Artillery Through the Ages - A Short Illustrated History of Cannon, Emphasizing Types Used in America
by Albert Manucy
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A Short Illustrated History of Cannon, Emphasizing Types Used in America


Fred A. Seaton, Secretary


Conrad L. Wirth, Director

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents U. S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D. C. — Price 35 cents

(Cover) FRENCH 12-POUNDER FIELD GUN (1700-1750)



A Short Illustrated History of Cannon, Emphasizing Types Used in America



Historian Southeastern National Monuments

Drawings by Author

Technical Review by Harold L. Peterson

National Park Service Interpretive Series History No. 3


Many of the types of cannon described in this booklet may be seen in areas of the National Park System throughout the country. Some parks with especially fine collections are:

CASTILLO DE SAN MARCOS NATIONAL MONUMENT, seventeenth and eighteenth century field and garrison guns.


COLONIAL NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK, seventeenth and eighteenth century field and siege guns, eighteenth century naval guns.

FORT MCHENRY NATIONAL MONUMENT AND HISTORIC SHRINE, early nineteenth century field guns and Civil War garrison guns.



PETERSBURG NATIONAL MILITARY PARK, Civil War field and siege guns.


VICKSBURG NATIONAL MILITARY PARK, Civil War field and siege guns.

The National Park System is dedicated to conserving the scenic, scientific, and historic heritage of the United States for the benefit and enjoyment of its people.


THE ERA OF ARTILLERY The Ancient Engines of War Gunpowder Comes to Europe The Bombards Sixteenth Century Cannon The Seventeenth Century and Gustavus Adolphus The Eighteenth Century United States Guns of the Early 1800's Rifling The War Between the States The Change into Modern Artillery

GUNPOWDER Primers Modern Use of Black Powder

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF CANNON The Early Smoothbore Cannon Smoothbores of the Later Period Garrison and Ship Guns Siege Cannon Field Cannon Howitzers Mortars Petards

PROJECTILES Solid Shot Explosive Shells Fuzes Scatter Projectiles Incendiaries and Chemical Projectiles Fixed Ammunition Rockets






Looking at an old-time cannon, most people are sure of just one thing: the shot came out of the front end. For that reason these pages are written; people are curious about the fascinating weapon that so prodigiously and powerfully lengthened the warrior's arm. And theirs is a justifiable curiosity, because the gunner and his "art" played a significant role in our history.


To compare a Roman catapult with a modern trench mortar seems absurd. Yet the only basic difference is the kind of energy that sends the projectile on its way.

In the dawn of history, war engines were performing the function of artillery (which may be loosely defined as a means of hurling missiles too heavy to be thrown by hand), and with these crude weapons the basic principles of artillery were laid down. The Scriptures record the use of ingenious machines on the walls of Jerusalem eight centuries B.C.—machines that were probably predecessors of the catapult and ballista, getting power from twisted ropes made of hair, hide or sinew. The ballista had horizontal arms like a bow. The arms were set in rope; a cord, fastened to the arms like a bowstring, fired arrows, darts, and stones. Like a modern field gun, the ballista shot low and directly toward the enemy.

The catapult was the howitzer, or mortar, of its day and could throw a hundred-pound stone 600 yards in a high arc to strike the enemy behind his wall or batter down his defenses. "In the middle of the ropes a wooden arm rises like a chariot pole," wrote the historian Marcellinus. "At the top of the arm hangs a sling. When battle is commenced, a round stone is set in the sling. Four soldiers on each side of the engine wind the arm down until it is almost level with the ground. When the arm is set free, it springs up and hurls the stone forth from its sling." In early times the weapon was called a "scorpion," for like this dreaded insect it bore its "sting" erect.

The trebuchet was another war machine used extensively during the Middle Ages. Essentially, it was a seesaw. Weights on the short arm swung the long throwing arm.

These weapons could be used with telling effect, as the Romans learned from Archimedes in the siege of Syracuse (214-212 B.C.). As Plutarch relates, "Archimedes soon began to play his engines upon the Romans and their ships, and shot stones of such an enormous size and with so incredible a noise and velocity that nothing could stand before them. At length the Romans were so terrified that, if they saw but a rope or a beam projecting over the walls of Syracuse, they cried out that Archimedes was leveling some machine at them, and turned their backs and fled."

Long after the introduction of gunpowder, the old engines of war continued in use. Often they were side by side with cannon.


Chinese "thunder of the earth" (an effect produced by filling a large bombshell with a gunpowder mixture) sounded faint reverberations amongst the philosophers of the western world as early as A.D. 300. Though the Chinese were first instructed in the scientific casting of cannon by missionaries during the 1600's, crude cannon seem to have existed in China during the twelfth century and even earlier.

In Europe, a ninth century Latin manuscript contains a formula for gunpowder. But the first show of firearms in western Europe may have been by the Moors, at Saragossa, in A.D. 1118. In later years the Spaniards turned the new weapon against their Moorish enemies at the siege of Cordova (1280) and the capture of Gibraltar (1306).

It therefore follows that the Arabian madfaa, which in turn had doubtless descended from an eastern predecessor, was the original cannon brought to western civilization. This strange weapon seems to have been a small, mortar-like instrument of wood. Like an egg in an egg cup, the ball rested on the muzzle end until firing of the charge tossed it in the general direction of the enemy. Another primitive cannon, with narrow neck and flared mouth, fired an iron dart. The shaft of the dart was wrapped with leather to fit tightly into the neck of the piece. A red-hot bar thrust through a vent ignited the charge. The range was about 700 yards. The bottle shape of the weapon perhaps suggested the name pot de fer (iron jug) given early cannon, and in the course of evolution the narrow neck probably enlarged until the bottle became a straight tube.

During the Hundred Years' War (1339-1453) cannon came into general use. Those early pieces were very small, made of iron or cast bronze, and fired lead or iron balls. They were laid directly on the ground, with muzzles elevated by mounding up the earth. Being cumbrous and inefficient, they played little part in battle, but were quite useful in a siege.


By the middle 1400's the little popguns that tossed one-or two-pound pellets had grown into enormous bombards. Dulle Griete, the giant bombard of Ghent, had a 25-inch caliber and fired a 700-pound granite ball. It was built in 1382. Edinburgh Castle's famous Mons Meg threw a 19-1/2-inch iron ball some 1,400 yards (a mile is 1,760 yards), or a stone ball twice that far.

The Scottish kings used Meg between 1455 and 1513 to reduce the castles of rebellious nobles. A baron's castle was easily knocked to pieces by the prince who owned, or could borrow, a few pieces of heavy ordnance. The towering walls of the old-time strongholds slowly gave way to the earthwork-protected Renaissance fortification, which is typified in the United States by Castillo de San Marcos, in Castillo de San Marcos National Monument, St. Augustine, Fla.

Some of the most formidable bombards were those of the Turks, who used exceptionally large cast-bronze guns at the siege of Constantinople in 1453. One of these monsters weighed 19 tons and hurled a 600-pound stone seven times a day. It took some 60 oxen and 200 men to move this piece, and the difficulty of transporting such heavy ordnance greatly reduced its usefulness. The largest caliber gun on record is the Great Mortar of Moscow. Built about 1525, it had a bore of 36 inches, was 18 feet long, and fired a stone projectile weighing a ton. But by this time the big guns were obsolete, although some of the old Turkish ordnance survived the centuries to defend Constantinople against a British squadron in 1807. In that defense a great stone cut the mainmast of the British flagship, and another crushed through the English ranks to kill or wound 60 men.

The ponderosity of the large bombards held them to level land, where they were laid on rugged mounts of the heaviest wood, anchored by stakes driven into the ground. A gunner would try to put his bombard 100 yards from the wall he wanted to batter down. One would surmise that the gunner, being so close to a castle wall manned by expert Genoese cross-bowmen, was in a precarious position. He was; but earthworks or a massive wooden shield arranged like a seesaw over his gun gave him fair protection. Lowering the front end of the shield made a barricade behind which he could charge his muzzle loader (see fig. 49).

In those days, and for many decades thereafter, neither gun crews nor transport were permanent. They had to be hired as they were needed. Master gunners were usually civilian "artists," not professional soldiers, and many of them had cannon built for rental to customers. Artillerists obtained the right to captured metals such as tools and town bells, and this loot would be cast into guns or ransomed for cash. The making of guns and gunpowder, the loading of bombs, and even the serving of cannon were jealously guarded trade secrets. Gunnery was a closed corporation, and the gunner himself a guildsman. The public looked upon him as something of a sorcerer in league with the devil, and a captured artilleryman was apt to be tortured and mutilated. At one time the Pope saw fit to excommunicate all gunners. Also since these specialists kept to themselves and did not drink or plunder, their behavior was ample proof to the good soldier of the old days that artillerists were hardly human.


After 1470 the art of casting greatly improved in Europe. Lighter cannon began to replace the bombards. Throughout the 1500's improvement was mainly toward lightening the enormous weights of guns and projectiles, as well as finding better ways to move the artillery. Thus, by 1556 Emperor Ferdinand was able to march against the Turks with 57 heavy and 127 light pieces of ordnance.

At the beginning of the 1400's cast-iron balls had made an appearance. The greater efficiency of the iron ball, together with an improvement in gunpowder, further encouraged the building of smaller and stronger guns. Before 1500 the siege gun had been the predominant piece. Now forged-iron cannon for field, garrison, and naval service—and later, cast-iron pieces—were steadily developed along with cast-bronze guns, some of which were beautifully ornamented with Renaissance workmanship. The casting of trunnions on the gun made elevation and transportation easier, and the cumbrous beds of the early days gave way to crude artillery carriages with trails and wheels. The French invented the limber and about 1550 took a sizable forward step by standardizing the calibers of their artillery.

Meanwhile, the first cannon had come to the New World with Columbus. As the Pinta's lookout sighted land on the early morn of October 12, 1492, the firing of a lombard carried the news over the moonlit waters to the flagship Santa Maria. Within the next century, not only the galleons, but numerous fortifications on the Spanish Main were armed with guns, thundering at the freebooters who disputed Spain's ownership of American treasure. Sometimes the adventurers seized cannon as prizes, as did Drake in 1586 when he made off with 14 bronze guns from St. Augustine's little wooden fort of San Juan de Pinos. Drake's loot no doubt included the ordnance of a 1578 list, which gives a fair idea of the armament for an important frontier fortification: three reinforced cannon, three demiculverins, two sakers (one broken), a demisaker and a falcon, all properly mounted on elevated platforms in the fort to cover every approach. Most of them were highly ornamented pieces founded between 1546 and 1555. The reinforced cannon, for instance, which seem to have been cast from the same mold, each bore the figure of a savage hefting a club in one hand and grasping a coin in the other. On a demiculverin, a bronze mermaid held a turtle, and the other guns were decorated with arms, escutcheons, the founder's name, and so on.

