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The Works of John Knox, Vol. 1 (of 6)
by John Knox
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[(Sic subscribitur,)

BY US, THE NOBILITY AND COMMOUNS OF THE PROTESTANTS OF THE CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.][1003]

After that this our Act of Suspensioun was by sound of trumpett divulgat at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herauld with this answer:—

"PLEIS YOUR GRACE,

"We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, your proceidingis[1004] ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005] or lauchfull Magistrat unto us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006] at libertie, whairin ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007] your soldiouris and strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008] for the necessitie of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir. Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our humill service to your Grace, we committ your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of God.

"At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009] of October 1559. "Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010]

The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of trumpet, in forme as followeth:—

"I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris, and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or that other,[1011] that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other, our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that uther, to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik the same free within the space of xij houris."

[SN: TREASSON AMONGIS THE COUNSALL.]

Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great slawchtter. Preparatioun of scailles[1012] and ledderis was maid for the assault, whiche was concluded by commoun consent of the Nobilitie and Barones. The scailles war appointed to be maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a little greve the Preachearis, and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared not openlie to say, "That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt of God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for suche preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris and unto preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie trubled all that[1013] tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges us) gave occasioun to the Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott suffer suche contempt of his worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be unpunished." The Quene had amangis us her assured espiallis, who did not onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait, bot also what was our counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin company war vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James Balfour,[1014] was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist secreat thing was devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis whiche war thocht[1015] to have bene knawin but to a verray few.

[SN: THE DUCK AND HIS FREINDIS FEIRFULL.]

By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes frustrat, bot also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin and changed. The Dukis freindis geve unto him suche terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled; and by his fear war trubled many otheris. [SN: THE UNGODLIE SOLDIOURIS.] The men of warr (for the maist parte wer men without God or honestie) made a mutiney, becaus thai lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had done the same in Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun, "That thei wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up the Messe agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland men, and slew one of the principall children of his chalmer; who notwithstanding behaved him self so moderatlie, and so studiouse to pacifie that tumult, that many woundered alsweill of his prudent counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his cumpany. The ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in thair mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016] and uther Noble men, who cohorted thame to quyetness. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS PRACTISES.] All these trubles war practised by the Quene, and putt in executioun by the tratouris amangis our selff; who, albeit they then lurked, and yitt ar not manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God shall utter thame to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To pacifie the men of warr, a collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer poore, and some wer nigardis and avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient sowme be obteined. [SN: THE FACT OF THE COUNSALL.] It was thocht expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie Noble man should cunzie his silver work to supplie the present necessitie; and thairthrow David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017] and utheris who befoir had charge of the Cunzie-house,[1018] did promeise thair faythfull lawbouris. [SN: THE TREASOUN OF JOHNE HEART.] Bot when the mater come to the verray point, the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall away, and tuk with thame the instrumentis apt for thair purpose. Whetther this was done by the falsheid and feablenes of the said Johnne, or the practising of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no hoip amangis our selfis that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was concluded, by a few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff Saidlair, and Schir James Croftis,[1019] then having charge at Berwik, should be tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that urgent necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun directed unto thame in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our counsall was disclosed to the Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell, (as him selff confessed,) to wait upoun the returnyng of the said Lard, as that he did with all diligence; and so being assuredlie informed by what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell foirsett[1020] his way, and cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that he was evill wounded in the heid;[1021] for nether could he gett his led horse, nor yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand crownis of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James moist lovinglie had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to our earis, oure dolour was dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the money, as for the tynsall of the gentilman, whome we suspected to have bene slane, or at the least that he should be delivered to the Quenis handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane, the Lord James, the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen, took purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had reteared him self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact treassonable, becaus that thrie dayis befoir he had send his especiall servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to Edinburgh, to purchese of the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak us; whiche we granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he should neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he should writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or not. [SN: THE ERLE BOTHWELL FALS IN PROMEISE, AND HIS TREASONABLE FACT.] He gave us farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this meantyme, he crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the noble man foirsaid. Albeit that the departure and counsall of the Erle of Arrane and Lord James, with thair cumpany foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt was the Erle Bothwell,[1022] then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and so eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the Capitane of his house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang persuyte,) confessed and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght redress, soght rather his saiftie and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun and haitrent thei committed his house to the custody of a capitane, to witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all soldiouris thair left, was gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found within the said hous of Crychttoun,[1023] (which war putt in inventorie in presence of the Lordis,) should be keipt till that the Erle Bothwell should geve answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment was granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the sone.

