. 488, though, strictly speaking, this denoted a lower and more provincial type.

[42] x. 1, 100.


[1] Quadrati versus. Gell. ii. 29.

[2] Cic. de Sen. 5, 14.

[3] Ep. I. xix. 7.

[4] Nunquam poetor nisi podager.

[5] Quintus Maeonides pavone ex Pythagoreo (Persius).

[6] Greek, Oscan, and Latin.

[7] Ep. II. i. 52.

[8] Fragment of the Telamo.

[9] Aufert Pacuvius docti famam senis.—Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 56.

[10] We learn from Pliny that he decorated his own scenes.

[11] We infer that he came to Rome not later than 169, as in that year he buried Ennius; but it is likely that he arrived much earlier.

[12] De Am. vii.

[13] 1, 77. "Antiopa aerumnis cor luctificabile fulta."

[14] Tusc. II. x. 48.

[15] The Antiopa and Dulorestes.

[16] Quint. I. V. 67-70.

[17] We give the reader an example of this feature of Pacuvius's style. In the Antiopa, Amphion gives a description of the tortoise: "Quadrupes tardigrada agrestis humilis aspera Capite brevi cervice anguina aspectu truci Eviscerata inanima, cum artimali sono." To which his hearers reply —"Ita saeptuosa dictione abs te datur, Quod coniectura sapiens aegre contulit. Non intelligimus nisi si aperte dixeris."

[18] Prob. 94 B.C. when Cic. was twelve years old. In Planc. 24, 59, he calls him "gravis et ingeniosus poeta."

[19] Cf. Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 56; Cv. Am. i. 15, 19. On the other hand, Hor. S. I. x. 53.

[20] Loco = decori, Non. 338, 22.

[21] Compare a similar subtle distinction in the Dulorestes, "Piget paternum nomen, maternum pudet profari."

[22] Propria = perpetua, Non. 362, 2.


[1] Vahlen, quoted by Teuffel, S 90, 3; see Gell. xvii. 21, 43.

[2] Post. Works, i. p. 344.

[3] Inest in genere et sanctitas regum, qui plurimum inter nomines pollent, et caerimonia deorum, quorum ipsi in potestate sunt reges.— Suet. Jul. 6.

[4] "Postquamst morte datus Plautus Comoedia luget: Scaenast deserta; dein Risus, Ludus, Jocusque Et numeri innumeri simul omnes collacrumarunt." —Gell. i. 24, 3.

[5] "Amnem, Troiugena, Cannam Romane fuge hospes," is the best known of these lines. Many others have been collected, and have been arranged with less probability, in Saturnian verse by Hermann. The substance is given, Livy, xxv. 12. See Browne, Hist. Rom. Lit. p. 34, 35. Another is preserved by Ennius, Aio te, Aeacida, Romanes vincere posse.

[6] The shortening of final o, ergo, pono, vigilando, through the influence of accent, is almost the only change made after Ennius except in a few proper names.

[7] Compare that of the horse (II. vi. 506), "Et tum sicut equus qui de praesepibu' fartus Vincla suis magnis animis abrupit, et inde Fert sese campi per caerula laetaque prata Celso pectore, saepe iubam quassat simul altam. Spiritus ex anima calida spumas agit albas," with Virg. Aen. xi. 492.

[8] Lucr. i. 111.

[9] Tr. ii. 424.

[10] Sat. vi. 1.

[11] III. 20, 8.

[12] Imitated respectively, Virg. A. iv. 585; A. i. 539; A. x. 361.


[1] Satira tota nostra est.—Quint. x. i.

[2] Aen. vi. 847, sqq. G. ii. 190; ib. 461, sqq.

[3] On this subject the reader may be referred to Merivale's excellent remarks in the last chapter of his History of the Romans under the Empire.

[4] It is probable that there were two kinds of Greek drama satyrikon; the tragic, of which we have an example in the Cyclops of Euripides, which represented the gods in a ludicrous light, and was abundantly furnished with Sileni, Satyrs, &c.; and the comic, which was cultivated at Alexandria, and certainly represented the follies and vices of contemporary life under the dramatic guise of heroic incident. But it is the non-dramatic character of Roman Satire that at once distinguishes it from these forms.

[5] See Hor. S. i. iv. 1-6.

[6] These were of a somewhat different type, and will not be further discussed here. See p. 144. Cf. Quint, x. 1, 95.

[7] Not invariably, however, by Lucilius himself. He now and then employed the trochaic or iambic metres.

[8] Sat. i. iv. 39, and more to the same effect in the later part of the satire.

[9] "In hora saepe ducentos ut multum versus dictabat stans pede in uno." Sat. 1, iv. 9.

[10] Posthumous Works, vol. ii. on the Study of Latin.

[11] iii. p. 481, P. (Teuffel).

[12] 201 B.C.

[13] As, e.g. the Precepts of Ofella, S. ii. 2, and the Unde et quo Catius? S. ii. 4.

[14] The words are, (1) "Hic est ille situs, cui nemo civis neque hostis Quivit pro factis reddere operae pretium," where "operae" must be pro nounced "op'rae;" (2) "A sole exoriente supra Mucotis paludes Nemo est qui factis me acquiparare queat. Si fas eudo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est, Mi soli caeli maxima porta patet."

[15] Infra Lucili censum, Sat. ii. 1, 75.

[16] L. Corn. Lentulus Lupus.

[17] Pers. i. 115.

[18] "Primores populi arripuit populumque tributim, Scilicet uni aequus virtuti atque eius amicis." —Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 69.

[19] Ense velut stricto quoties Lucilius ardens Infremuit, rubet auditor cui frigida mens est Criminibus, tacita sudant praecordia culpa.—Juv. i. 165.

[20] X. i. 93.

[21] Plin. N. H. Praef.

[22] De Fin. i. 3, 7.

[23] "Lucilianae humilitatis."—Petronius.

[24] Sat. i. x.

[25] Primus condidit stili nasum, N. H. Praef.

[26] As instances we may take "Has res ad te scriptas Luci misimus Aeli:" again, "Si minus delectat, quod atechnon et Eisocratiumst, Laerodesque simul totum ac sum meirakiodes ..." or worse still, "Villa Lucani mox potieris aca" for "Lucaniaca," quoted by Ausonius, who adds "Lucili vati sic imitator eris."

[27] From which Hor. borrowed his Iter ad Brundisium.

[28] Hor. S. i. x.

[29] Cic. de Fin. i. 3, 7.


[1] Liv. vii. 2. The account, however, is extremely confused.

[2] Liv. x. 208, gnaros Oscae linguae exploratum mittit.

[3] See Teuff. R. Lit. 9, S 4.

[4] Ad Fam. ix. 16, 7.

[5] Val. Max. ii. 1.

[6] Sat. i. 10, 3.