In the English colonies during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, lighter pieces seem to have been the more prevalent; there is no record of any "cannon." (In those days, "cannon" were a special class.) Culverins are mentioned occasionally and demiculverins rather frequently, but most common were the falconets, falcons, minions, and sakers. At Fort Raleigh, Jamestown, Plymouth, and some other settlements the breech-loading half-pounder perrier or "Patterero" mounted on a swivel was also in use. (See frontispiece.)

It was during the sixteenth century that the science of ballistics had its beginning. In 1537, Niccolo Tartaglia published the first scientific treatise on gunnery. Principles of construction were tried and sometimes abandoned, only to reappear for successful application in later centuries. Breech-loading guns, for instance, had already been invented. They were unsatisfactory because the breech could not be sealed against escape of the powder gases, and the crude, chambered breechblocks, jammed against the bore with a wedge, often cracked under the shock of firing. Neither is spiral rifling new. It appeared in a few guns during the 1500's.

Mobile artillery came on the field with the cart guns of John Zizka during the Hussite Wars of Bohemia (1419-24). Using light guns, hauled by the best of horses instead of the usual oxen, the French further improved field artillery, and maneuverable French guns proved to be an excellent means for breaking up heavy masses of pikemen in the Italian campaigns of the early 1500's. The Germans under Maximilian I, however, took the armament leadership away from the French with guns that ranged 1,500 yards and with men who had earned the reputation of being the best gunners in Europe.

Then about 1525 the famous Spanish Square of heavily armed pikemen and musketeers began to dominate the battlefield. In the face of musketry, field artillery declined. Although artillery had achieved some mobility, carriages were still cumbrous. To move a heavy English cannon, even over good ground, it took 23 horses; a culverin needed nine beasts. Ammunition—mainly cast-iron round shot, the bomb (an iron shell filled with gunpowder), canister (a can filled with small projectiles), and grape shot (a cluster of iron balls)—was carried the primitive way, in wheelbarrows and carts or on a man's back. The gunner's pace was the measure of field artillery's speed: the gunner walked beside his gun! Furthermore, some of these experts were getting along in years. During Elizabeth's reign several of the gunners at the Tower of London were over 90 years old.

Lacking mobility, guns were captured and recaptured with every changing sweep of the battle; so for the artillerist generally, this was a difficult period. The actual commander of artillery was usually a soldier; but transport and drivers were still hired, and the drivers naturally had a layman's attitude toward battle. Even the gunners, those civilian artists who owed no special duty to the prince, were concerned mainly over the safety of their pieces—and their hides, since artillerists who stuck with their guns were apt to be picked off by an enemy musketeer. Fusilier companies were organized as artillery guards, but their job was as much to keep the gun crew from running away as to protect them from the enemy.

So, during 400 years, cannon had changed from the little vases, valuable chiefly for making noise, into the largest caliber weapons ever built, and then from the bombards into smaller, more powerful cannon. The gun of 1600 could throw a shot almost as far as the gun of 1850; not in fire power, but in mobility, organization, and tactics was artillery undeveloped. Because artillery lacked these things, the pike and musket were supreme on the battlefield.


Under the Swedish warrior Gustavus Adolphus, artillery began to take its true position on the field of battle. Gustavus saw the need for mobility, so he divorced anything heavier than a 12-pounder from his field artillery. His famous "leatheren" gun was so light that it could be drawn and served by two men. This gun was a wrought-copper tube screwed into a chambered brass breech, bound with four iron hoops. The copper tube was covered with layers of mastic, wrapped firmly with cords, then coated with an equalizing layer of plaster. A cover of leather, boiled and varnished, completed the gun. Naturally, the piece could withstand only a small charge, but it was highly mobile.

Gustavus abandoned the leather gun, however, in favor of a cast-iron 4-pounder and a 9-pounder demiculverin produced by his bright young artillery chief, Lennart Torstensson. The demiculverin was classed as the "feildpeece" par excellence, while the 4-pounder was so light (about 500 pounds) that two horses could pull it in the field.

These pieces could be served by three men. Combining the powder charge and projectile into a single cartridge did away with the old method of ladling the powder into the gun and increased the rapidity of fire. Whereas in the past one cannon for each thousand infantrymen had been standard, Gustavus brought the ratio up to six cannon, and attached a pair of light pieces to each regiment as "battalion guns." At the same time he knew the value of fire concentration, and he frequently massed guns in strong batteries. His plans called for smashing hostile infantry formations with artillery fire, while neutralizing the ponderous, immobile enemy guns with a whirlwind cavalry charge. The ideas were sound. Gustavus smashed the Spanish Squares at Breitenfeld in 1631.

Following the Swedish lead, all nations modified their artillery. Leadership fell alternately to the Germans, the French, and the Austrians. The mystery of artillery began to disappear, and gunners became professional soldiers. Bronze came to be the favorite gunmetal.

Louis XIV of France seems to have been the first to give permanent organization to the artillery. He raised a regiment of artillerymen in 1671 and established schools of instruction. The "standing army" principle that began about 1500 was by now in general use, and small armies of highly trained professional soldiers formed a class distinct from the rest of the population. As artillery became an organized arm of the military, expensive personnel and equipment had to be maintained even in peacetime. Still, some necessary changes were slow in coming. French artillery officers did not receive military rank until 1732, and in some countries drivers were still civilians in the 1790's. In 1716, Britain had organized artillery into two permanent companies, comprising the Royal Regiment of Artillery. Yet as late as the American Revolution there was a dispute about whether a general officer whose service had been in the Royal Artillery was entitled to command troops of all arms. There was no such question in England of the previous century: the artillery general was a personage having "alwayes a part of the charge, and when the chief generall is absent, he is to command all the army."


During the early 1700's cannon were used to protect an army's deployment and to prepare for the advance of the troops by firing upon enemy formations. There was a tendency to regard heavy batteries, properly protected by field works or permanent fortifications, as the natural role for artillery. But if artillery was seldom decisive in battle, it nevertheless waxed more important through improved organization, training, and discipline. In the previous century, calibers had been reduced in number and more or less standardized; now, there were notable scientific and technical improvements. The English scientist Benjamin Robins wedded theory to practice; his New Principles of Gunnery (1742) did much to bring about a more scientific attitude toward ballistics. One result of Robins' research was the introduction, in 1779, of carronades, those short, light pieces so useful in the confines of a ship's gun deck. Carronades usually ranged in caliber from 6- to 68-pounders.

In North America, cannon were generally too cumbrous for Indian fighting. But from the time (1565) the French, in Florida, loosed the first bolt at the rival fleet of the Spaniard Menendez, cannon were used on land and sea during intercolonial strife, or against corsairs. Over the vast distances of early America, transport of heavy guns was necessarily by water. Without ships, the guns were inexorably walled in by the forest. So it was when the Carolinian Moore besieged St. Augustine in 1702. When his ships burned, Moore had to leave his guns to the Spaniards.

One of the first appearances of organized American field artillery on the battlefield was in the Northeast, where France's Louisburg fell to British and Colonial forces in 1745. Serving with the British Royal Artillery was the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Boston, which had originated in 1637. English field artillery of the day had "brigades" of four to six cannon, and each piece was supplied with 100 rounds of solid shot and 30 rounds of grape. John Mueller's Treatise on Artillery, the standard English authority, was republished in Philadelphia (1779), and British artillery was naturally a model for the arm in America.

At the outbreak of the War of Independence, American artillery was an accumulation of guns, mortars, and howitzers of every sort and some 13 different calibers. Since the source of importation was cut off, the undeveloped casting industries of the Colonies undertook cannon founding, and by 1775 the foundries of Philadelphia were casting both bronze and iron guns. A number of bronze French guns were brought in later. The mobile guns of Washington's army ranged from 3- to 24-pounders, with 5-1/2- and 8-inch howitzers. They were usually bronze. A few iron siege guns of 18-, 24-, and 32-pounder caliber were on hand. The guns used round shot, grape, and case shot; mortars and howitzers fired bombs and carcasses. "Side boxes" on each side of the carriage held 21 rounds of ammunition and were taken off when the piece was brought into battery. Horses or oxen, with hired civilian drivers, formed the transport. On the battlefield the cannoneers manned drag ropes to maneuver the guns into position.

Sometimes, as at Guilford Courthouse, the ever-present forest diminished the effectiveness of artillery, but nevertheless the arm was often put to good use. The skill of the American gunners at Yorktown contributed no little toward the speedy advance of the siege trenches. Yorktown battlefield today has many examples of Revolutionary War cannon, including some fine ship guns recovered from British vessels sunk during the siege of 1781.

In Europe, meanwhile, Frederick the Great of Prussia learned how to use cannon in the campaigns of the Seven Years' War (1756-63). The education was forced upon him as gradual destruction of his veteran infantry made him lean more heavily on artillery. To keep pace with cavalry movements, he developed a horse artillery that moved rapidly along with the cavalry. His field artillery had only light guns and howitzers. With these improvements he could establish small batteries at important points in the battle line, open the fight, and protect the deployment of his columns with light guns. What was equally significant, he could change the position of his batteries according to the course of the action.

Frederick sent his 3- and 6-pounders ahead of the infantry. Gunners dismounted 500 paces from the enemy and advanced on foot, pushing their guns ahead of them, firing incessantly and using grape shot during the latter part of their advance. Up to closest range they went, until the infantry caught up, passed through the artillery line, and stormed the enemy position. Remember that battle was pretty formal, with musketeers standing or kneeling in ranks, often in full view of the enemy!

Perhaps the outstanding artilleryman of the 1700's was the Frenchman Jean Baptiste de Gribeauval, who brought home a number of ideas after serving with the capable Austrian artillery against Frederick. The great reform in French artillery began in 1765, although Gribeauval was not able to effect all of his changes until he became Inspector General of Artillery in 1776. He all but revolutionized French artillery, and vitally influenced other countries.