In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day that thei departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and towne of Dundye, togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the toune of Edinburgh, and caryed with thame some great ordinance to schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace, the Erle of Glencarne, and the rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing, whair thei continewed to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane named[1024] Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent, and that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great expeditioun came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid. [SN: THE FIRST DEFAIR[1025] OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The towne of Dundye, with a few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair ordinance as haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and feable soldiouris, who fled without strok offered or gevin, thei war compelled to give back, and so to leave the ordinance to the ennemyis, who did farder persew the fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the Cannogaite, and to the fute of Leyth Wynd. [SN: THE CRUELTIE OF THE FRENCHE.] Thair crewelty then began to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the women and childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, then did the strang man, who maid resistance.

It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some treassoun. For when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for releve of thair brethren, whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and at least we mycht have saved the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait from danger; for we wer anis merched fordwarte with bold curage, but then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased amonges our selfis, (God will discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That the hole Frenche cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis." What clamor and misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse with multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the enteress of the Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun; the wicked and malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the Justice Clerk, Schir Johne Bannatyne[1026] was,) fledd without mercye: With great difficultie could thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte. Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027] cryed with a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the clamour of our fray, followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no great nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thair infantes perdues.[1028] For in that meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance. [SN: THE ERLE OF ERGYLE.] The Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that stopped the fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened efter that it was schoot. [SN: LORD ROBERT STEWART.] Bott in verray deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,[1029] Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first that isched out. After him followed many upoun the backis of the Frenche. At last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse, and tooke some spuilzie from the poores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a Papist and dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a woman gevin sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of ten. Certane wer tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and] Maister Charles Geddes, servitour to the Maister of Maxwell.

[SN: THE CASTELL SCHOT ONE SHOTT.]

The Castell[1030] that day schot ane schott at the Frenche, declairing thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; bott he suddanelie repented of weall-doing. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS REJOSING, AND UNWOMANLIE BEHAVIOUR.] The Queyn glad of victorye, sat upoun the ramparte to salute and welcome hir victorious suddartis.[1031] One brought a kirtill, one uther ane pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane; and of invy more then womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye your ware? Je pense[1032] que vous l'aves achete sans argent."[1033] This was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the truble of the poore subjectis of this realme.

[SN: THE COUNSALL OF THE MAISTER OF MAXWELL.]

The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun of this our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any restitutioun; and so within two dayis after was his house spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis of ony great importance, his evidentis and certane clothing excepted. Frome that day back, the curage of many was dejected. With great difficultie could men be reteaned in the towne; yea, some of the greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to leave the interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The Maister of Maxwell,[1034] a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger, desyrit moist gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane to the terrour of the ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame selfis with thair ordinance and baneris displeyed in ordour. But the wittis of men being dasched, no counsall could prevaill. Thus we continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till Mononday the fyft of November,[1035] never two or thrie abyding ferme in one opinioun the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair maliciouse craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused two godlie and fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and Cesfurd,[1036] who ones had glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis: The same thei did to the Erle Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never planelie joyne. Thei intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in caise we war persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less pestiferous against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and his discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to thair malice."

[SN: THE LAST DISCOMFITURE UPOUN MONUNDAY.]

Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037] of November, did the Frenche ische out of Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038] of the victuallis whiche should have cumed to us. We being trubled amanges our selfis, and, as said is, devided in opinionis, wer neather circumspect when thei did ische, neather yitt did we follow with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for men that wald have sought our advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of Arrane, Lord James, and a certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man then followed, and maid suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to retear somewhat effrayedlie. The rest that ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger of thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and Lord James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect, did compell the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney, that eyther thei must neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche men, (and that under the mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow cure.[1039] For our men warr approched ney[1040] to Restalrig. The one parte of the Frenche wer upoun the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome Leyth to Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten neather cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the formare cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne, befoir that we could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have cutted us of from the entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the Lard of Grange and Alexander Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed boith thair horsemen and thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us, perceaving that we reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the nomber of thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us having the myre of Restalrig[1041] betuix us and thame, so that in no wise we could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042] so that in nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed upoun our taillis, and slew diverse; our awin[1043] horsemen over-rode our futemen; and so be reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair was no resistance maid. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, in great danger, lyghted amanges the footmen, exhorting thame to have some respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair brethren, whome, by thair fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall of thair deth. Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed with certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was first schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris wounded him in diverse partis to the death.[1044] And yit, as it war by the power of God, he was brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit most plane wordis, he gave confessioun of his fayth, testifeing, "That he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy, purchassed to him by the bloode of Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented, that it pleased God to maik him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in the defence of so just a cause." [SN: THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER HALYBURTOUN, CAPITANE.] And thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter, (we dowt nott,) in that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter that we war defait.[1045] Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four or thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George Luvell of Dundie,[1046] and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar, Lieutennent to Capitane Mowet.[1047] Capitane David Murray had his horse slane, and him self hurte[1048] in the leg.