[7] The names are Aleones, Prostibulum, Pannuceatae, Nuptiae, Privignus, Piscatores, Ergastulum, Patruus, Asinaria, Rusticus, Dotata, Decuma Fullonis, Praeco, Bucco, Macci gemini, Verres aegrotus, Pistor, Syri, Medicus, Maialis, Sarcularius, Augur, Petitor, Anulus, Praefectus, Arista, Ilernia, Poraria, Marsupium, Aeditumus, Auctoratus, Satyra, Galli, Transalpini, Maccus miles, Maccus sequester, Pappus Agricola, Leno, Lar familiaris, &c.

[8] iii. 174, vi. 71.

[9] Viz. his own epitaph, and those on Scipio, p. 78, ii. 4.

[10] xix. 9, 14.

[11] De Nat. Deor. i. 28, 79.

[12] Vit. Ter.

[13] = Pacuvi.


[1] So says Servius, but this can hardly be correct. See the note at the end of the chapter.

[2] E.g. iv. 7, 13, 20.

[3] The Roman mind was much more impressible to rich colour, decoration, &c. than the Greek. Possibly painting may on this account have met with earlier countenance.

[4] R. H. vol. i. p. 272.

[5] Liv. xxi. 38. calls him "maximus auctor."

[6] Sat. i. 12.

[7] vii. 3.

[8] The question does not concern us here. The reader is referred to Niebuhr's chapter on the Era from the foundation of the city.

[9] Cic. de Off. iii. 32, 115.

[10] This is an inference, but a probable one, from a statement of Plutarch.

[11] Vide M. Catonis Reliquiae, H. Jordan, Lips. 1860.

[12] So he himself asserted; but they did not hold any Roman magistracy.

[13] Gell. xi. 2.

[14] Plin. N. H. vii. 27.

[15] Liv. xxxix. 40.

[16] De Sen. xvii. 65.

[17] Brut. xvi. 63.

[18] See H. Jordan's treatise.

[19] This was his age when he accused the perjured Galba after his return from Numantia (149 B.C.)—one of the finest of his speeches.

[20] Cato, 3, 2-4.

[21] See Wordsworth, Fr. of early Latin, p. 611, S 2.

[22] Serv. ad Virg. Aen. i. 267.

[23] Charis. ii. p. 181 (Jord).

[24] Serv. ad Virg. Aen. xi. 700.

[25] Gell. ii. 28, 6.

[26] Gell. iii. 7, 1.

[27] xii. 11, 23.

[28] Opikes. Cato's superficial knowledge of Greek prevented him from knowing that this word to Greek ears conveys no insult, but is a mere ethnographic appellation.

[29] Plin. N.H. xxix. 8, 15.

[30] De Sen. He gives the ground of it "quia multarum rerum usum habebat."

[31] Cic. de Or. 11, 33, 142.

[32] Cic. de Off. i. 11. 10.

[33] Plin. xiii. 37, 84, and xxix. 6.

[34] De Or. ii. 12. See Nieb. Introd. Lect. iv.

[35] Annales, also Commentarii.

[36] Exiliter scriptos, Brut. 27, 106.

[37] See Quint. x. 1, passim.

[38] Gell. vii. 9, 1; speaks in this way of Piso.

[39] See Liv. i. 55.

[40] Cato, doubtless reflecting on the difficulty with which he had formed his own style, says "Literarum radices amarae, fructus incundiores."

[41] Liv. lxxiv. Epit.

[42] aulo influxit vehementius ... agrestis ille quidem et horridus.— Cic. leg. i. 2, 6. So "addidit historiae maiorem sonum," id. de Or. ii. 12, 54.

[43] xxix. 27.

[44] Plut. Numa. i.

[45] ix. 13. So Fronto ap. Gell. xiii. 29, 2.

[46] Aegis katestoaumenae, as distinct from Aegis eiromenae, Ar. Rhet.

[47] vii. 9.

[48] Liv. xxiii. 2.

[49] Id. xx. 8.

[50] iv. 7.


[1] The evil results of a judicial system like that of Rome are shown by the lax views of so good a man as Quintilian, who compares deceiving the judges to a painter producing illusions by perspective (ii. 17, 21). "Nec Cicero, cum se tenebras offudisse iudicibus in causa Cluentii gloriatus est, nihil ipse vidit. Et pictor, cum vi artis suae efficit, ut quaedam eminere in opere, quaedam recessisse credamus, ipse ea plana esse non nescit."

[2] x. 1. 32.

[3] See the article Judicia Publica in Ramsay's Manual of Roman Antiquities.

[4] The reader is referred to the admirable account of the Athenian dicasteries in Grote's History of Greece.

[5] See Forsyth's Life of Cicero, ch. 3.

[6] Brut. xiv. 53.

[7] Quint. ii. 16, 8.

[8] Peitho quam vocant Graeci, cuius effector est Orator, hanc Suadam appellavit Ennius.—Cic. Br. 58.

[9] Brut. 65.

[10] Brut. 293.

[11] Cic. Sen. ii. 38.

[12] viii. 7, 1.

[13] Diom. ii. p. 468.

[14] Ep. ad. Anton. i. 2, p. 99.

[15] Jordan, p. 41.

[16] Brut. 82.

[17] Wordsworth gives extracts from Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus (228-169 B.C.), C. Titius (161 B.C.), Metellus Macedonicus (140 B.C.), the latter apparently modernised.

[18] He and Scipio are thus admirably characterised by Horace:—

"Virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Laeli."

[19] Brut. xxi. 83.

[20] Cic. Brut, xxiii. The narrator from whom Cicero heard it was Rutilius Rufus.

[21] He did not attempt to justify himself, but by parading his little children he appealed with success to the compassion of his judges!

[22] In 149 B.C. Piso established a permanent commission to sit throughout the year for hearing all charges under the law de Repetundis. Before this every case was tried by a special commission. Under Sulla all crimes were brought under the jurisdiction of their respective commissions, which established the complete system of courts of law.

[23] Ch. 34.

[24] Brut. 97, 333.

[25] Hist. Rom. bk. iv. ch. iii.

[26] Cic. de Or. III. lx. 225.

[27] Brut. xxxiii. 125.

[28] The same will be observed in Greece. We are apt to think that the space devoted to personal abuse in the De Corona is too long. But it was the universal custom.

[29] Tac. Or. 26.

[30] Fronto, Ep. ad Ant. p. 114.

[31] Cic. Brut. xxix.

[32] Hor. Od. i. 12.

[33] Nobilis ornatur lauro collega secunda.—Juv. x.

[34] See Brut. xxxv. 132, sq.

[35] See Dunlop, vol. ii. p. 274.

[36] I.e. the continuous edict, as being issued fresh with every fresh praetor.

[37] De repetundis, de peculatu, de ambitu, de maiestate, de nummis adulterinis, de falsis testamentis, de sicariis, de vi.

[38] Verr. i. 14.

[39] That against Caepio, De Or. ii. 48, 199.