Gribeauval's artillery came into action at a gallop and smothered enemy batteries with an overpowering volume of fire. He created a distinct materiel for field, siege, garrison, and coast artillery. He reduced the length and weight of the pieces, as well as the charge and the windage (the difference between the diameters of shot and bore); he built carriages so that many parts were interchangeable, and made soldiers out of the drivers. For siege and garrison he adopted 12- and 16-pounder guns, an 8-inch howitzer and 8-, 10-, and 12-inch mortars. For coastal fortifications he used the traversing platform which, having rear wheels that ran upon a track, greatly simplified the training of a gun right or left upon a moving target (fig. 10). Gribeauval-type materiel was used with the greatest effect in the new tactics which Napoleon introduced.

Napoleon owed much of his success to masterly use of artillery. Under this captain there was no preparation for infantry advance by slowly disintegrating the hostile force with artillery fire. Rather, his artillerymen went up fast into closest range, and by actually annihilating a portion of the enemy line with case-shot fire, covered the assault so effectively that columns of cavalry and infantry reached the gap without striking a blow!

After Napoleon, the history of artillery largely becomes a record of its technical effectiveness, together with improvements or changes in putting well-established principles into action.


The United States adopted the Gribeauval system of artillery carriages in 1809, just about the time it was becoming obsolete (the French abandoned it in 1829). The change to this system, however, did not include adoption of the French gun calibers. Early in the century cast iron replaced bronze as a gunmetal, a move pushed by the growing United States iron industry; and not until 1836 was bronze readopted in this country for mobile cannon. In the meantime, U. S. Artillery in the War of 1812 did most of its fighting with iron 6-pounders. Fort McHenry, which is administered by the National Park Service as a national monument and historic shrine, has a few ordnance pieces of the period.

During the Mexican War, the artillery carried 6- and 12-pounder guns, the 12-pounder mountain howitzer (a light piece of 220 pounds which had been added for the Indian campaigns), a 12-pounder field howitzer (788 pounds), the 24- and 32-pounder howitzers, and 8- and 10-inch mortars. For siege, garrison, and seacoast there were pieces of 16 types, ranging from a 1-pounder to the giant 10-inch Columbiad of 7-1/2 tons. In 1857, the United States adopted the 12-pounder Napoleon gun-howitzer, a bronze smoothbore designed by Napoleon III, and this muzzle-loader remained standard in the army until the 1880's.

The naval ironclads, which were usually armed with powerful 11- or 15-inch smoothbores, were a revolutionary development in mid-century. They were low-hulled, armored, steam vessels, with one or two revolving turrets. Although most cannonballs bounced from the armor, lack of speed made the "cheese box on a raft" vulnerable, and poor visibility through the turret slots was a serious handicap in battle.

While 20-, 30-, and 60-pounder Parrott rifles soon made an appearance in the Federal Navy, along with Dahlgren's 12- and 20-pounder rifled howitzers, the Navy relied mainly upon its "shell-guns": the 9-, 10-, 11-, and 15-inch iron smoothbores. There were also 8-inch guns of 55 and 63 "hundredweight" (the contemporary naval nomenclature), and four sizes of 32-pounders ranging from 27 to 57 hundredweight. The heavier guns took more powder and got slightly longer ranges. Many naval guns of the period are characterized by a hole in the cascabel, through which the breeching tackle was run to check recoil. The Navy also had a 13-inch mortar, mounted aboard ship on a revolving circular platform. Landing parties were equipped with 12- or 24-pounder howitzers either on boat carriages (a flat bed something like a mortar bed) or on three-wheeled "field" carriages.


Rifling, by imparting a spin to the projectile as it travels along the spiral grooves in the bore, permits the use of a long projectile and ensures its flight point first, with great increase in accuracy. The longer projectile, being both heavier and more streamlined than round shot of the same caliber, also has a greater striking energy.

Though Benjamin Robins was probably the first to give sound reasons, the fact that rifling was helpful had been known a long time. A 1542 barrel at Woolwich has six fine spiral grooves in the bore. Straight grooving had been applied to small arms as early as 1480, and during the 1500's straight grooving of musket bores was extensively practiced. Probably, rifling evolved from the early observation of the feathers on an arrow—and from the practical results of cutting channels in a musket, originally to reduce fouling, then because it was found to improve accuracy of the shot. Rifled small-arm efficiency was clearly shown at Kings Mountain during the American Revolution.

In spite of earlier experiments, however, it was not until the 1840's that attempts to rifle cannon could be called successful. In 1846, Major Cavelli in Italy and Baron Wahrendorff in Germany independently produced rifled iron breech-loading cannon. The Cavelli gun had two spiral grooves into which fitted the 1/4-inch projecting lugs of a long projectile (fig. 12a). Other attempts at what might be called rifling were Lancaster's elliptical-bore gun and the later development of a spiraling hexagonal-bore by Joseph Whitworth (fig. 12b). The English Whitworth was used by Confederate artillery. It was an efficient piece, though subject to easy fouling that made it dangerous.

Then, in 1855, England's Lord Armstrong designed a rifled breechloader that included so many improvements as to be revolutionary. This gun was rifled with a large number of grooves and fired lead-coated projectiles. Much of its success, however, was due to the built-up construction: hoops were shrunk on over the tube, with the fibers of the metal running in the directions most suitable for strength. Several United States muzzle-loading rifles of built-up construction were produced about the same time as the Armstrong and included the Chambers (1849), the Treadwell (1855), and the well-known Parrott of 1861 (figs. 12e and 13).

The German Krupp rifle had an especially successful breech mechanism. It was not a built-up gun, but depended on superior crucible steel for its strength. Cast steel had been tried as a gunmetal during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but metallurgical knowledge of the early days could not produce sound castings. Steel was also used in other mid-nineteenth century rifles, such as the United States Wiard gun and the British Blakely, with its swollen, cast-iron breech hoop. Fort Pulaski National Monument, near Savannah, Ga., has a fine example of a 24-pounder Blakely used by the Confederates in the 1862 defense of the fort.

The United States began intensive experimentation with rifled cannon late in the 1850's, and a few rifled pieces were made by the South Boston Iron Foundry and also by the West Point Foundry at Cold Spring, N. Y. The first appearance of rifles in any quantity, however, was near the outset of the 1861 hostilities, when the Federal artillery was equipped with 300 wrought-iron 3-inch guns (fig. 14e). This "12-pounder," which fired a 10-pound projectile, was made by wrapping sheets of boiler iron around a mandrel. The cylinder thus formed was heated and passed through the rolls for welding, then cooled, bored, turned, and rifled. It remained in service until about 1900. Another rifle giving good results was the cast-iron 4-1/2-inch siege gun. This piece was cast solid, then bored, turned, and rifled. Uncertainty of strength, a characteristic of cast iron, caused its later abandonment.

The United States rifle that was most effective in siege work was the invention of Robert P. Parrott. His cast-iron guns (fig. 13), many of which are seen today in the battlefield parks, are easily recognized by the heavy wrought-iron jacket reinforcing the breech. The jacket was made by coiling a bar over the mandrel in a spiral, then hammering the coils into a welded cylinder. The cylinder was bored and shrunk on the gun. Parrotts were founded in 10-, 20-, 30-, 60-, 100-, 200-, and 300-pounder calibers, one foundry making 1,700 of them during the Civil War.

All nations, of course, had large stocks of smoothbores on hand, and various methods were devised to make rifles out of them. The U. S. Ordnance Board, for instance, believed the conversion simply involved cutting grooves in the bore, right at the forts or arsenals where the guns were. In 1860, half of the United States artillery was scheduled for conversion. As a result, a number of old smoothbores were rebored to fire rifle projectiles of the various patents which preceded the modern copper rotating band (fig. 12c, d, f). Under the James patent (fig. 12c) the weight of metal thrown by a cannon was virtually doubled; converted 24-, 32- and 42-pounders fired elongated shot classed respectively as 48-, 64-, and 84-pound projectiles. After the siege of Fort Pulaski, Federal Gen. Q. A. Gillmore praised the 84-pounder and declared "no better piece for breaching can be desired," but experience soon proved the heavier projectiles caused increased pressures which converted guns could not withstand for long.

The early United States rifles had a muzzle velocity about the same as the smoothbore, but whereas the round shot of the smoothbore lost speed so rapidly that at 2,000 yards its striking velocity was only about a third of the muzzle velocity, the more streamlined rifle projectile lost speed very slowly. But the rifle had to be served more carefully than the smoothbore. Rifling grooves were cleaned with a moist sponge, and sometimes oiled with another sponge. Lead-coated projectiles like the James, which tended to foul the grooves of the piece, made it necessary to scrape the rifle grooves after every half dozen shots, although guns using brass-banded projectiles did not require the extra operation. With all muzzle-loading rifles, the projectile had to be pushed close home to the powder charge; otherwise, the blast would not fully expand its rotating band, the projectile would not take the grooves, and would "tumble" after leaving the gun, to the utter loss of range and accuracy. Incidentally, gunners had to "run out" (push the gun into firing position) both smoothbore and rifled muzzle-loaders carefully. A sudden stop might make the shot start forward as much as 2 feet.

When the U. S. Ordnance Board recommended the conversion to rifles, it also recommended that all large caliber iron guns be manufactured on the method perfected by Capt. T. J. Rodman, which involved casting the gun around a water-cooled core. The inner walls of the gun thus solidified first, were compressed by the contraction of the outer metal as it cooled down more slowly, and had much greater strength to resist explosion of the charge. The Rodman smoothbore, founded in 8-, 10-, 15-, and 20-inch calibers, was the best cast-iron ordnance of its time (fig. 14f). The 20-inch gun, produced in 1864, fired a 1,080-pound shot. The 15-incher was retained in service through the rest of the century, and these monsters are still to be seen at Fort McHenry National Monument and Historic Shrine or on the ramparts of Fort Jefferson, in the national monument of that name, in the Dry Tortugas Islands. In later years, a number of 10-inch Rodmans were converted into 8-inch rifles by enlarging the bore and inserting a grooved steel tube.


At the opening of this civil conflict most of the materiel for both armies was of the same type—smoothbore. The various guns included weapons in the great masonry fortifications built on the long United States coast line since the 1820's—weapons such as the Columbiad, a heavy, long-chambered American muzzle-loader of iron, developed from its bronze forerunner of 1810. The Columbiad (fig. 14d) was made in 8-, 10-, and 12-inch calibers and could throw shot and shell well over 5,000 yards. "New" Columbiads came out of the foundries at the start of the 1860's, minus the powder chamber and with smoother lines. Behind the parapets or in fort gunrooms were 32- and 42-pounder iron seacoast guns (fig. 10); 24-pounder bronze howitzers lay in the bastions to flank the long reaches of the fort walls. There were 8-inch seacoast howitzers for heavier work. The largest caliber piece was the ponderous 13-inch seacoast mortar.