[SN: HOW AND WHY WILLIAM MAITLAND LEFT LEYTH.]

Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow Evin,[1049] Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050] Secreattar to the Quene, perceaving him self not onlye to be suspected as one that favored our parte, bot also to stand in danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane amangis sa ungodlie a cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in questioun, he spaired not to speik his conscience; whiche libertie of toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did heyghlie disdane. Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a mornyng, and randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who cuming to us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have reteaned the Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair eyis the dangearis that myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot fear and dolour had so seazed[1051] the hartis of all, that thei could admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, offered to abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with thame. Bott men did so steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame. Yea, some of the greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd. [SN: THE LORD ERSKYN DECLAIRED HIM SELF ENNEMYE TO THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The Capitane of the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto us no favouris. But said, "He most neidis declair himself freind to those that war able to supporte and defend him." Whiche answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052] discoraged those that befoir had determined to have biddin the uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell wald have stand[1053] thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie man took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within the towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to spew furth the vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte. The godly, alsweall those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the towne, wer so trubled, that some of thame wald have preferred death to lyve, at Godis pleasur. For avoiding of danger, it was concludit that thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid provisioun for his ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left to the cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that whiche appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy. [SN: THE DISPYTE OF THE PAPISTIS OF EDINBURGH.] The dispytfull toungis of the wicked raylled upoun us, calling us traytouris and heretiques: everie ane provoked other to cast stanes at us. One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane other, "Fye, give advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come, and we shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques." And thus, as the sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the cogitationis and formar determinationis of many heartis then reveilled. [SN: THE WORST IS NOT YIT COME TO OUR ENNEMYES.] For we wald never have belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen could have wisshed our destructioun so unmercifullie, and have so rejosed in our adversitie: God move thair heartis to repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose caus we susteane sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell strangearis, in whose handis thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We stayed nott till that we came to Striveling, whiche we did the day efter that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that thair consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt remeady in so desperat a mater.

[SN: THE SERMOUN OF JOHNE KNOX, IN STRYVELING, IN THE GREATEST OF OUR TRUBLES.]

The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054] Johnne Knox preached, (Johne Willock was departed to England, as befoir he had appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 versicules of the Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in the persoune of the afflicted people of God, speaketh thus:[1055] The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the God of hostis, how long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy people. 5. Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to us tearis to drynk in great measure. 6. Thow hest maid us a stryf unto our nychtbouris, and our ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us agane: maik thy face to schyne, and we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a vine out of Egypte: thow hes cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056] &c.

[SN: THE ARGUMENT OF THE 80. PSALME.]

This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war foirseing our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not obscurelie speik, butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was assured of trubles suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted all men to prayeris. He entreated the three first versicles in Edinburgh, to the conforte of many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme, affermeing for his judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the spreitt of prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience of Juda; for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt, becaus that thei came first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair awin inheritance, whill that Juda yitt possessed the kingdome. He confessed that justlie thei war punished for idolatrie committed. But he affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair remaned some trew wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis send, alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of deliverance, and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame.

[SN: THE DIVISIOUN.]

He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In the ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the lamentable complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. Thare prayer was, "That God should convert and turne thame; that he should maik his face to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair formar dignitie." The groundis and fundationis of thair prayeris ware, 1. That God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin his habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome bondage and thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with many notable benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these notis:—

First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any externall appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome God becumis not onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more seveirlie intreated, then those nationis whair verray ignorance and contempt of God reigneth.

Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any people by his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who, albeit thei suffered for a tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the end thei fand conforte, and felt in verray experience, that Godis promisses ar nott in vane.

Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy Ghost, befoir thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame that God, by whose Spreit the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the same in the myddis of thair calamities.

The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In the expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered his chosin flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to appeiring destructioun; to witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of Godis indignatioun; that thei may knaw how litill strenth is in thair selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the generationis following, alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis people, as of the mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far other meanes then man can espye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired, How dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that God turned away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis then to comprehend and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun: whiche temptatioun no flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie Spreit of God interpone the self suddanelie.

The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear his prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that temptatioun, he planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by the secreat power of Goddis Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit that he appeared to contempt thair prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a maner evin to feght with God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with his Angell. Butt the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis hand, do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei seik at the Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God.

In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ouris not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth victorye; and thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun should be brocht to the knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that, puffed up with vane confidence, he maik ane idoll of his awin strenth, as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie disput upoun the nature of the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie rejosed when God did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour, becaus the reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and rejosing of the warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith to suddane destructioun, as the ryatouse banquetting of Balthasar declaireth. Applying these headis to the tyme and personis, (he said,) yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us the same injureis that presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear intollerable; suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie complane of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us have ofter then ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and heard the travaill and trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057] But whiche of us, eather in reading or hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did so discend in to oure selfis that we felt the bitterness of thair passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht us to some experience in our awin personis.

[SN: SPECIALIS APPLICATIO]

But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be more propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche plainnes as God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day confounded, oure ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and yitt thei remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to be the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our synnes and formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I spack more generalie then necessitie required: for when the synnes of men ar rebucked in generall, seldome it is that man discendeth within him self, accusing and dampnyng in him self that whiche most displeaseth God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a cause, whiche befoir God is no cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis, feghting against the tribe of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of fourtie thowsand men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we fynd nott that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei dowted that to have bene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had commanded: for thei ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our brethren, the sonnes of Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident, that thei supposed that the caus of thair overthrow and discomfeit was, becaus thei had lifted the sword against thair brethren and naturall countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment of God that wes gevin unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that caise. And yitt, no dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God gave thame so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send thame, by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis. [SN: LETT SCOTLAND YITT TACK HEAD.] Suche as do weall mark the historye and the estait of that people, may easilie see the caus why God wes offended. All the haill people had declyned from God; idolatrie was manteaned by the commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text sayeth, "Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis." In this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto him self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed the heartis of the hole people to taik vengeance upoun that abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended not; but in this thei failled, that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked, without any reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude, and the other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin strenth, and thought thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose, without any invocatioun of the name of God. Bot after that thei had twise provin the vanitie of thair awin strenth, thei fasted and prayed, and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a more favorable answer, ane assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be amangis us, albeit suddanelie we do nott espye it. And to the end that everie man may the bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have susteaned the commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those whiche laitlie be joyned to our fallowschip. In the one and in the other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found that God should thus have humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the first hearing, yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my sentence. Lett us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in this battell. When we war a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes, when we had neather Erle nor Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we called upoun God; we tooke him for our protectour, defence, and onlie refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of multitude, of our strenth, nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect to the equitie of our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye. Butt since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my Lord Duik[1058] his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us, thair was nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth spearis: this man hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this Erle be ouris, no man in suche a boundis will truble us." And thus the best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent hand to be our defence, hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt whairin yit hathe my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be that, as we haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059] I see a cause most just, why the Duik and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of thair brethren. I have nott yit forgottin what was the dolour and anguishe of my awin hearte, when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and Edinburgh Crages, those crewell murtheraris, that now hath putt us to this dishonour, threatned our present destructioun: my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes, wes to thame a great conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and authoritie did more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea, without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with the Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis Grace hath unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those murtheraris unjustlie persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath reapented of that innocent bloode of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that so he hath done, (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit his freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis whiche we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And thairfoir hath God justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this confusioun at ones: us, for that we putt our trust and confidence in man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill in thair awin hearttis how bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk befoir thame. [SN: CONCLUSIO.] Restis that boith thei and we turne to the Eternall oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse deliverance, to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no more dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned into joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye to the Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye thei war repulsed and doung back. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS AND GREATEST ENNEMYIS WITNESS.] Yea, whatsoever shall become of us and of our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that this caus, (in dyspite of Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is the eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill, howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for warldlye respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather shall the one nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it shall triumphe.