[40] Eloquentium iurisperitissimus: Scaevola was iurisperitorum eloquentissimus.—Brut. 145.

[41] De Or. iii. 1, 4.

[42] Brut. lv.

[43] Orator. lxiii. 213.

[44] Judiciorum rex. Divin. in Ae. Caecil. 7.

[45] Dict. Biog. s.v. Hortensius. Forsyth's Hortensius, and an article on him by M. Charpentier in his "Writers of the Empire," should be consulted.

[46] Div. in Q. Caecil.

[47] Brut. xcv.

[48] "Dellendus Cicero est, Latiaeque silentia linguae"—Sen Suas.


[1] Au vos consulere scitis, consulem facere nescitis? See Teuffel, R. L. S 130, 6.

[2] Lael. i. His character generally is given, Brut. xxvi. 102.

[3] Q. Mucius Scaevola, Pontifex, son of Publius, nephew of Q. Mucius Scaevola, Augur.

[4] Quoted by Teuffel, S 141, 2.

[5] Dict. Biog.

[6] See De Or. i. 53, 229.

[7] Ep. ii. 2, 89.

[8] ii. 4, 42.

[9] See Teuffel, Rom. Lit. 149, S 4.

[10] Compare Lucr. i. 633. Magis inter inanes quamde gravis inter Graios qui vera requirunt.

[11] Brut. lvi. 207.

[12] De Or. ii. 37.

[13] "egertika noaeseos."—Plat. Rep. Bk. iv.

[14] apatheia, ataraxia.

[15] epistaemae and doxa, so often opposed in Plato and Aristotle.

[16] Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 234. (Arkesilaos) kata men to procheiron pyrroneios ephaineto einai kata de taen alaetheian dogmatikos aen. So Bacon: Academia nova Acatalepsiam dogmatizavit.

[17] That is, all practically considered indifference or insensibility to be the thing best worth striving after.

[18] Cic. Tusc. iv. 3.

[19] Contrast the indifference of the vulgar for the tougher parts of the system. Lucr. "Haec ratio Durior esse videtur ... retroque volgus abhorret ab hac."

[20] See a fuller account of this system under Lucretius.




[1] Caes. B. C. ii. 16-20. From i. 36, we learn that all further Spain had been intrusted to him. Varro was in truth no partisan; so long as he believed Pompey to represent the state, he was willing to act for him.

[2] Phil. ii. 40, 41.

[3] Cf. Hor. Ep. 2, 43, "Sabina qualis aut perusta solibus Pernicis uxor Appuli."

[4] Fr. of Catus. Cf. Juvenal. "Usque adeo nihil est quod nostra infantia caelum Hausit Aventinum, baca nutrita Sabina?"

[5] i. 4, 4.

[6] Ac. Post. i. 2. 8. He there speaks of them as vetera nostra.

[7] Given in Appendix, note i.

[8] Given in Aulus Gellius, xiii. xi. 1.

[9] v. i., et Romae quidem stat, sedet Athenis, nusquam autem cubat.

[10] We take occasion to observe the frequent insertion of Greek words, as in Lucilius and in Cicero's letters. These all recall the tone of high- bred conversation, in which Greek terms were continually employed.

[11] Mommsen, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 594; Riese, Men. Satur. Reliquiae, Lips. 1865.

[12] See the interesting discussion in Cicero, Acad. Post. 1.

[13] Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum.

[14] He also quotes the Aeneid as a source of religious ideas. Civ. D. v. 18, 19, et al.

[15] C. D. vi. 3, qui agant, ubi agant, quando agant, quid agant.

[16] Qui exhibeant (sacra), ubi exhibeant, quando exhibeant, quid exhibeant, quibus exhibeant.

[17] Plato says, Synoptikis a dialektikos; the true philosopher can embrace the whole of his subject; at the same time, temnei kai arthpa; he carves it according to the joints, not according to his notions where the joints should be (Phaedr.) But the Romans only understood Plato's popular side.

[18] See the end of the Res Rust. Bk. i.

[19] L. L. ix, 15; cf. vi. 82, x. 16, v. 88.

[20] R. R. iii. 5.

[21] Acad. Post. i. 3.

[22] Civ. Dei iv. 31.

[23] Cic. De Or. i. 39; N. D. ii. 24.

[24] Civ. Dei vi. 5.

[25] Seneca.

[26] Civ. Dei xviii. 9, 10, 17.

[27] Ad Att. xvi. 11. The Greek term simply means "a gallery of distinguished persons," analogously named after the Peplos of Athene, on which the exploits of great heroes were embroidered.

[28] That on Demetrius Poliorcetes is preserved: "Hic Demetrius aeneis tot aptust Quot luces habet annus exsolutus" (aeneis = bronze statues).

[29] Plin. xxxv. 2; benignissimum inventum.

[30] See Bekker's Gallus, p. 30, where the whole subject is discussed.

[31] Civ. Dei, vi. 2.

[32] Aul. Gell. iii. 10, quotes also from the Hebdomades in support of this.

[33] Muller notices with justice the mistake of Cicero in putting down Varro as a disciple of Antiochus, whereas the frequent philosophical remarks scattered throughout the De Lingua Latina point to the conclusion that at this time, Varro had become attached to the doctrines of stoicism. It is evident that there was no real intimacy between him and Cicero. See ad Att. xiii. 12, 19; Fam. ix. 8.

[34] vi. 6, vii. 76.

[35] v. 92, vii. 32.

[36] v. 44, 178.

[37] v. 71, vii. 87.

[38] vi. 52, vii. 36.

[39] vii. 60; where, after a quotation from Plautus, we have—"hoc itidem in Corollaria Naevius: idem in Curculione ait,"—where the words from hoc to Naevius are an after addition. Cf. vii. 54.

[40] E.g. homo bulla—Di facientes adiuvant—Romani sedentes vincunt.

[41] Varro refuses to invoke the Greek gods, but turns to the old rustic di Consentes, Jupiter, Tellus; Sol, Luna; Robigus, Flora; Minerva, Venus; Liber, Ceres; Lympha and Bonus Eventus. A motley catalogue!

[42] ii. 4.

[43] ii. 4.


[1] The biographical details are to a great extent drawn from Forsyth's Life of Cicero.

[2] Or diosaemeia.

[3] Pro Quintio.

[4] Pro S. Roscio Amerino.

[5] See De Off. ii. 14.

[6] Pro Roscio Comoedo.

[7] Pro M. Tullio.

[8] Divinatio in Caecilium.

[9] In Verrem. The titles of the separate speeches are De Praetura Urbana, De Iurisdictione Siciliensi, De Frumento, De Signis, De Suppliciis.

[10] Pro Fonteio.

[11] Pro Caecina.

[12] Pro Matridio (lost).

[13] Pro Oppio (lost).

[14] Pro Fundanio (lost).

[15] Pro A. Cluentio Habito.

[16] Pro lege Manilia.