Siege and garrison cannon included 24-pounder and 8-inch bronze howitzers (fig. 14b), a 10-inch bronze mortar (fig. 14a), 12-, 18-, and 24-pounder iron guns (fig. 14c) and later the 4-1/2-inch cast-iron rifle. With the exception of the new 3-inch wrought-iron rifle (fig. 14e), field artillery cannon were bronze: 6- and 12-pounder guns, the 12-pounder Napoleon gun-howitzer, 12-pounder mountain howitzer, 12-, 24-, and 32-pounder field howitzers, and the little Coehorn mortar (fig. 39). A machine gun invented by Dr. Richard J. Gatling became part of the artillery equipment during the war, but was not much used. Reminiscent of the ancient ribaudequin, a repeating cannon of several barrels, the Gatling gun could fire about 350 shots a minute from its 10 barrels, which were rotated and fired by turning a crank. In Europe it became more popular than the French mitrailleuse.

The smaller smoothbores were effective with case shot up to about 600 or 700 yards, and maximum range of field pieces went from something less than the 1,566-yard solid-shot trajectory of the Napoleon to about 2,600 yards (a mile and a half) for a 6-inch howitzer. At Chancellorsville, one of Stonewall Jackson's guns fired a shot which bounded down the center of a roadway and came to rest a mile away. The performance verified the drill-book tables. Maximum ranges of the larger pieces, however, ran all the way from the average 1,600 yards of an 18-pounder garrison gun to the well over 3-mile range of a 12-inch Columbiad firing a 180-pound shell at high elevation. A 13-inch seacoast mortar would lob a 200-pound shell 4,325 yards, or almost 2-1/2 miles. The shell from an 8-inch howitzer carried 2,280 yards, but at such extreme ranges the guns could hardly be called accurate.

On the battlefield, Napoleon's artillery tactics were no longer practical. The infantry, armed with its own comparatively long-range firearm, was usually able to keep artillery beyond case-shot range, and cannon had to stand off at such long distances that their primitive ammunition was relatively ineffective. The result was that when attacking infantry moved in, the defending infantry and artillery were still fresh and unshaken, ready to pour a devastating point-blank fire into the assaulting lines. Thus, in spite of an intensive 2-hour bombardment by 138 Confederate guns at the crisis of Gettysburg, as the gray-clad troops advanced across the field to close range, double canister and concentrated infantry volleys cut them down in masses.

Field artillery smoothbores, under conditions prevailing during the war, generally gave better results than the smaller-caliber rifle. A 3-inch rifle, for instance, had twice the range of a Napoleon; but in the broken, heavily wooded country where so much of the fighting took place, the superior range of the rifle could not be used to full advantage. Neither was its relatively small and sometimes defective projectile as damaging to personnel as case or grape from a larger caliber smoothbore. At the first battle of Manassas (July 1861) more than half the 49 Federal cannon were rifled; but by 1863, even though many more rifles were in service, the majority of the pieces in the field were still the old reliable 6- and 12-pounder smoothbores.

It was in siege operations that the rifles forced a new era. As the smoke cleared after the historic bombardment of Fort Sumter in 1861, military men were already speculating on the possibilities of the newfangled weapon. A Confederate 12-pounder Blakely had pecked away at Sumter with amazing accuracy. But the first really effective use of the rifles in siege operations was at Fort Pulaski (1862). Using 10 rifles and 26 smoothbores, General Gillmore breached the 7-1/2-foot-thick brick walls in little more than 24 hours. Yet his batteries were a mile away from the target! The heavier rifles were converted smoothbores, firing 48-, 64-, and 84-pound James projectiles that drove into the fort wall from 19 to 26 inches at each fair shot. The smoothbore Columbiads could penetrate only 13 inches, while from this range the ponderous mortars could hardly hit the fort. A year later, Gillmore used 100-, 200-, and 300-pounder Parrott rifles against Fort Sumter. The big guns, firing from positions some 2 miles away and far beyond the range of the fort guns, reduced Sumter to a smoking mass of rubble.

The range and accuracy of the rifles startled the world. A 30-pounder (4.2-inch) Parrott had an amazing carry of 8,453 yards with 80-pound hollow shot; the notorious "Swamp Angel" that fired on Charleston in 1863 was a 200-pounder Parrott mounted in the marsh 7,000 yards from the city. But strangely enough, neither rifles nor smoothbores could destroy earthworks. As was proven several times during the war, the defenders of a well-built earthwork were able to repair the trifling damage done by enemy fire almost as soon as there was a lull in the shooting. Learning this lesson, the determined Confederate defenders of Fort Sumter in 1863-64 refused to surrender, but under the most difficult conditions converted their ruined masonry into an earthwork almost impervious to further bombardment.


With Rodman's gun, the muzzle-loading smoothbore was at the apex of its development. Through the years great progress had been made in mobility, organization, and tactics. Now a new era was beginning, wherein artillery surpassed even the decisive role it had under Gustavus Adolphus and Napoleon. In spite of new infantry weapons that forced cannon ever farther to the rear, artillery was to become so deadly that its fire caused over 75 percent of the battlefield casualties in World War I.

Many of the vital changes took place during the latter years of the 1800's, as rifles replaced the smoothbores. Steel came into universal use for gun founding; breech and recoil mechanisms were perfected; smokeless powder and high explosives came into the picture. Hardly less important was the invention of more efficient sighting and laying mechanisms.

The changes did not come overnight. In Britain, after breechloaders had been in use almost a decade, the ordnance men went back to muzzle-loading rifles; faulty breech mechanisms caused too many accidents. Not until one of H.M.S. Thunderer's guns was inadvertently double-loaded did the English return to an improved breechloader.

The steel breechloaders of the Prussians, firing two rounds a minute with a percussion shell that broke into about 30 fragments, did much to defeat the French (1870-71). At Sedan, the greatest artillery battle fought prior to 1914, the Prussians used 600 guns to smother the French army. So thoroughly did these guns do their work that the Germans annihilated the enemy at the cost of only 5 percent casualties. It was a demonstration of using great masses of guns, bringing them quickly into action to destroy the hostile artillery, then thoroughly "softening up" enemy resistance in preparation for the infantry attack. While the technical progress of the Prussian artillery was considerable, it was offset in large degree by the counter-development of field entrenchment.

As the technique of forging large masses of steel improved, most nations adopted built-up (reinforcing hoops over a steel tube) or wire-wrapped steel construction for their cannon. With the advent of the metal cartridge case and smokeless powder, rapid-fire guns came into use. The new powder, first used in the Russo-Turkish War (1877-78), did away with the thick white curtain of smoke that plagued the gunner's aim, and thus opened the way for production of mechanisms to absorb recoil and return the gun automatically to firing position. Now, gunners did not have to lay the piece after every shot, and the rate of fire increased. Shields appeared on the gun—protection that would have been of little value in the days when gunners had to stand clear of a back-moving carriage.

During the early 1880's the United States began work on a modern system of seacoast armament. An 8-inch breech-loading rifle was built in 1883, and the disappearing carriage, giving more protection to both gun and crew, was adopted in 1886. Only a few of the weapons were installed by 1898; but fortunately the overwhelming naval superiority of the United States helped bring the War with Spain to a quick close.

During this war, United States forces were equipped with a number of British 2.95-inch mountain rifles, which, incidentally, served as late as World War II in the pack artillery of the Philippine Scouts. Within the next few years the antiquated pieces such as the 3-inch wrought-iron rifle, the 4.2-inch Parrott siege gun, converted Rodmans, and the 15-inch Rodman smoothbore were finally pushed out of the picture by new steel guns. There were small-caliber rapid-fire guns of different types, a Hotchkiss 1.65-inch mountain rifle, and Hotchkiss and Gatling machine guns. The basic pieces in field artillery were 3.2- and 3.6-inch guns and a 3.6-inch mortar. Siege artillery included a 5-inch gun, 7-inch howitzers, and mortars. In seacoast batteries were 8-, 10-, 12-, 14-, and 16-inch guns and 12-inch mortars of the primary armament; intermediate rapid-fire guns of 4-, 4.72-, 5-, and 6-inch calibers; and 6- and 15-pounder rapid-fire guns in the secondary armament.

The Japanese showed the value of the French system of indirect laying (aiming at a target not visible to the gunner) during the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05). Meanwhile, the French 75-mm. gun of 1897, firing 6,000 yards, made all other field artillery cannon obsolete. In essence, artillery had assumed the modern form. The next changes were wrought by startling advances in motor transport, signal communications, chemical warfare, tanks, aviation, and mass production.


Black powder was used in all firearms until smokeless and other type propellants were invented in the latter 1800's. "Black" powder (which was sometimes brown) is a mixture of about 75 parts saltpeter (potassium nitrate), 15 parts charcoal, and 10 parts sulphur by weight. It will explode because the mixture contains the necessary amount of oxygen for its own combustion. When it burns, it liberates smoky gases (mainly nitrogen and carbon dioxide) that occupy some 300 times as much space as the powder itself.

Early European powder "recipes" called for equal parts of the three ingredients, but gradually the amount of saltpeter was increased until Tartaglia reported the proportions to be 4-1-1. By the late 1700's "common war powder" was made 6-1-1, and not until the next century was the formula refined to the 75-15-10 composition in majority use when the newer propellants arrived on the scene.

As the name suggests, this explosive was originally in the form of powder or dust. The primitive formula burned slowly and gave low pressures—fortunate characteristics in view of the barrel-stave construction of the early cannon. About 1450, however, powder makers began to "corn" the powder. That is, they formed it into larger grains, with a resulting increase in the velocity of the shot. It was "corned" in fine grains for small arms and coarse for cannon.

Making corned powder was fairly simple. The three ingredients were pulverized and mixed, then compressed into cakes which were cut into "corns" or grains. Rolling the grains in a barrel polished off the corners; removing the dust essentially completed the manufacture. It has always been difficult, however, to make powder twice alike and keep it in condition, two factors which helped greatly to make gunnery an "art" in the old days. Powder residue in the gun was especially troublesome, and a disk-like tool (fig. 44) was designed to scrape the bore. Artillerymen at Castillo de San Marcos complained that the "heavy" powder from Mexico was especially bad, for after a gun was fired a few times, the bore was so fouled that cannonballs would no longer fit. The gunners called loudly for better grade powder from Spain itself.