* * * * *

This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the myndis of men began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after dennare, the Lordis passed to Counsall,[1060] unto the whiche the said Johnne Knox was called to mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for other preachearis war nane with us at that tyme.) In the end it was concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061] foirsaid should pas to Londoun to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and Counsall, and that the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene day of December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie declaired.

ENDIS THE SECOUND BOOKE OF THE HISTORYE OF THE PROGRESSE OF RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.[1062]

Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar brought evin to the deape of the dongeoun.



APPENDIX.



APPENDIX.

No. I.

INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN THE EDITIONS OF KNOX'S HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, BY DAVID BUCHANAN, PRINTED AT LONDON, 1644, FOLIO, AND REPRINTED AT EDINBURGH, 1644, 4TO.

(THE PAGES AND LINES AT THE LEFT-HAND SIDE REFER TO THE PRESENT EDITION.)

Page 1, line 5. (This title and Preface are not contained in Buchanan's editions.)

5, l. 20. Instead of the words, "In the Scrollis of Glasgw," &c., it begins, In the Records of Glasgow is found mention of one whose name was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, scholler to Wickliff: He was accused as an Heretike, by one Lawrence Lindors in Scotland, and burnt for having said, That the Pope was not the Vicar of Christ, and that a man of wicked life was not to be acknowledged for Pope. This fell out Anno 1422. Farther our Chronicles make mention, That in the dayis,[1063] &c.

6, l. 23. injust accusatioun and condemnatioun. Both these godly men, Resby and Craw, suffered Martyrdom for Christ his truth, by Henry Wardlaw, Bishop of St. Andrewes, whom the Prelates place amongst their Worthies. But that their wicked practise did not greatly advance, &c.—l. 25.

7, l. 11. Helene Chalmer, Lady Pokellie, Isabelle Chambers, Lady Stairs.

8, l. 4. ar not to be had in the Kyrk, nor to be worshipped.—9. That it is not lawfull to fight for the faith, nor to defend the faith by the sword, if we be not driven to it by necessity, which is above all law.—12. gave power to Peter, as also to the other Apostles, and not to the Pope his pretended successour, to binde, &c.—14. to consecrate as they do in the Romish Church these many yeers.—19. were then called, to wit, wholly, but a part to the poor, widow, or orphans, and other pious uses.

9, l. 5. is a preast, in that sence that they are called by the Apostle Saint John, Apoc. i. 6, v. 10, xx. 6.—7. coming of Christ; and truely it was but late since Kings were anointed, namely in Scotland, for Edgar was the first anointed King in Scotland, about the year 1100.—12. the souls, who in those dayes were said to be in Purgatory.—25. not to be feared, if there be no true cause for it.—26. to swear, to wit, idly, rashly, and in vain.—27. Priests may have wives, according to the constitution of the law, and of the primitive Christian Church.—30. every day by Faith.—31. be contracted and consummate, the Kyrk may make, &c.—32. bindes not if unjust.

10, l. 1. to miracles, to such namely as the Romish were then, and are to this day.—3. to God onely, since he onely hears us, and can help us.—12. are murtherars of souls.—13. That they which are called Princes and Prelates in the Church, are theives and robbers.

16, l. 14. upon the morrow after brought forth to judgment.

19, l. 10. into vulgar language.—11. (This title and Fryth's Preface are not contained in Buchanan's editions.)

36, l. 18. was ane called Will. Arithe.

37, l. 2. his parasites and jackmen.

38, l. 12. and cryes, Anne has lost hir spindle.—13. flaill stollin behinde the barne.

39, l. 9. he said—she said.—13. that look over our ditch.—17. we hold the Bishops the cheapest servant.

41, l. 12. for the other Friers fearing.

42, l. 6. in hollow cellars, for the smoke of.

43, l. 2, He leapt up merrily upon the scaffold, and, casting a gambade, said.

49, l. 1. thy Majesties sometime servant.—(In this Letter of Seaton's, your Grace is uniformly changed to Majestie.)

51, l. 11. to put out thy.

52, l. 15. could greatly availl.—17. fostered the unadvised Prince in all dissolutenesse, by which means they made him obsequious unto them.