[17] Pro G. Cornelio.

[18] In toga candida.

[19] Pro. Q. Gellio (lost).

[20] De lege Agraria.

[21] Pro C. Rabirio.

[22] Pro Calpurnio Pisone (lost).

[23] In L. Catilinam.

[24] Pro Muraena.

[25] Pro Cornelio Sulla (lost).

[26] Pro Archia poeta.

[27] Pro Scip. Nasica.

[28] Orationes Consulares.

[29] Pro A. Themio (lost).

[30] Pro Flacco.

[31] Orationes post reditum. They are ad Senatum, and ad Populum.

[32] De domo sua.

[33] De haruspicum responsis.

[34] Pro L. Bestia.

[35] Pro Sextio.

[36] De Provinciis Consularibus.

[37] Pro Coelio.

[38] Pro Can. Gallo_ (lost).

[39] In Pisonen.

[40] Pro Plancio.

[41] Pro Scauro (lost).

[42] Pro G. Rabirio Postumo_ (lost).

[43] Pro T. Annia Milone.

[44] Pro Marcello.

[45] Pro Q. Ligario.

[46] Pro Rege Deiotaro.

[47] Orationes Philippicae in M. Antonium xiv.

[48] Such are the speeches for the Manilian law, for Marcellus, Archias, and some of the later Philippics in praise of Octavius and Servius Sulpicius.

[49] It will be remembered that Milo and Clodius had encountered each other on the Appian Road, and in the scuffle that ensued, the latter had been killed. Cicero tries to prove that Milo was not the aggressor, but that, even if he had been, he would have been justified, since Clodius was a pernicious citizen dangerous to the state.

[50] Rosc. Com. 7.

[51] In Verr. ii. v. 11.

[52] In Vatin. 2.

[53] Pro Font. 11.

[54] Pro Rabir. Post. 13.

[55] Cat. iii. 3.

[56] Pro Coel. 3.

[57] Phil. ii. 41.

[58] In Verr. v. 65.

[59] Pro Coel. 6.

[60] Pro Cluent. pass.

[61] Forsyth; p. 544.

[62] He himself quotes with approval the sentiment of Lucilius:

nec doctissimis; Manium Persium haec legere nolo; Iunium Congum volo.

[63] De Republica, De Legibus and De Officiis.

[64] N. D. ii. 1, fin.

[65] De Off. i. 43.

[66] See Acad. Post. ii. 41.

[67] De Off. i. 2.

[68] De Fin. ii. 12.

[69] De Fin. ii. 12.

[70] E.g. the sophisms of the Liar, the Sorites, and those on Motion.

[71] Ac. Post. 20.

[72] De Leg. i. 13 fin. Perturbatricem autem harum omnium rerum Academian hanc ab Arcesila et Carneado recentem exoremus ut sileat. Nam si invaserit in haec, quae satis scite nobis instructa et composita videntur, nimias edet ruinas. Quam quidem ego placare cupio, submovere non audeo.

[73] i. 28.

[74] Tusc, i. 12, a very celebrated and beautiful passage.

[75] The Paradoxes are—(1) oti monon to kalon agathon, (2) oti autarkaesaearetae pros eudaimonian, (3) oti isa ta amartaemata kai ta katorthomata, (4) oti pas aphron mainetai. We remember the treatment of this in Horace (S. ii. 3). (5) oti monos o sophos eleutheros kai pas athron doulos, (6) oti monos o sophos plousios.

[76] A well-known fragment of the sixth book, the Somnium Scipionis, is preserved in Macrobius.

[77] Latrant homines, non loquuntur is his strong expression, and in another place he calls the modern speakers clamatores non oratores.

[78] Calamus.

[79] Atramentum.

[80] Called Librarii or A manu.

[81] Caesar generally used as his cipher the substitution of d for a, and so on throughout the alphabet. It seems strange that so extremely simple a device should have served his purpose.

[82] This is Servius's spelling. Others read Temelastis, or Talemgais, Orelli thinks perhaps the title may have been ta en elasei (Taenelasi, corrupted to Tamelastis) i.e. de profectione sua, about which he tells us in the first Philippic.

[83] Brut. 75.

[84] Brut. 80.

[85] Sextilius Ena, a poet of Corduba. The story is told in Seneca, Suas. vi.


[1] Cicero went so far as to write some short commentarii on his consulship in Greek, and perhaps in Latin also; but they were not edited until after his death, and do not deserve the name of histories.

[2] Cf. ad. Fam.; v. 12, 1, and vi. 2, 3.

[3] X. i. 31. He calls it Carmen Solutum.

[4] See Bell. Civ. i. 4, 6, 8, 30; iii. 1.

[5] "Clementia tua," was the way in which he caused himself to be addressed on occasions of ceremony.

[6] B. G. iv. 12.

[7] B. G. ii. 34. and iii. 16.

[8] Ib. see vii. 82.

[9] It was then that, as Suetonius tells us, Caesar declared that Pompey knew not how to use a victory.

[10] B. G. v. 36.

[11] Ib. iii. 25.

[12] Ib. i. 6, 7.

[13] Ib. iii. 59.

[14] B. G. iii. 7.

[15] Suetonius thus speaks (Vit. Caes. 24) of his wanton aggression, "Nec deinde ulla belli occasione ne iniusti quidem ac periculosi abstinuit tam federatis tam infestis ac feris gentibus ultro lacessitis." An excellent comment on Roman lust of dominion.

[16] I am told by Professor Rolleston that Caesar is here mistaken. The pine, by which he presumably meant the Scotch fir, certainly existed in the first century B.C.; and as to the beech, Burnham beeches were then fine young trees. Doubtless changes have come over our vegetation. The linden or lime is a Roman importation, the small-leaved species alone being indigenous; so is the English elm, which has now developed specific differences, which have caused botanists to rank it apart. There is, perhaps, some uncertainty as to the exact import of the word fagus.

[17] B. G. vi. 11, sqq.

[18] Phars. i. 445-457.

[19] B. G. vi. 19.

[20] Ib. iii. 20.

[21] Ib. iv. 5.

[22] Ib. see i. 30; ii. 30.

[23] Ib. ii. 17; v. 5. Ib. iii. 16, 49, and many other passages.

[24] B. G. ii. 16, 207.

[25] Brut. lxxv. 262.

[26] "Calamistris inurere," a metaphor from curling the hair with hot irons. The entire description is in the language of sculpture, by which Cicero implies that Caesar's style is statuesque.

[27] "Praerepta non praebita facultas."

[28] B. C. ii. 27, 28.

[29] Ib. i. 67.

[30] Ib. iii. 78. Compare also the brilliant description of the siege of Salonae iii. 7.

[31] Vell. Pat. ii. 73.

[32] De Or. iii. 12.

[33] See Aul. Gell. i. 10.