How much powder to use in a gun has been a moot question through the centuries. According to the Spaniard Collado in 1592, the proper yardstick was the amount of metal in the gun. A legitimate culverin, for instance, was "rich" enough in metal to take as much powder as the ball weighed. Thus, a 30-pounder culverin would get 30 pounds of powder. Since a 60-pounder battering cannon, however, had in proportion a third less metal than the culverin, the charge must also be reduced by a third—to 40 pounds!

Other factors had to be taken into account, such as whether the powder was coarse-or fine-grained; and a short gun got less powder than a long one. The bore length of a legitimate culverin, said Collado, was 30 calibers (30 times the bore diameter), so its powder charge was the same as the weight of the ball. If the gunner came across a culverin only 24 calibers long, he must load this piece with only 24/30 of the ball's weight. Collado's pasavolante had a tremendous length of some 40 calibers and fired a 6- or 7-pound lead ball. Because it had plenty of metal "to resist, and the length to burn" the powder, it was charged with the full weight of the ball in fine powder, or three-fourths as much with cannon powder. The lightest charge seems to have been for the pedrero, which fired a stone ball. Its charge was a third of the stone's weight.

In later years, powder charges lessened for all guns. English velocity tables of the 1750's show that a 9-pounder charged with 2-1/4 pounds of powder might produce its ball at a rate of 1,052 feet per second. By almost tripling the charge, the velocity would increase about half. But the increase did not mean the shot hit the target 50 percent harder, for the higher the velocity, the greater was the air resistance; or as Mueller phrased it: "a great quantity of Powder does not always produce a greater effect." Thus, from two-thirds the ball's weight, standard charges dropped to one-third or even a quarter; and by the 1800's they became even smaller. The United States manual of 1861 specified 6 to 8 pounds for a 24-pounder siege gun, depending on the range; a Columbiad firing 172-pound shot used only 20 pounds of powder. At Fort Sumter, Gillmore's rifles firing 80-pound shells used 10 pounds of powder. The rotating band on the rifle shell, of course, stopped the gases that had slipped by the loose-fitting cannonball.

Black powder was, and is, both dangerous and unstable. Not only is it sensitive to flame or spark, but it absorbs moisture from the air. In other words, it was no easy matter to "keep your powder dry." During the middle 1700's, Spaniards on a Florida river outpost kept powder in glass bottles; earlier soldiers, fleeing into the humid forest before Sir Francis Drake, carried powder in peruleras—stoppered, narrow-necked pitchers.

As for magazines, a dry magazine was just about as important as a shell-proof one. Charcoal and chloride of lime, hung in containers near the ceiling, were early used as dehydrators, and in the eighteenth century standard English practice was to build the floor 2 feet off the ground and lay stone chips or "dry sea coals" under the flooring. Side walls had air holes for ventilation, but screened to prevent the enemy from letting in some small animal with fire tied to his tail. Powder casks were laid on their sides and periodically rolled to a different position; "otherwise," explains a contemporary expert, "the salt petre, being the heaviest ingredient, will descend into the lower part of the barrel, and the powder above will lose much of its goodness."

In the dawn of artillery, loose powder was brought to the gun in a covered bucket, usually made of leather. The loader scooped up the proper amount with a ladle (fig. 44), and inserted it into the gun. He could, by using his experienced judgment, put in just enough powder to give him the range he wanted, much as our modern artillerymen sometimes use only a portion of their charge. After Gustavus Adolphus in the 1630's, however, powder bags came into wide use, although English gunners long preferred to ladle their powder. The powder bucket or "passing box" of course remained on the scene. It was usually large enough to hold a pair of cartridge bags.

The root of the word cartridge seems to be "carta," meaning paper. But paper was only one of many materials such as canvas, linen, parchment, flannel, the "woolen stuff" of the 1860's, and even wood. Until the advent of the silk cartridge, nothing was entirely satisfactory. The materials did not burn completely, and after several rounds it was mandatory to withdraw the unburnt bag ends with a wormer (fig. 44), else they accumulated to the point where they blocked the vent or "touch hole" by which the piece was fired. Parchment bags shriveled up and stuck in the vent, purpling many a good gunner's face.


When the powder bag came into use, the gunner had to prick the bag open so the priming fire from the vent could reach the charge. The operation was accomplished simply enough by plunging the gunner's pick into the vent far enough to pierce the bag. Then the vent was primed with loose powder from the gunner's flask. The vent prime, which was not much improved until the nineteenth century, was a trick learned from the fourteenth century Venetians. There were numerous tries for improvement, such as the powder-filled tin tube of the 1700's, the point of which pierced the powder bag. But for all of them, the slow match had to be used to start the fire train.

Before 1800, the slow match was in universal use for setting off the charge. The match was usually a 3-strand cotton rope, soaked in a solution of saltpeter and otherwise chemically treated with lead acetate and lye to burn very slowly—about 4 or 5 inches an hour. It was attached to a linstock (fig. 18), a forked stick long enough to keep the cannoneer out of the way of the recoil.

Chemistry advances, like the isolation of mercury fulminate in 1800, led to the invention of the percussion cap and other primers. On many a battleground you may have picked up a scrap of twisted wire—the loop of a friction primer. The device was a copper tube (fig. 19) filled with powder. The tube went into the vent of the cannon and buried its tip in the powder charge. Near the top of this tube was soldered a "spur"—a short tube containing a friction composition (antimony sulphide and potassium chlorate). Lying in the composition was the roughened end of a wire "slider." The other end of the slider was twisted into a loop for hooking to the gunner's lanyard. It was like striking a match: a smart pull on the lanyard, and the rough slider ignited the composition. Then the powder in the long tube began to burn and fired the charge in the cannon. Needless to say, it happened faster than we can tell it!

The percussion primer was even more simple: a "quill tube," filled with fine powder, fitted into the vent. A fulminate cap was glued to the top of the tube. A pull of the lanyard caused the hammer of the cannon to strike the cap (just like a little boy's cap pistol) and start the train of explosions.

Because the early methods of priming left the vent open when the cannon fired, the little hole tended to enlarge. Many cannon during the 1800's were made with two vents, side by side. When the first one wore out, it was plugged, and the second vent opened. Then, to stop this "erosion," the obturating (sealing) primer came into use. It was like the common friction primer, but screwed into and sealed the vent. Early electric primers, by the way, were no great departure from the friction primer; the wires fired a bit of guncotton, which in turn ignited the powder in the primer tube.


Aside from gradual improvement in the formula, no great change in powder making came until 1860, when Gen. Thomas J. Rodman of the U. S. Ordnance Department began to tailor the powder to the caliber of the gun. The action of ordinary cannon powder was too sudden. The whole charge was consumed before the projectile had fairly started on its way, and the strain on the gun was terrific. Rodman compressed powder into disks that fitted the bore of the gun. The disks were an inch or two thick, and pierced with holes. With this arrangement, a minimum of powder surface was exposed at the beginning of combustion, but as the fire ate the holes larger (compare fig. 20f), the burning area actually increased, producing a greater volume of gas as the projectile moved forward. Rodman thus laid the foundation for the "progressive burning" pellets of modern powders (fig. 20).

For a number of reasons General Rodman did not take his "perforated cake cartridge" beyond the experimental stage, and his "Mammoth" powder, such a familiar item in the powder magazines of the latter 1800's, was a compromise. As a block of wood burns steadier and longer than a quick-blazing pile of twigs, so the 3/4-inch grains of mammoth powder gave a "softer" explosion, but one with more "push" and more uniform pressure along the bore of the gun.

It was in the second year of the Civil War that Alfred Nobel started the manufacture of nitroglycerin explosives in Europe. Smokeless powders came into use, the explosive properties of picric acid were discovered, and melanite, ballistite, and cordite appeared in the last quarter of the century, so that by 1890 nitrocellulose and nitroglycerin-base powders had generally replaced black powder as a propellant.

Still, black powder had many important uses. Its sensitivity to flame, high rate of combustion, and high temperature of explosion made it a very suitable igniter or "booster," to insure the complete ignition of the propellant. Further, it was the main element in such modern projectile fuzes as the ring fuze of the U. S. Field Artillery, which was long standard for bursts shorter than 25 seconds. This fuze was in the nose of the shell and consisted essentially of a plunger, primer, and rings grooved to hold a 9-inch train of compressed black powder. To set the fuze, the fuze man merely turned a movable ring to the proper time mark. Turning the zero mark toward the channel leading to the shell's bursting charge shortened the burning distance of the train, while turning zero away from the channel, of course, did the opposite. When the projectile left the gun, the shock made the plunger ignite the primer (compare fig. 42e) and fire the powder train, which then burned for the set time before reaching the shell charge. It was a technical improvement over the tubular sheet-iron fuze of the Venetians, but the principle was about the same.



Soon after he found he could hurl a rock with his good right arm, man learned about trajectory—the curved path taken by a missile through the air. A baseball describes a "flat" trajectory every time the pitcher throws a hard, fast one. Youngsters tossing the ball to each other over a tall fence use "curved" or "high" trajectory. In artillery, where trajectory is equally important, there are three main types of cannon: (1) the flat trajectory gun, throwing shot at the target in relatively level flight; (2) the high trajectory mortar, whose shell will clear high obstacles and descend upon the target from above; and (3) the howitzer, an in-between piece of medium-high trajectory, combining the mobility of the fieldpiece with the large caliber of the mortar.

The Spaniard, Luis Collado, mathematician, historian, native of Lebrija in Andalusia, and, in 1592, royal engineer of His Catholic Majesty's Army in Lombardy and Piedmont, defined artillery broadly as "a machine of infinite importance." Ordnance he divided into three classes, admittedly following the rules of the "German masters, who were admired above any other nation for their founding and handling of artillery." Culverins and sakers (Fig. 23a) were guns of the first class, designed to strike the enemy from long range. The battering cannon (fig. 23b) were second class pieces; they were to destroy forts and walls and dismount the enemy's machines. Third class guns fired stone balls to break and sink ships and defend batteries from assault; such guns included the pedrero, mortar, and bombard (fig. 23c, d).

Collado's explanation of how the various guns were invented is perhaps naive, but nevertheless interesting: "Although the main intent of the inventors of this machine [artillery] was to fire and offend the enemy from both near and afar, since this offense must be in diverse ways it so happened that they formed various classes in this manner: they came to realize that men were not satisfied with the espingardas [small Moorish cannon], and for this reason the musket was made; and likewise the esmeril and the falconet. And although these fired longer shots, they made the demisaker. To remedy a defect of that, the sakers were made, and the demiculverins and culverins. While they were deemed sufficient for making a long shot and striking the enemy from afar, they were of little use as battering guns because they fire a small ball. So they determined to found a second kind of piece, wherewith, firing balls of much greater weight, they might realize their intention. But discovering likewise that this second kind of piece was too powerful, heavy and costly for batteries and for defense against assaults or ships and galleys, they made a third class of piece, lighter in metal and taking less powder, to fire balls of stone. These are the commonly called canones de pedreros. All the classes of pieces are different in range, manufacture and design. Even the method of charging them is different."