53, l. 7, 8. ten yearis or thereabout.—11. realme in these times.—intestine and cruell.—15. Levenax—Lenox, who was sisters son to the Earle of Arran.

54, l. 7. of Rome; commanded the Bible to be read in English; suppressed.—8. of Idolatrie, with their idols, which gave great hope.—(In the margin,) 1534. 1538. The civil troubles give some rest to God's flock for a time.—20. craftynes of Gardner, Bishop of.—23. but that God potently had assisted him in all his life, but.

56, l. 12. maid he them.

57, l. 1. Johnne Stewart of Leyth.—3. Johnestoun, Advocate.

59, l. 11. Laird of Dun, Areskin.—20. as one revived, cast himself.

61, l. 8. whome war those of Dundie.—12. Borthwik, Provost of Lithcow.—(In the margin,) Lesly writes this done 1540. John Borthwick fled into England, from whence Henry sent him into Germanie to the Protestant Princes.

62, l. 4. Frearis and Monks, as of Channons.

64, l. 1. Alexander Kennedy.—2. excellent wit in vulgar poesy.

66, l. 17-22. so far had they blinded and corrupted the inconsiderate Prince, that he gave himself to obey the tyrannie of those bloodie beasts, and he made a solemne vow.

67, l. 6. suddane punishment.—7. upon him, if he did not repent, and amend his life.

68, l. 5. and deid, not saying one worde, that same day that, in audience.

70, l. 8. forgevance of the said Thomas.

71, l. 1-4. change or alter the heart of the infortunate and misled Prince, but still he did proceed in his accustomed wayes. For in the midst of these evills.

72, l. 2. eschaping, (the keepers being asleep, he went out at the window.)—5. espy and detest.—10. Earle of Glevearne.

76, l. 1-5. After God had given unto that mis-informed Prince sufficient documents, that his warring against his blessed Gospel should not prosperously succeed, he raised up against him warres, as he did of old against divers Princes that would not hear his voice, in the which he lost himself, as we shall hereafter heare.

77, l. 18. our kingdome of Abbots, Monks, &c., and.

79, l. 9. Forresse war runne upon—Forces were sent up and down to.

80, l. 12. to skaill and sunder.—26. wounded his high stomacke.—29. had not cut the dayes of his life.

81, l. 9. Preastis—Prelats.

82, l. 2. what tyme—at that time when.—3. Yles, in the yeere 1534.—13. Jefwellis—Juglers.

83, l. 4. I shall reproove you by sharpe punishments.—16. honour nor continuance—honour nor countenance.

84, l. 2. Thare concurred ... prophettis, (omitted.)—4. closenes and fidelity among them.—7. should be theirs.—11. that Raid—that device.—23-25. amonges whome was the Erle of Arran, notwithstanding his siding with the current of the Court, and his neernesse in blood to the King. It was bruited.

85, l. 15. The foreward goeth forth, feare rises.—18. thousand men; their beacons on every side.

86, l. 5, 6. experte. About ten houris—expert, about ten hours.—8, 9. baner; and he upholden by two spears, lift up.—18. and Mearns. In this mountain did.—27. array in order.

87, l. 2. softlye—safely.

88, l. 1. to tack the bandis.—7. Somervaill and Oliphant, and many.—9. Worldly men say that.

89, l. 21. who waited upon news at Lochmaban.—(In the margin,) Others say, at Carlaverock, neere by the place where the defeat was given, called Solway Mosse.

90, l. 25. ane of his mistresses.

91, l. 6. for a scourge.—11. it will end with a woman. From Mary, daughter to Robert Bruse, married to Walter Stuart, he feared that his daughter should be married to ane of another name and family; but yow see by God's providence, the Crown remains in one and the same family and name to this day, notwithstanding the many plots of the pretenders to the Crowne both at home and abroad.—15. ane fit comforter.—21. that so it should be.

92, l. 3. best. The Cardinal having hired one Henry Balfour, a priest, to make a false Testament; which was done accordingly, but in vain.—6. (In the margin,) Marke the Queenes mourning for the King. (And a few lines lower down,) Others stick not to say, That the King was hastned away by a potion. Levit. 12.—Divers characters of the King arise: post funera virtus.