[34] The word ambactus (= cliens); and the forms malacia, detrimentosus, libertati (abl.), Senatu (dat.). But these last can be paralleled from Cicero.

[35] B. H. 5.

[36] Id. 5.

[37] Id. 33.

[38] Id. 31.

[39] Id. 5.

[40] Id. 15.

[41] Id. 19.

[42] E.g. 20.

[43] Ib.

[44] Tac. De Or. 21. "Non alius contra Ciceronem nominaretur." Quint. x. i. 114.

[45] Elegantia, Brut. 72, 252.

[46] The best will be found in Suet. Jul. Caes. vi. Aul. Gel. v. 13, xiii. 3. Val. Max. v. 3. Besides we can form some idea of them from the analysis of them in his own Commentaries.

[47] De Analogia, in two books, Suet. 56.

[48] Brut. lxxii.

[49] See the long quotation in Gall. xix. 8.

[50] Gell. ix. 14.

[51] Charis. i. 114.

[52] Ibid.

[53] Gell. vii. 9.

[54] Prisc. i. 545.

[55] Cassiod. ex Annaeo Cornuto.—De Orthog. col. 2228.

[56] Macrob. i. 16.

[57] E.g. Macrob. Sat. i. 16. Plin. xviii. 26.

[58] Sat. vi. 334.

[59] Cicero calls them Vituperationes, ad Att. xii. 41.

[60] Suet. Caes. 77.

[61] Suet. 78.

[62] Ib. 75. Flor. iv. 11, 50.

[63] Ib. 74.

[64] Doctis Iupiter! et laboriosis, Cat. i. 7.

[65] More particularly the life of his friend Atticus, which breathes a really beautiful spirit, though it suppresses some traits in his character which a perfectly truthful account would not have suppressed.

[66] This is Nipperdey's arrangement.

[67] Hist. Rom. vol. viii.

[68] ii. 2.

[69] i. 2.

[70] They are fully expounded in the second volume of Roby's Latin Grammar.

[71] Unless Cotus be thought a more accurate representative of the Greek.

[72] Nipperdey, xxxvi.-xxxviii. quoted by Teuffel.

[73] Dunlop, ii. p. 146.

[74] Suet. Caes. 45.

[75] Ib. 56.

[76] Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni.—Phars. i. 128.

[77] Catil. 53.

[78] Cat. 3. The chapter is very characteristic; Jug. 3, scarcely less so.

[79] Suet. Gram. 15, tells us that a freedman of Pompey named Lenaeus vilified Sallust; he quotes one sentence: Nebulonem vita scriptisque monstrosum; praeterea priscorum Catonisque ineruditissimum furem. Cf. Pseudo-Cic. Decl. in Sall. 8; Dio. Hist. Rom. 43, 9.

[80] Res gestas carptim ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere. Cat. 4.

[81] Anson, id. iv. ad Nepotem implies that he began his history 90 B.C. Cf. Plutarch, Compar. of Sulla and Lysander. And see on this controversy Dict. Biog. s. v. Sallust.

[82] Jug. 95.

[83] Suet. J. C. 3.

[84] A spe, metu, partibus, liber.—Cat. 4; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 1. So in the Annals, sine ira et studio.

[85] This is not certain, but the consensus of scholars is in favour of it.

[86] Cat. 31, Cicero's speech is called luculenta atque utilis Reipublicae, cf. ch. 48.

[87] Ib. 8, 41, compared with Caes. B. C. ii. 8; iii. 58, 60.

[88] Ib. 1, compared with 52 (Caesar's speech).

[89] See esp. Cat. 54.

[90] Jug. 15.

[91] Ib. 67.

[92] Jug. 31.

[93] Cat. 35, 43; cf. also ch. 49.

[94] Jug. 95.

[95] Cat. 5.

[96] Jug. 6, sqq.

[97] Cat. 15, and very similarly Jug. 72.

[98] Quint. x. 1. Nec opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear. The most obvious imitations are, Cat. 12, 13, where the general decline of virtue seems based on Thuc. iii. 82, 83; and the speeches which obviously take his for a model.

[99] As instances we give—multo maxime miserabile (Cat. 36), incultus, us (54), neglegisset (Jug. 40), discordiscus (66), &c. Poetical constructions are—Inf. for gerund, often; pleraque nobilitas for maxima pars nobilium (Cat. 17). For asyndeton cf. Cat. 5, et saepiss.

[100] Cat. 10. The well-known line os ch' eteron men kenthoi eni phresin, allo os bazoi, is the original.

[101] Ib. i. 1, virtus clara aeternaque habetur; obedientia finxit.

[102] It should perhaps be noticed that many MSS. spell the name Salustius.


[1] The actors in the Atellanae not only wore masks but had the privilege of refusing to take them off if they acted badly, which was the penalty exacted from those actors in the legitimate drama who failed to satisfy their audience. Masks do not appear to have been used even in the drama until about 100 B.C.

[2] Second Philippic.

[3] Planipedes audit Fabios. Juv. viii. 190.

[4] "Or Jonson's learned sock be on." Milton here adopts the Latin synonym for comedy.

[5] The Pallium. This, of course, was not always worn.

[6] Ovid's account of the Mimus is drawn to the life, and is instructive as showing the moral food provided for the people under the paternal government of the emperors (Tr. ii. 497). As an excuse for his own free language he says, Quid si scripsissim Mimos obscaena iocantes Qui semper vetiti crimen amoris habent; In quibus assidue cultus procedit adulter, Verbaque dat stulto callida nupta viro? Nubilis haec virgo, matronaque, virque, puerque Spectat, et ex magna parte Senatus adest. Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures; Assuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati ... Quo mimis prodest, scaena est lucrosa poetae, &c. The laxity of the modern ballet is a faint shadow of the indecency of the Mime.

[7] The passage is as follows (Ep. ii. 1, 185): Media inter carmina poscunt Aut ursum aut pugiles: his nam plebecula plaudit. Verum equitis quoque iam miravit ab aure voluptas Omnis ad incertos oculos ... Captivum portator ebur, captiva Corinthus: Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves ... Rideret Democritus, et ... spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis Ut sibi pradientem mimo spectacula plura, etc. From certain remarks in Cicero we gather that things were not much better even in his day.

[8] This is what Gellius (xvii. 14,2) says.

[9] The whole is preserved, Macrob. S. ii. 7, and is well worth reading.

[10] Cic. ad Att. xii. 18.

[11] See App. note 2, for more about Syrus.

[12] Hor. Sat. i. x. 6, where he compares him to Lucilius.

[13] Examples quoted by Gellius, x. 24; xv. 25.

[14] vi. 21.

[15] We should infer this also from allusions to Pythagorean tenets, and other philosophical questions, which occur in the extant fragments of Mimes.

[16] Tr. ii. 503, 4.

[17] S. 1-3, et al.

[18] Vell. Pat. ii. 83, where Plancus dancing the character of Glaucus is described, cf. Juv. vi. 63.