It was most important for the artillerist to understand the different classes of guns. As Collado quaintly phrased it, "he who ignores the present lecture on this arte will, I assert, never do a good thing." Cannon burst in the batteries every day because gunners were ignorant of how the gun was made and what it was meant to do. Nor was such ignorance confined to gunners alone. The will and whim of the prince who ordered the ordnance or "the simple opinion of the unexpert founder himself," were the guiding principles in gun founding. "I am forced," wrote Collado, "to persuade the princes and advise the founders that the making of artillery should always take into account the purpose each piece must serve." This persuasion he undertook in considerable detail.

The first class of guns were the long-range pieces, comparatively "rich" in metal. In the following table from Collado, the calibers and ranges for most Spanish guns of this class are given, although as the second column shows, at this period calibers were standardized only in a general way. For translation where possible, and to list those which became the most popular calibers, we have added a final column. Most of the guns were probably of culverin length: 30- to 32-caliber.

Sixteenth century Spanish cannon of the first class

Name of Weight of Length Range in yards Popular gun ball of gun Point- Maximum caliber (pounds) (in calibers) blank

Esmeril 1/2 208 750 1/2-pounder esmeril. Falconete 1 to 2 1-pounder falconet. Falcon 3 to 4 417 2,500 3-pounder falcon. Pasavolante 1 to 15 40 to 44 500 4,166 6-pounder pasavolante. Media sacre 5 to 7 417 3,750 6-pounder demisaker. Sacre 7 to 10 9-pounder saker. Moyana 8 to 10 shorter than 9-pounder saker moyenne. Media culebrina 10 to 18 833 5,000 12-pounder demiculverin. Tercio de culebrina 14 to 22 18-pounder third-culverin. Culebrina 20, 24, 25, 30 to 32 1,742 6,666 24-pounder culverin. 30, 40, 50 Culebrina real 24 to 40 30 to 32 32-pounder culverin royal. Doble culebrina 40 and up 30 to 32 48-pounder culverin.

In view of the range Collado ascribes to the culverin, some remarks on gun performances are in order. "Greatest random" was what the old-time gunner called his maximum range, and random it was. Beyond point-blank range, the gunner was never sure of hitting his target. So with smoothbores, long range was never of great importance. Culverins, with their thick walls, long bores, and heavy powder charges, achieved distance; but second class guns like field "cannon," with less metal and smaller charges, ranged about 1,600 yards at a maximum, while the effective range was hardly more than 500. Heavier pieces, such as the French 33-pounder battering cannon, might have a point-blank range of 720 yards; at 200-yard range its ball would penetrate from 12 to 24 feet of earthwork, depending on how "poor and hungry" the earth was. At 130 yards a Dutch 48-pounder cannon put a ball 20 feet into a strong earth rampart, while from 100 yards a 24-pounder siege cannon would bury the ball 12 feet.

But generalizations on early cannon are difficult, for it is not easy to find two "mathematicians" of the old days whose ordnance lists agree. Spanish guns of the late 1500's do, however, appear to be larger in caliber than pieces of similar name in other countries, as is shown by comparing the culverins: the smallest Spanish culebrina was a 20-pounder, but the French great coulevrine of 1551 was a 15-pounder and the typical English culverin of that century was an 18-pounder. Furthermore, midway of the 1500's, Henry II greatly simplified French ordnance by holding his artillery down to the 33-pounder cannon, 15-pounder great culverin, 7-1/2-pounder bastard culverin, 2-pounder small culverin, a 1-pounder falcon, and a 1/2-pounder falconet. Therefore, any list like the one following must have its faults:

Principal English guns of the sixteenth century

Caliber Length Weight Weight Powder (inches) of gun of shot charge Ft. In. (pounds) (pounds) (pounds)

Rabinet 1.0 300 0.3 0.18 Serpentine 1.5 400 .5 .3 Falconet 2.0 3 9 500 1.0 .4 Falcon 2.5 6 0 680 2.0 1.2 Minion 3.5 6 6 1,050 5.2 3 Saker 3.65 6 11 1,400 6 4 Culverin bastard 4.56 8 6 3,000 11 5.7 Demiculverin 4.0 3,400 8 6 Basilisk 5.0 4,000 14 9 Culverin 5.2 10 11 4,840 18 12 Pedrero 6.0 3,800 26 14 Demicannon 6.4 11 0 4,000 32 18 Bastard cannon 7.0 4,500 42 20 Cannon serpentine 7.0 5,500 42 25 Cannon 8.0 6,000 60 27 Cannon royal 8.54 8 6 8,000 74 30

Like many gun names, the word "culverin" has a metaphorical meaning. It derives from the Latin colubra (snake). Similarly, the light gun called aspide or aspic, meaning "asp-like," was named after the venomous asp. But these digressions should not obscure the fact that both culverins and demiculverins were highly esteemed on account of their range and the effectiveness of fire. They were used for precision shooting such as building demolition, and an expert gunner could cut out a section of stone wall with these guns in short order.

As the fierce falcon hawk gave its name to the falcon and falconet, so the saker was named for the saker hawk; rabinet, meaning "rooster," was therefore a suitable name for the falcon's small-bore cousin. The 9-pounder saker served well in any military enterprise, and the moyana (or the French moyenne, "middle-sized"), being a shorter gun of saker caliber, was a good naval piece. The most powerful of the smaller pieces, however, was the pasavolante, distinguishable by its great length. It was between 40 and 44 calibers long! In addition, it had thicker walls than any other small caliber gun, and the combination of length and weight permitted an unusually heavy charge—as much powder as the ball weighed. A 6-pound lead ball was what the typical pasavolante fired; another gun of the same caliber firing an iron ball would be a 4-pounder. The point-blank range of this Spanish gun was a football field's length farther than either the falcon or demisaker.

In today's Spanish, pasavolante means "fast action," a phrase suggestive of the vicious impetuosity to be expected from such a small but powerful cannon. Sometimes it was termed a drajon, the English equivalent of which may be the drake, meaning "dragon"; but perhaps its most popular name in the early days was cerbatana, from Cerebus, the fierce three-headed dog of mythology. Strange things happen to words: a cerbatana in modern Spanish is a pea shooter.

Sixteenth century Spanish cannon of the second class

Spanish name Weight of ball Translation (pounds)

Quarto canon 9 to 12 Quarter-cannon. Tercio canon 16 Third-cannon. Medio canon 24 Demicannon. Canon de abatir 32 Siege cannon. Doble canon 48 Double cannon. Canon de bateria 60 Battering cannon. Serpentino Serpentine. Quebrantamuro or lombarda 70 to 90 Wallbreaker or lombard. Basilisco 80 and up Basilisk.

The second class of guns were the only ones properly called "cannon" in this early period. They were siege and battering pieces, and in some few respects were similar to the howitzers of later years. A typical Spanish cannon was only about two-thirds as long as a culverin, and the bore walls were thinner. Naturally, the powder charge was also reduced (half the ball's weight for a common cannon, while a culverin took double that amount).

The Germans made their light cannon 18 calibers long. Most Spanish siege and battering guns had this same proportion, for a shorter gun would not burn all the powder efficiently, "which," said Collado, "is a most grievous fault." However, small cannon of 18-caliber length were too short; the muzzle blast tended to destroy the embrasure of the parapet. For this reason, Spanish demicannon were as long as 24 calibers and the quarter-cannon ran up to 28. The 12-pounder quarter-cannon, incidentally, was "culverined" or reinforced so that it actually served in the field as a demiculverin.

The great weight of its projectile gave the double cannon its name. The warden of the Castillo at Milan had some 130-pounders made, but such huge pieces were of little use, except in permanent fortifications. It took a huge crew to move them, their carriages broke under the concentrated weight, and they consumed mountains of munitions. The lombard, which apparently originated in Lombardy, and the basilisk had the same disadvantages. The fabled basilisk was a serpent whose very look was fatal. Its namesake in bronze was tremendously heavy, with walls up to 4 calibers thick and a bore up to 30 calibers long. It was seldom used by the Europeans, but the Turkish General Mustafa had a pair of basilisks at the siege of Malta, in 1565, that fired 150- and 200-pound balls. The 200-pounder gun broke loose as it was being transferred to a homeward bound galley and sank permanently to the bottom of the sea. Its mate was left on the island, where it became an object of great curiosity.

The third class of ordnance included the guns firing stone projectiles, such as the pedrero (or perrier, petrary, cannon petro, etc.), the mortars, and the old bombards like Edinburgh Castle's famous Mons Meg. Bars of wrought iron were welded together to form Meg's tube, and iron rings were clamped around the outside of the piece. In spite of many accidents, this coopering technique persisted through the fifteenth century. Mons Meg was made in two sections that screwed together, forming a piece 13 feet long and 5 tons in weight.

Pedreros (fig. 23c) were comparatively light. The foundryman used only half the metal he would put into a culverin, for the stone projectile weighed only a third as much as an iron ball of the same size, and the bore walls could therefore be comparatively thin. They were made in calibers up to 50-pounders. There was a chamber for the powder charge and little danger of the gun's bursting, unless a foolhardy fellow loaded it with an iron ball. The wall thicknesses of this gun are shown in Figure 24, where the inner circle represents the diameter of the chamber, the next arc the bore caliber, and the outer lines the respective diameters at chase, trunnions, and vent.

Mortars (fig. 23d) were excellent for "putting great fear and terror in the souls of the besieged." Every night the mortars would play upon the town: "it keeps them in constant turmoil, due to the thought that some ball will fall upon their house." Mortars were designed like pedreros, except much shorter. The convenient way to charge them was with saquillos (small bags) of powder. "They require," said Collado, "a larger mouthful than any other pieces."

Just as children range from slight to stocky in the same family, there are light, medium, or heavy guns—all bearing the same family name. The difference lies in how the piece was "fortified"; that is, how thick the founder cast the bore walls. The English language has inelegantly descriptive terms for the three degrees of "fortification": (1) bastard, (2) legitimate, and (3) double-fortified. The thicker-walled guns used more powder. Spanish double-fortified culverins were charged with the full weight of the ball in powder; four-fifths that amount went into the legitimate, and only two-thirds for the bastard culverin. In a short culverin (say, 24 calibers long instead of 30), the gunner used 24/30 of a standard charge.