93, l. 4, 5. disprased him for being much given to women. The Prelats and Clergie feared a change in the King's mind, as he had expressed himself some few years before.—10. cloked. Yet to speak truth of him, his vices may justly be attributed to the times, and his breedeing, and not any wickednesse in his nature; for he gave many expressions of a good nature, namely, in his sobriety and justice, &c. The question.—23. he pretended to succeid.—26. oppones thame, and are against the governement.

94, l. 16. against God's justice.—17. And so, in despite.

95, l. 1. heirof we will after speak.—8. severed.—9. The Erle of Arran thus being established in the governement.—11. exalted him to be Governour, out of what danger he had delivered him, he being in the bloody scroll, as wee saw before; and what expectation all men of honesty had of him, because they saw him a soft man, they conceited goodnesse of him.

97, l. 2. drouned—devoured.

98, l. 6. Scriptures in the vulgar tongue.—9. als, (omitted.)—13. the Kirk—the Church, he means the Prelats, first.—14. thei three—but the three, viz., Hebrew, Greek, and Latine.

99, l. 3. people used not—people used the Psalmes.—27. old Boses—old Bishops.

100, l. 5. had of the Old and New.—12, 13. thair awin vulgar toung, and so war.—19. in the vulgar toung.—22. (In the margin,) Note the hypocrisie of worldlings.

101, l. 5. to maik courte, and curry favour thairby.—25. (In the margin,) Nothing could be said against the lawfulnes of Edward's birth. Katharine of Spain and Anne Bullen being dead before his mother was married to his father.

102, l. 5. ensew to this realme.—18. Maister Radulph Saidlair.

103, l. 5. contract of marriage made betuix.—19. abaide suyre at—abode fast to.

105, l. 10. Abbot of Paislay, called now of late John Hamilton, bastard brother, &c.—(In the margin there is added,) He was before sometimes called Cunningham, sometimes Colwan, so uncertaine was it who was his father.—18. one or the other would go to the pulpit.

107, l. 6. then to have been so used—8. deprehended—followed.—14. his counterfeit godlynes.—15. heirefter—heirof.—22. any joyt—one jote.—25. his rycht—his pretended right.—26. For by Goddis word could not be good the divorcement of his father from Elizabeth Hume, sister to the Lord Hume, his lawfull wife, and consequently his marriage with Beton, neece to James Beton, Bishop of St. Andrews, (Elizabeth Hume being alive,) must be null, and he declared bastard. Caiaphas spake, &c.

109, (To this marginal note is added,) Renouncing his religion in the Gray Friers.

110, l. 23. Governour; First, because he himselfe was borne by Beton, his father's lawfull wife, Elizabeth Humes being yit alive; Next, because his grandfather was borne by Mary Stuart to James Hammilton, when her lawfull husband Thomas Boyd was yet alive. So the Earle of Lennox did not only pretend to be lawfully next to the Crowne, as the late King James the Fifth did often declare, That if he died without heire male, he would settle the Crowne upon him, but also lawfull heire of the Earledome of Arran, as being descended from Margaret Hamilton, borne to Mary Stuart and James Hammilton after the death of Thomas Boyd, her former husband, (now by this time the inconstant Earle of Arran had given himselfe wholly to the Cardinall.) The Cardinall, &c.—(In the margin,) All this was then said by the Cardinal. Penes authorem fides esto.

111, l. 4. Ayre—Ayre, Campbell.—6. to Leyth—to light.—18. the sonare—in time.

112, l. 15. that he wold take.—16. wold not grant.—17. communicat—communed.

113, l. 4, 5. the Magdelane day—Saint Magdalen's day.—6. Gray tacking—Gray took.

114, l. 2. had his fortificatioun—had fortification.—5. so much attend—so attend.—7, 8. play the good servant unto him, was reputed his enemy.—17. thei war no more then 300.—(In the margin,) As they went to Dundee, they said they were going to burn the readers of the New Testament, and that they would stick to the Old, for Luther, said they, had made the New.

115, l. 7. to have kept.—(8. prevented, i.e. anticipated.)—9. thare friend.—13. was sent to the Bischop of Saint Andrews, the Abbot of Paisley.—20. war on the place.

116, l. 1. ane certane number.—7. whether to—whereto.—19. his craft perswaded.

119, l. 6. ower the craig—over the wall.—8. broke his craig—broken his owne neck.

120, l. 7. thei—the ships.

121, l. 9. other then—after the Castle.

123, l. 9. feallis war—Files war charged to be.