[19] Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit (Ep. ii. 1, 82). Quintilian (Inst. Or. xi. 3) says, Roscius citatior, Aesopus gravior fuit, quod ille comoedias, hic tragoedias egit.

[20] Cic. de Or. i. 28, 130. As Cicero in his oration for Sextius mentions the expression of Aesopus's eyes and face while acting, it is supposed that he did not always wear a mask.

[21] Ep. ii. 1, 173.

[22] xiv. 15. Others again think the name expresses one of the standing characters of the Atellanae, like the Maccus, etc.

[23] Pro Sext. 58.

[24] See Book i. chapter viii.

[25] These were doubtless much the worst of his poetical effusions. It was in them that the much-abused lines O fortunam natam me Consule Romam, and Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi, occurred. See Forsyth, Vit. Cic. p. 10, 11. His gesta Marii was the tribute of an admiring fellow-townsman.

[26] In the preface to his Lucretius.

[27] E.g. Inferior paulo est Aries et flumen ad Austri Inclinatior. Atque etiam, etc. v. 77; and he gives countless examples of that break after the fourth foot which Lucretius also affects, e.g. Arcturus nomine claro. Two or three lines are imitated by Virgil, e.g. v. 1, ab Jove Musarum primordia; so v. 21, obstipum caput et tereti cervice reflexum. The rhythm of v. 3, cum caeloque simul noctesque diesque feruntur, suggests a well-known line in the eighth Aeneid, olli remigio noctemque diemque fatigant.

[28] Suet. J. C. 56.

[29] N. H. xix. 7.

[30] Suet. vit. Ter. see page 51.

[31] See Bernhardy Grundr. der R. L. Anm, 200, also Caes. Op. ed. S. Clarke, 1778.

[32] De Bell. Alex. 4.

[33] Whenever a ship touched at Alexandria, Euergetes sent for any MSS. the captain might have on board. These were detained in the museum and labelled to ek ton ploion.

[34] The museum was situated in the quarter of the city called Brucheium (Spartian. in Hadr. 20). See Don. and Muller, Hist. Gk. Lit. vol. ii. chap. 45.

[35] The school of Alexandria did not become a religious centre until a later date. The priestly functions of the librarians are historically unimportant.

[36] It is true Theocritus stayed long in Alexandria. But his inspiration is altogether Sicilian, and as such was hailed by delight by the Alexandrines, who were tired of pedantry and compliment, and longed for naturalness though in a rustic garb.

[37] This is the true ground of Aristophanes' rooted antipathy to Euripides. The two minds were of an incompatible order, Aristophanes represents Athens; Euripides the human spirit.

[38] He must have had some real beauties, else Theocritus (vii. 40) would hardly praise him so highly: "ou gar po kat' emdn noon oude ton eslon Sikelidan nikemi ton ek Samo oude Philetan Aeidon, batrachos de pot akridat hos tis erisdo."

[39] Even an epic poem was, if it extended to any length, now considered tedious; Epyllia, or miniature epics, in one, two, or three books, became the fashion.

[40] Others assign the poem which has come down to us to Germanicus the father of Caligula, perhaps with better reason.

[41] Cic. De Or. xvi. 69.

[42] Ovid (Amor. i, 15, 16) expresses the high estimate of Aratus common in his day: Nulla Sophocleo veniet iactura cothurno. Cum sole et luna semper Aratus erit. He was not, strictly speaking, an Alexandrine, as he lived at the court of Antigonus in Macedonia; but he represents the same school of thought.

[43] They are generally mentioned together. Prop IV. i. 1, &c.

[44] Nothing can show this more strikingly than the fact that the Puritan Milton introduces the loves of Adam and Eve in the central part of his poem.

[45] The Cantores Euphorionis and despisers of Ennius, with whom Cicero was greatly wroth. Alluding to them he says:—Ita belle nobis "Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites." Hunc spondeiazonta si cui vis to neoteron pro tuo vendita. Ad. Att. vii, 2, 1.

[46] The reader is referred to the introductory chapter of Sellar's Roman poets of the Republic, where this passage is quoted.

[47] The reader is again referred to the preface to Munro's Lucretius.

[48] Quem tu, dea, tempore in omni Omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.

[49] i, 41.

[50] Ep. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11. It seems best to read multis ingenii luminibus non multae tamen artis than to put the non before multis. The original text has no non; if we keep to that, tamen will mean and even.

[51] Lucr. had a great veneration for his genius, see ii. 723: Quae (Sicilia) nil hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se Nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. Carmina quinctiam divini pectoris eius Vociferantur, et exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.

[52] In his treatise de Poetica he calls him physiologon mallon i poiaeten.

[53] A French writer justly says "L'utilite c'est le principe createur de la litterature romaine."

[54] Some one has observed that the martial imagery of Lucretius is taken from the old warfare of the Punic wars, not from that of his own time. He speaks of elephants, of Scipio and Hannibal, as if they were the heroes most present to his mind.

[55] The eros philosuphus, so beautifully described by Plato in the Symposium.

[56] A Scotch acquaintance of the writer's when asked to define a certain type of theology, replied, "An interminable argument."

[57] Philetas wore himself to a shadow by striving to solve the sophistic riddle of the "Liar." His epitaph alludes to this: Xeine, Philaetas eimi, logon d' o pseudomenos me olese kai nukton phrontides esperioi.

[58] iii. 3. "Te sequor, o Graiae gentis decus!"

[59] v. 8, where, though the words are general, the reference is to Epicurus.

[60] By Sulla, 84 B.C.

[61] He defined it as a leia kinaesis, or smooth gentle motion of the atoms which compose the soul.

[62] The doctrine of inherited aptitudes is a great advance on the ancient statement of this theory, inasmuch as it partly gets rid of the inconsistency of regarding the senses as the fountains of knowledge while admitting the inconceivability of their cognising the ultimate constituents of matter.

[63] Prof. Maudesley's books are a good example.

[64] Dux vitae, dia voluptas (ii. 171). So the invocation to Venus with which the poem opens.

[65] As where he invokes Venus, describes the mother of the gods, or deifies the founder of true wisdom.

[66] Nec sum animi dubius Graiorum obscura reperta Difficile inlustrare Latinis versibus esse; Multa novis verbis praesertim cum sit agendum Propter egestatem linguae et rerum novitatem (i. 130).

[67] i. 75.

[68] Lu. i. 56-95.

[69] Ib. i. 710-735; iii. 1-30.

[70] Ib. i. 912-941.

[71] Ib. ii. 1-60.

[72] Ib. ii. 354-366.

[73] Ib. iii. 1036 sqq.

[74] Ib. i. 32-40.

[75] Contrast him with Manilius, or with Ovid in the last book of the Metamorphoses, or with the author of Etna. The difference is immense.

[76] Lu. ii. 371.

[77] Ib. v. 18.