The yardstick for fortifying a gun was its caliber. In a legitimate culverin of 6-inch caliber, for instance, the bore wall at the vent might be one caliber (16/16 of the bore diameter) or 6 inches thick; at the trunnions it would be 10/16 or 4-1/8 inches, and at the smallest diameter of the chase, 7/16 or 2-5/8 inches. This table compares the three degrees of fortification used in Spanish culverins:

Wall thickness in 8ths of caliber Vent Trunnion Chase

Bastard culverin 7 5 3 Legitimate culverin 8 5-1/2 3-1/2 Double-fortified culverin 9 6-1/2 4

As with culverins, so with cannon. This is Collado's table showing the fortification for Spanish cannon:

Wall thickness in 8ths of caliber Vent Trunnion Chase Canon sencillo (light cannon) 6 4-1/2 2-1/2 Canon comun (common cannon) 7 5 3-1/2 Canon reforzado (reinforced cannon) 8 5-1/2 3-1/2

Since cast iron was weaker than bronze, the walls of cast-iron pieces were even thicker than the culverins. Spanish iron guns were founded with 300 pounds of metal for each pound of the ball, and in lengths from 18 to 20 calibers. English, Irish, and Swedish iron guns of the period, Collado noted, had slightly more metal in them than even the Spaniards recommended.

Another way the designers tried to gain strength without loading the gun with metal was by using a powder chamber. A chambered cannon (fig. 25b) might be fortified like either the light or the common cannon, but it would have a cylindrical chamber about two-thirds of a caliber in diameter and four calibers long. It was not always easy, however, to get the powder into the chamber. Collado reported that many a good artillerist dumped the powder almost in the middle of the gun. When his ladle hit the mouth of the chamber, he thought he was at the bottom of the bore! The cylindrical chamber was somewhat improved by a cone-shaped taper, which the Spaniards called encampanado or "bell-chambered." A canon encampanado (fig. 25a) was a good long-range gun, strong, yet light. But it was hard to cut a ladle for the long, tapered chamber.

Of all these guns, the reinforced cannon was one of the best. Since it had almost as much metal as a culverin, it lacked the defects of the chambered pieces. A 60-pounder reinforced cannon fired a convenient 55-pound ball, was easy to move, load, and clean, and held up well under any kind of service. It cooled quickly. Either cannon powder or fine powder (up to two-thirds the ball's weight) could be used in it. Reinforced cannon were an important factor in any enterprise, as King Philip's famed "Twelve Apostles" proved during the Flanders wars.

Fortification of sixteenth and seventeenth century guns

- - Thickness of bore wall in 8ths of the caliber Spanish Guns - - - English guns Vent Trunnions Chase - - - - Light cannon; bell-chambered cannon 6 4-1/2 2-1/2 Bastard cannon. Demicannon 6 5 3 Common cannon; common siege cannon 7 5 3-1/2 Light culverin; common battering cannon 7 5 3 Bastard culverin; legitimate cannon. Common culverin; reinforced cannon 8 5-1/2 3-1/2 Legitimate culverin; double-fortified cannon. Legitimate culverin 9 6-1/2 4 Double-fortified culverin. Cast-iron cannon 10 8 5 Pasavolante 11-1/2 8-1/2 5-1/2 - - - -

While there was little real progress in mobility until the days of Gustavus Adolphus, the wheeled artillery carriage seems to have been invented by the Venetians in the fifteenth century. The essential parts of the design were early established: two large, heavy cheeks or side pieces set on an axle and connected by transoms. The gun was cradled between the cheeks, the rear ends of which formed a "trail" for stabilizing and maneuvering the piece.

Wheels were perhaps the greatest problem. As early as the 1500's carpenters and wheelwrights were debating whether dished wheels were best. "They say," reported Collado, "that the [dished] wheel will never twist when the artillery is on the march. Others say that a wheel with spokes angled beyond the cask cannot carry the weight of the piece without twisting the spoke, so the wheel does not last long. I am of the same opinion, for it is certain that a perpendicular wheel will suffer more weight than the other. The defect of twisting under the pieces when on the march will be remedied by making the cart a little wider than usual." However, advocates of the dished wheel finally won.


From the guns of Queen Elizabeth's time came the 6-, 9-, 12-, 18-, 24-, 32-, and 42-pounder classifications adopted by Cromwell's government and used by the English well through the eighteenth century. On the Continent, during much of this period, the French were acknowledged leaders. Louis XIV (1643-1715) brought several foreign guns into his ordnance, standardizing a set of calibers (4-, 8-, 12-, 16-, 24-, 32-, and 48-pounders) quite different from Henry II's in the previous century.

The cannon of the late 1600's was an ornate masterpiece of the foundryman's art, covered with escutcheons, floral relief, scrolls, and heavy moldings, the most characteristic of which was perhaps the banded muzzle (figs. 23b-c, 25, 26a-b), that bulbous bit of ornamentation which had been popular with designers since the days of the bombards. The flared or bell-shaped muzzle (figs. 23a, 26c, 27), did not supplant the banded muzzle until the eighteenth century, and, while the flaring bell is a usual characteristic of ordnance founded between 1730 and 1830, some banded-muzzle guns were made as late as 1746 (fig. 26a).

By 1750; however, design and construction were fairly well standardized in a gun of much cleaner line than the cannon of 1650. Although as yet there had been no sharp break with the older traditions, the shape and weight of the cannon in relation to the stresses of firing were becoming increasingly important to the men who did the designing.

Conditions in eighteenth century England were more or less typical: in the 1730's Surveyor-General Armstrong's formulae for gun design were hardly more than continuations of the earlier ways. His guns were about 20 calibers long, with these outside proportions:

1st reinforce = 2/7 of the gun's length. 2d reinforce = 1/7 plus 1 caliber. chase = 4/7 less 1 caliber.

The trunnions, about a caliber in size, were located well forward (3/7 of the gun's length) "to prevent the piece from kicking up behind" when it was fired. Gunners blamed this bucking tendency on the practice of centering the trunnions on the lower line of the bore. "But what will not people do to support an old custom let it be ever so absurd?" asked John Mueller, the master gunner of Woolwich. In 1756, Mueller raised the trunnions to the center of the bore, an improvement that greatly lessened the strain on the gun carriage.

The caliber of the gun continued to be the yardstick for "fortification" of the bore walls:

Vent 16 parts End of 1st reinforce 14-1/2 do Beginning of second reinforce 13-1/2 do End of second reinforce 12-1/2 do Beginning of chase 11-1/2 do End of chase 8 do

For both bronze and iron guns, the above figures were the same, but for bronze, Armstrong divided the caliber into 16 parts; for iron it was only 14 parts. The walls of an iron gun thus were slightly thicker than those of a bronze one.

This eighteenth century cannon was a cast gun, but hoops and rings gave it the built-up look of the barrel-stave bombard, when hoops were really functional parts of the cannon. Reinforces made the gun look like "three frustums of cones joined together, so as the lesser base of the former is always greater than the greatest of the succeeding one." Ornamental fillets, astragals, and moldings, borrowed from architecture, increased the illusion of a sectional piece. Tests with 24-pounders of different lengths showed guns from 18 to 21 calibers long gave generally the best performance, but what was true for the 24-pounder was not necessarily true for other pieces. Why was the 32-pounder "brass battering piece" 6 inches longer than its 42-pounder brother? John Mueller wondered about such inconsistencies and set out to devise a new system of ordnance for England.

Like many men before him, Mueller sought to increase the caliber of cannon without increasing weight. He managed it in two ways: he modified exterior design to save on metal, and he lessened the powder charge to permit shortening and lightening the gun. Mueller's guns had no heavy reinforces; the metal was distributed along the bore in a taper from powder chamber to muzzle swell. But realizing man's reluctance to accept new things, he carefully specified the location and size for each molding on his gun, protesting all the while the futility of such ornaments. Not until the last half of the next century were the experts well enough versed in metallurgy and interior ballistics to slough off all the useless metal.

So, using powder charges about one-third the weight of the projectile, Mueller designed 14-caliber light field pieces and 15-caliber ship guns. His garrison and battering cannon, where weight was no great disadvantage, were 18 calibers long. The figures in the table following represent the principal dimensions for the four types of cannon—all cast-iron except for the bronze siege guns. The first line in the table shows the length of the cannon. To proportion the rest of the piece, Mueller divided the shot diameter into 24 parts and used it as a yardstick. The caliber of the gun, for instance, was 25 parts, or 25/24th of the shot diameter. The few other dimensions—thickness of the breech, length of the gun before the barrel began its taper, fortification at vent and chase—were expressed the same way.

- - - - Field Ship Siege Garrison - - - - Length in calibers 14 15 18 18 (Other proportions in 24ths of the shot diameter) Caliber 25 25 25 25 Thickness of breech 14 24 16 24 Length from breech to taper 39 49 40 49 Thickness at vent 16 25 18 25 Thickness at muzzle 8 12-1/2 9 12-1/2 - - - -

The heaviest of Mueller's garrison guns averaged some 172 pounds of iron for every pound of the shot, while a ship gun weighed only 146, less than half the iron that went into the sixteenth century cannon. And for a seafaring nation such as England, these were important things. Perhaps the opposite table will give a fair idea of the changes in English ordnance during the eighteenth century. It is based upon John Mueller's lists of 1756; the "old" ordnance includes cannon still in use during Mueller's time, while the "new" ordnance is Mueller's own.

Windage in the English gun of 1750 was about 20 percent greater than in French pieces. The English ratio of shot to caliber was 20:21; across the channel it was 26:27. Thus, an English 9-pounder fired a 4.00-inch ball from a 4.20-inch bore; the French 9-pounder ball was 4.18 inches and the bore 4.34.

The English figured greater windage was both convenient and economical: windage, said they, ought to be just as thick as the metal in the gunner's ladle; standing shot stuck in the bore and unless it could be loosened with the ladle, had to be fired away and lost. John Mueller brushed aside such arguments impatiently. With a proper wad over the shot, no dust or dirt could get in; and when the muzzle was lowered, said Mueller, the shot "will roll out of course." Besides, compared with increased accuracy, the loss of a shot was trifling. Furthermore, with less room for the shot to bounce around the bore, the cannon would "not be spoiled so soon." Mueller set the ratio of shot to caliber as 24:25.

Calibers and lengths of principal eighteenth century English cannon

- - - - + Caliber Field Ship Siege Garrison + - - + Iron Bronze Iron Bronze Iron + - - - - - - - (pounder) Old New Old New Old New Old New Old New - - - - - - - -+ 1-1/2 6'0" 3 3'6" 3'3" 3'6" 4'6" 3'6" 7'0" 4'6" 4'2" 4 6'0" 6 4'6" 4'1" 8'0" 4'4" 7'0" 4'4" 8'0" 6'6" 5'3" 9 4'8" 5'0" 7'0" 5'0" 9'0" 7'0" 6'0" 12 5'0" 5'1" 9'0" 5'6" 9'0" 5'6" 9'0" 6'7" 8'0" 6'7" 18 5'10" 6'4" 9'0" 6'4" 9'6" 8'4" 9'0" 7'6" 24 5'6" 6'5" 9'6" 7'0" 9'0" 7'0" 9'6" 8'4" 9'0" 8'4" 32 7'6" 9'6" 7'6" 10'0" 9'2" 9'6" 9'2" 36 7'10" 9'6" 42 9'6" 8'4" 10'0" 8'4" 9'6" 10'0" 10'0" 48 8'6" 8'6" 10'6" -+ - - - - - - -

In the 1700's cast-iron guns became the principal artillery afloat and ashore, yet cast bronze was superior in withstanding the stresses of firing. Because of its toughness, less metal was needed in a bronze gun than in a cast-iron one, so in spite of the fact that bronze is about 20 percent heavier than iron, the bronze piece was usually the lighter of the two. For "position" guns in permanent fortifications where weight was no disadvantage, iron reigned supreme until the advent of steel guns. But non-rusting bronze was always preferable aboard ship or in seacoast forts.

Mueller strongly advocated bronze for ship guns. "Notwithstanding all the precautions that can be taken to make iron Guns of a sufficient strength," he said, "yet accidents will sometimes happen, either by the mismanagement of the sailors, or by frosty weather, which renders iron very brittle." A bronze 24-pounder cost L156, compared with L75 for the iron piece, but the initial saving was offset when the gun wore out. The iron gun was then good for nothing except scrap at a farthing per pound, while the bronze cannon could be recast "as often as you please."

In 1740, Maritz of Switzerland made an outstanding contribution to the technique of ordnance manufacture. Instead of hollow casting (that is, forming the bore by casting the gun around a core), Maritz cast the gun solid, then drilled the bore, thus improving its uniformity. But although the bore might be drilled quite smooth, the outside of a cast-iron gun was always rough. Bronze cannon, however, could be put in the lathes to true up even the exterior. While after 1750 the foundries seldom turned out bronze pieces as ornate as the Renaissance culverins, a few decorations remained and many guns were still personalized with names in raised letters on the gun. Castillo de San Marcos has a 4-pounder "San Marcos," and, indeed, saints' names were not uncommon on Spanish ordnance. Other typical names were El Espanto (The Terror), El Destrozo (The Destroyer), Generoso (Generous), El Toro (The Bull), and El Belicoso (The Quarrelsome One).

In some instances, decoration was useful. The French, for instance, at one time used different shapes of cascabels to denote certain calibers; and even a fancy cascabel shaped like a lion's head was always a handy place for anchoring breeching tackle or maneuvering lines. The dolphins or handles atop bronze guns were never merely ornaments. Usually they were at the balance point of the gun; tackle run through them and hooked to the big tripod or "gin" lifted the cannon from its carriage.


Cannon for permanent fortifications were of various sizes and calibers, depending upon the terrain that had to be defended. At Castillo de San Marcos, for instance, the strongest armament was on the water front; lighter guns were on the land sector, an area naturally protected by the difficult terrain existing in the colonial period.

Before the Castillo was completed, guns were mounted only in the bastions or projecting corners of the fort. A 1683 inventory clearly shows that heaviest guns were in the San Agustin, or southeastern bastion, commanding not only the harbor and its entrance but the town of St. Augustine as well San Pablo, the northwestern bastion, overlooked the land approach to the Castillo and the town gate; and, though its armament was lighter, it was almost as numerous as that in San Agustin. Bastion San Pedro to the southwest was within the town limits, and its few light guns were a reserve for San Pablo. The watchtower bastion of San Carlos overlooked the northern marshland and the harbor; its armament was likewise small. The following list details the variety and location of the ordnance:

Cannon mounted at Castillo de San Marcos in 1683

Location No. Caliber Class Metal Remarks

In the bastion of San Agustin 1 40-pounder Cannon Bronze Carriage battered. 1 18-pounder do do New carriage. 2 16-pounder do Iron Old carriages, wheels bad. 1 12-pounder do Bronze New carriage. 1 12-pounder do Iron do. 1 8-pounder do Bronze Old carriage. 1 7-pounder do Iron Carriage bad. 1 4-pounder do do New carriage. 1 3-pounder do Bronze do.

In the bastion of San Pablo 1 16-pounder Demicannon Iron Old carriage. 1 10-pounder Demiculverin Bronze do. 2 9-pounder Cannon Iron do. 1 7-pounder Demiculverin Bronze do. 1 7-pounder Cannon Iron Carriage bad. 1 5-pounder do do New carriage.

In the bastion of San Pedro 1 9-pounder Cannon Iron Old carriage. 2 7-pounder do do Carriage bad. 2 5-pounder do do do. 1 4-pounder do Bronze Old carriage.

In the bastion of San Carlos 1 10-pounder Cannon Iron Old carriage. 1 5-pounder do do New carriage. 1 5-pounder do Bronze Good carriage. 1 2-pounder do Iron New carriage.

The total number of Castillo guns in service at this date was 27, but there were close to a dozen unmounted pieces on hand, including a pair of pedreros. The armament was gradually increased to 70-odd guns as construction work on the fort made additional space available, and as other factors warranted more ordnance. Below is a summary of Castillo armament through the years:

Armament of Castillo de San Marcos, 1683-1834

Kind 1683 1706 1740 1763 1765 1812 1834 of gun Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Iron Bronze Bronze Bronze Bronze Bronze Bronze Bronze

2-pounder 1 .. .. ** .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3-pounder .. 1 .. ** 2 3 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4-pounder 1 1 * ** 5 1 .. .. .. .. 1 .. .. .. 5-pounder 4 1 * ** 15 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 6-pounder .. .. * ** 5 .. .. .. .. 1 .. .. 3 .. 7-pounder 4 1 * ** 5 2 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8-pounder .. 1 * ** 11 1 5 11 .. .. 1 .. .. .. 3-1/2 in. carronade .. .. * ** .. .. .. .. .. .. 4 .. .. .. 9-pounder 3 .. * ** .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 10-pounder 1 1 * ** .. .. 6 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 12-pounder 1 1 * ** .. .. 13 .. 7 .. 2 .. .. .. 15-pounder .. .. .. ** 6 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 16-pounder 3 .. .. ** .. .. 2 1 .. .. 8 .. .. .. 18-pounder .. 1 .. .. 4 1 7 .. .. .. .. .. 4 .. 24-pounder .. .. .. .. 2 .. 7 .. 32 .. 10 .. 5 .. 33-pounder .. .. .. .. .. 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 36-pounder .. .. .. 1 .. .. .. 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. 40-pounder .. 1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 24-pounder field howitzer .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 2 6-in. howitzer .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 .. 2 8-in. howitzer .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 .. .. .. .. Small mortar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 .. 20 .. .. .. .. 6-in. mortar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 .. 1 10-in. mortar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Large mortar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 .. 1 .. .. .. .. Stone mortar 2 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 .. ..

Total 20 9 26 9 55 10 40 37 39 24 26 8 14 6

Grand total 29 35 65 77 63 34 20

* 26 guns from 4- to 10-pounders

** 8 guns from 2- to 16-pounders

This tabulation reflects contemporary conditions quite clearly. The most serious invasions of Spanish Florida took place during the first half of the eighteenth century, precisely the time when the Castillo armament was strongest. While most of the guns were in battery condition, the table does have some pieces rated only fair and may also include a few unserviceables. Colonial isolation meant that ordnance often served longer than the normal 1,200-round life of an iron piece. A usual failure was the development of cracks around the vent or in the bore. Sometimes a muzzle blew off. The worst casualties of the 1702 siege came from the bursting of an iron 16-pounder which killed four and seriously wounded six men. At that period, incidentally, culverins were the only guns with the range to reach the harbor bar some 3,000 yards away.

Although when the Spanish left Florida to Britain in 1763 they took serviceable cannon with them, two guns at Castillo de San Marcos National Monument today appear to be seventeenth century Spanish pieces. Most of the 24- and 32-pounder garrison cannon, however, are English-founded, after the Armstrong specifications of the 1730's, and were part of the British armament during the 1760's. Amidst the general confusion and shipping troubles that attended the British evacuation in 1784, some ordnance seems to have been left behind, to remain part of the defenses until the cession to the United States in 1821.

The Castillo also has some interesting United States guns, including a pair of early 24-pounder iron field howitzers (c. 1777-1812). During the 1840's the United States modernized Castillo defenses by constructing a water battery in the moat behind the sea wall. Many of the guns for that battery are extant, including 8-inch Columbiads, 32-pounder cannon, 8-inch seacoast and garrison howitzers. St. Augustine's Plaza even boasts a converted 32-pounder rifle.

Garrison and ship carriages were far different from field, siege, and howitzer mounts, while mortar beds were in a separate class entirely. Basic proportions for the carriage were obtained by measuring (1) the distance from trunnion to base ring of the gun, (2) the diameter of the base ring, and (3) the diameter of the second reinforce ring. The result was a quadrilateral figure that served as a key in laying out the carriage to fit the gun. Cheeks, or side pieces, of the carriage were a caliber in thickness, so the bigger the gun, the more massive the mount.

A 24-pounder cheek would be made of timber about 6 inches thick. The Spaniards often used mahogany. At Jamestown, in the early 1600's, Capt. John Smith reported the mounting of seven "great pieces of ordnance upon new carriages of cedar," and the French colonials also used this material. British specifications in the mid-eighteenth century called for cheeks and transoms of dry elm, which was very pliable and not likely to split; but some carriages were made of young oak, and oak was standard for United States garrison carriages until it was replaced by wrought-iron after the Civil War.

For a four-wheeled English carriage of 1750, height of the cheek was 4-2/3 diameters of the shot, unless some change in height had to be made to fit a gun port or embrasure. To prevent cannon from pushing shutters open when the ship rolled in a storm, lower tier carriages let the muzzle of the gun, when fully elevated, butt against the sill over the gun port.

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