[78] Ib. Ib. v. 3.

[79] Ib. apatheia.

[80] Ib. v. 1201, sqq.

[81] The passage in which they are described is perhaps the most beautiful in Latin poetry, iii. 18, sqq. Cf. ii. 644.

[82] E.g. omoiomepeia, and various terms of endearment, iv. 1154-63.

[83] S. i. 10.

[84] E.g. frequently in Juvenal.

[85] E.g. terrai frugiferai: lumina sis oculis: indugredi, volta, vacefit, facie are on the analogy of Ennius's cere comminuit brum, salsae lacrimae, &c.

[86] See Appendix.

[87] Besides the passages quoted or referred to, the following throw light upon his opinions or genius. The introduction (i. 1-55), the attack on mythology (ii, 161-181, 591-650); that on the fear of death (iii. 943- 983), the account of the progress of the arts (v. 1358-1408), and the recommendation of a calm mind (v. 56-77).

[88] E.g. quocirca, quandoquidem, id ita esse, quod superest, Huc accedit ut, &c.

[89] Lu. i. 914.

[90] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[91] Ov. Am. i. 15, 23; Stat. Silv. ii. 7, 76.

[92] Hor. Deos didici securum agere aerom, S. i. v. 101.

[93] Georg. ii. 490. Connington in his edition of Virgil, points out hundreds of imitations of his diction.

[94] Tac. Ann. lv. 34.

[95] We cannot certainly gather that Furius was alive when Horace wrote Sat. ii. 5, 40,

"Furius hibernas cana nive conspuit Alpes."

[96] S. i. x. 36.

[97] See Virg. Aen. iv. 585; xii. 228; xi. 73l.

[98] Hor. S. i. x. 46, experto frustra Varrone Atacino.

[99] Ov. Am. i. xv. 21; Ep. ex. Pont. iv. xvi. 21.

[100] Qu. x. 1, 87.

[101] Trist. ii. 439. For some specimens of his manner see App. to chap. i. note 3.

[102] Ecl. ix. 35.

[103] Told by Ovid (Metam. bk. x.).

[104] Cat. xc. 1.

[105] Cic. (Brut.) lxxxii. 283.

[106] Romae vivimus; illa domus, lxviii. 34.

[107] See. C. xxxi.

[108] C. xxv.

[109] C. i.

[110] C. xlix.

[111] C. xciii. lvii. xxix.

[112] What a different character does this reveal from that of the Augustan poets! Compare the sentiment in C. xcii.:

"Nil nimium studeo Caesar tibi velle placere Nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo."

[113] For the character of Clodia, see Cic. pro Cael. passim; and for her criminal passion for her brother, compare Cat. lxxix., which is only intelligible if so understood. Cf. also lviii. xci. lxxvi.

[114] The beautiful and pathetic poem (C. lxxvi.) in which he expresses his longing for peace of mind suggests this remark.

[115] C. lxv. and lxviii.

[116] C. xxxi.

[117] Compare, however, Lucr. iii. 606-8.

[118] C. vi. 15, quicquid habes boni malique Die nobis.

[119] See xix. 5-9, and lxxvi.

[120] Especially in the Attis.

[121] Ov. Amor. iii. 9, 62, docte Catulle. So Mart. viii. 73, 8. Perhaps satirically alluded to by Horace, simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum. S. I. x.

[122] The first foot may be a spondee, a trochee, or an iambus. The licence is regarded as duriusculum by Pliny the Elder. But in this case freedom suited the Roman treatment of the metre better than strictness.

[123] A trimeter iambic line with a spondee in the last place, which must always be preceded by an iambus, e.g. Miser Catulle desinas ineptire.

[124] E.g. in C. lxxxiv. (12 lines) there is not a single dissyllabic ending. In one place we have dictaque factaque sunt. I think Martial also has hoc scio, non amo te. The best instance of continuous narration in this metre is lxvi. 105-30, Quo tibi tum—conciliata viro, a very sonorous passage.

[125] E.g. Perfecta exigitur una amicitia (see Ellis. Catull. Prolog.), and Iupiter ut Chalybum omne genus percut, which is in accord with old Roman usage, and is modelled on Callimachus's Zeu kater, os chalybon pan apoloito genos.

[126] This has been alluded to under Aratus. As a specimen of Catullus's style of translation, we append two lines, Hae me Konon eblepsen en aeri ton Berenikaes bostruchon on keinae pasin ethaeke theois of translation, we append two lines, which are thus rendered, Idem me ille Conon caelesti munere vidit E Bereniceo vertice caesariem Fulgenlem clare, quam multis illa deorum Levia protendens brachia pollicitaest. The additions are characteristic.

[127] clxviii.

[128] Ca. clxi: lxii.

[129] The conceit in v. 63, 64, must surely be Greek.

[130] Epullion.

[131] C. 68.

[132] See Ellis, Cat. Prolegomena.



[1] Tibullus was, however, a Roman knight.

[2] O. ii. 7, 10. Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam Sensi relicta non bene parmula.

[3] G. ii. 486. Flumina amem silvasque inglorius.

[4] i. 57. Non ego laudari curo mea Delia: tecum Dummodo sim, quaeso, segnis inersque vocer.

[5] Pr. i. 6,29. Non ego sum laudi, non natus idoneus armis.

[6] The lack of patrons becomes a standing apology in later times for the poverty of literary production.

[7] Pollio, however, stands on a somewhat different footing. In his cultivation of rhetoric he must be classed with the imperial writers.

[8] Dis te minorem quod geris imperas, 0. iii. 6, 5.

[9] Cicero was Augur. Admission to this office was one of the great objects of his ambition.

[10] Od. iii. 24, 33.

[11] C. S. 57; O. iv. 5, 21.

[12] Ecl. i. 7.

[13] Ep. ii. 1, 16.

[14] Prop. iii. 4, 1; Ovid Tr. iii. 1, 78.

[15] This subject is discussed in an essay by Gaston Boissier in the first volume of La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins.

[16] Tac. Ann. i. 2, Ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur, ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent.

[17] Cum divus Augustus sicut caetera eloquentiam pacaverat.—De Causs. Corr. Eloq.

[18] Pompon Dig. I. 2. 2.47 (quoted by Teuffel). Primus Divus Augustus, ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, constituit ut ex auctoritate eius responderent.

[19] Odi profanum vulgus et arceo (Hor. Od. iii. 1, 1), Parca dedit malignum spernere vulgus (id. ii. 16, 39), satis est equitem mihi plaudere (Sat. I. x. 77), and often. So Ovid, Fast. I. exordium.

[20] See the pleasing description in the ninth Satire of Horace's first book.

[21] Suet. Aug. 84. Tac. An. xiii. 3.

[22] Tuque pedestribus Dices historiis praelia Caesaris Maecenas melius ductaque per vias Regum colla minacium (Od. ii. 12, 9).

[23] Ep. 101, 11. I quote it to show what his sentiments were on a point that touched a Roman nearly, the fear of death: Debilem facito manu debilem pede coxa: Tuber astrue gibberum, lubricos quate dentes: Vita dum superest, bene est: hanc mihi vel acuta Si sedeam cruce sustine.

[24] He was so when Horace wrote his first book of Satires (x. 51). Forte epos acer lit nemo Varius ducit.

[25] Often quoted as the poem de Morte.

[26] Sat. vi. 2.

[27] Ecl. viii. 5, 88, procumbit in ulva Perdita, nec serae, &c. Observe how Virgil improves while he borrows.

[28] Aen. vi. 621, 2.

[29] Od. i. 61.

[30] So says the Schol. on Hor. Ep. I. xvi. 25.

[31] X. i. 98

[32] X. 3. 8.

[33] Ec. ix. 35.

[34] Virg. Ec. iii. 90; Hor. Epod. x.

[35] "Cinna procacior," Ov. Trist. ii. 435.

[36] Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo, Quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba Macer. Trist. iv. 10, 43. Quint. (x. 1, 87) calls him humilis.


[1] See Sellar's Virgil, p. 107.

[2] Pagus does not mean merely the village, but rather the village with its surroundings as defined by the government survey, something like our parish.

[3] Mantua vae miseras nimium vicina Cremonae, Ecl. 9. 27.

[4] In the celebrated passage Felix qui potuit, &c.

[5] Horace certainly did, and that in a more thorough manner than Virgil. See his remark at the end of the Iter ad Brundisium, and other well- known passages.

[6] Contrast the way in which he speaks of poetical studies, G. iv. 564, me dulcis alebat Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti, with the language of his letter to Augustus (Macrob. i. 24, 11), cum alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora (i.e. philosophy) impertiar.

[7] This is alluded to in a little poem (Catal. 10): "Villula quae Sironis eras et peuper agelle, Verum illi domino tu quoque divitiae: Me tibi, et hos una mecum et quos semper amavi.... Commendo, in primisque patrem; tu nunc eris illi Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cremona prius." We observe the growing peculiarities of Virgil's style.

[8] See Hor. S. i. 5 and 10.

[9] Macrob. i. 24. See note, p. 5.

[10] As Horace. Od. I. iii. 4: "Animae dimidium meae." Cf. S. i. 5, 40.

[11] "Namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis." Hor. S. i. v. 49.

[12] "A penitissima Graecorum doctrina." Macr. v. 22, 15.

[13] "Gallo cuius amor tantum mihi crescit in horas Quantum vere novo viridis se subiicit alnus." —Ecl. x. 73.

[14] The Ciris and Aetna formerly attributed to him are obviously spurious.

[15] vi. and x.

[16] iii. iv.

[17] viii. ix.

[18] v. vii.

[19] Macrob. Sat. iii. 98, 19, calls Suevius vir doctissimus.

[20] "The original motive of the poem can only have been the idea that the gnat could not rest in Hades, and therefore asked the shepherd whose life it had saved, for a decent burial. But this very motive, without which the whole poem loses its consistency, is wanting in the extant Culex."— Teuffel, R. L. S 225, 1, 4.

[21] Its being edited separately from Virgil's works is thought by Teuffel to indicate spuriousness. But there is good evidence for believing that the poem accepted as Virgil's by Statius and Martial was our present Culex. Teuffel thinks they were mistaken, but that is a bold conjecture.

[22] The missing the gist of the story, of which Teuffel complains, does not seem to us worse than the glaring inconsistency at the end of the sixth book of the Aeneid, where Aeneas is dismissed by the gate of the false visions. That incident, whether ironical or not, is unquestionably an artistic blunder, since it destroys the impression of truth on which the justification of the book depends.

[23] For instance, v. 291, Sed tu crudelis, crudelis tu magis Orpheu looks more like an imperfect anticipation than an imitation of Improbus ille puer crudelis tu quoque mater. Again, v. 293, parvum si Tartara possent peccatum ignovisse, is surely a feeble effort to say scirent si ignoscere Manes, not a reproduction of it; v. 201, Erebo cit equos Nox could hardly have been written after ruit Oceano nox. From an examination of the similarities of diction, I should incline to regard them as in nearly every case admitting naturally of this explanation. The portraits of Tisiphone, the Heliades, Orpheus, and the tedious list of heroes, Greek, Trojan, and Roman, who dwell in the shades, are difficult to pronounce upon. They might be extremely bad copies, but it is simpler to regard them as crude studies, unless indeed we suppose the versifier to have introduced them with the express design of making the Culex a good imitation of a juvenile poem. Minute points which make for an early date are meritus (v. 209), cf. fultus hyacintho (Ecl. 6); the rhythms cognitus utilitate manet (v. 65), implacabilis ira nimis, (v. 237); the form videreque (v. 304); the use of the pass. part. with acc. (v. ii. 175); of alliteration (v. 122, 188); asyndeton (v. 178, 190); juxtapositions like revolubile volvens (v. 168); compounds like inevectus (v. 100, 340); all which are paralleled in Lucr. and Virg. but hardly known in later poets. The chief feature which makes the other way is the extreme rarity of elisions, which, as a rule, are frequent in Virg. Here we have as many as twenty-two lines without elision. But we know that Virgil became more archaic in his style as he grew older.

[24] Molle atque facetum Virgilio annuerunt guadentes rure camenae.— Sat. i. x. 40.

[25] E.g. tutthon d' osson apothen becomes procul tantum; panta d' enalla genoito becomes omnia vel medium fiant mare, &c.

[26] Virgil as yet claims but a moderate degree of inspiration. Me quoque dicunt Vatem pastores: sed non ego credulus illis. Nam neque adhuc Vario videor nec dicere Cinna Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser olores. Ec. ix. 33.

[27] Ec. v. 45.

[28] In his preface to the Eclogues.

[29] Page 248. Cf. also tua Maecenas haud mollia iussa, G. iii. 41.

[30] Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen, G. ii. 176.

[31] The words Ille ludere quae vellum calamo permisit agresti (Ecl. i. 10), might seem to contradict this, but the Eclogues were of a lighter cast. He never speaks of the Georg. or Aen. as lusus. So Hor. (Ep. i. 1, 10), versus et cetera ludicra pono; referring to his odes.

[32] Hor. A. P. 218.

[33] See G. i. 500, sqq. where Augustus is regarded as the saviour of the age.

[34] We have observed that except Lucretius all the great poets were from the municipia or provinces.

[35] The tenth; imitated in Milton's Lycidas.

[36] In its form it reminds us of those Epyllia which were such favourite subjects with Callimachus, of which the Peleus and Thetis is a specimen.

[37] Said to have been uttered by Cicero on hearing the Eclogues read; the rima spes Romae being of course the orator himself. But the story, however pretty, cannot be true, as Cicero died before the Eclogues were composed.

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