124, l. 1, 2. Hary, sometime husband to our Queen and Mistresse.—8. Eme's wyiff—enemies wife.—10. in propertie—in povertie.

125, l. 1. he hes had since, and that in common.

126, l. 14. hornyng—burning.—27. with him—with them.

127, l. 8, and 128, l. 4. In anno 1566, (inserted in the text thus,) that now liveth in the year of our Lord 1566.

129, l. 24. Porte or gate.

130, l. 6. intreat of.—11. neyther eak—neither maid.—18. thame as he could; being such.—28. wold have used.

131, l. 3. whingar—dagger.—12, 13. may feare, in time to come, we will.—19. another—another place.

133, l. 3, 4. sound of prayers.—6. prevented—came before.—11, 12. grones; yea, we heard your bitter—(omitted.)

136, l. 7. awfull—irefull.—11. hypocrisie within this realme; ye shall.

137, l. 26. verray countenance—weary countenance.

138, l. 27. declared fully. The Spirit of Truth.

139, l. 7, 8, and 9. And so the said John Knox, albeit, &c., (the intermediate words being omitted.)

142, l. 1. premisses—promise.—5. the Larde—Johan Cockburne, Laird.

144, l. 1. transported to Edinburgh, where the Cardinall then had a Convention of Prelats, wherein somewhat was said of redressing the abuses of the Church, and reforming the lives of the Clergie; but it took no effect. M. Wischarde remained but few dayes in Edinburgh: For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall, ever thirsting after the blood of the servand of God.—8. to be crucified. The Cardinall, seeing it was forbidden by the Canon Law to Priests to sit as judges upon life and death, although the crime were heresie, sent to the Governour, desiring him to name some lay-judge to pronounce sentence against M. Wischarde. The Governour had freely condescended to the Cardinall's request, without delay, if David Hamilton of Preston, a godly and wise man, had not remonstrated unto him, That he could expect no better end then Saul, since he persecuted the saints of God, for that truth which he professed once with such a shew of earnestnesse; the profession thereof being the only cause of his advancement to that high degree wherein he was: The Governour, moved at this speech of David Hamilton's, answered the Cardinall, That he would not meddle with the blood of that good man; and told him, That his blood should be on him, for he himselfe would be free of it. At this the Cardinall was angry, and said he would proceed, and that he had sent to the Governour of meere civility, without any need. And so.—28. penult,—the seven and twentieth day.

148, l. 19, have receaved from certaine records, which we relate truely, as neere as possibly we can. Upon the last.

151, l. 9. as saith Paule to Timothy.—14. be able with wholsome learning, and to impugne.—23. the Gospell he treated of appeareth not to repugne.—30. Lawder, a priest.

152, l. 2. full of outrages, threatnings.

156, l. 24. My Lords, it is not so by your pleasures.

159, l. 15. I vanquest him—I witnessed to him.

160, l. 1. and spitted on the ground.—22. Layman—man.

165, l. 3. our Generall or Provinciall Counsells.

168, l. 13. innocent man speak.—19. two feinds, two Gray Friers.—25-28. came to him with all diligence. And conferred with him a pretty while, at last, burst forth in tears, but so soon as he was able to speak, he asked him, If he would receive the Communion? Master Wischarde answered, He would most willingly, if he could have it according to Christ's institution, under both kinds. The Sub-Prior went to the Cardinall and his Prelats, he told them, That Master Wischarde was an innocent man; which he said, not to intercede for his life, but to make known the innocency of the man unto all men, as it was known to God. At these words the Cardinall was angry, and said to the Sub-Prior, Long agoe we knew what you were. Then the Sub-Prior demanded, Whether they would suffer M. Wischarde to receive the Communion or not? They answered, No. A while after M. Wischarde had ended with the Sub-Prior, the Captaine of the Castle, with some other friends, came to him, and asked him, If he would break fast with them? He answered, Most willingly, for I know you to be most honest and godly men; so all being ready, he desired them to sit downe, and heare him a while with patience. Then he discoursed to them about halfe an houre concerning the Lord's Supper, his sufferings and death for us. He exhorteth them to love one another, laying aside all rancor, envie, and vengeance, as perfect members of Christ, who intercedes continually for us to God the Father. After this, he gave thanks, and blessing the bread and wine, he took the bread and brake it, and gave to every one of it, bidding each of them, Remember that Christ had died for them, and feed on it spiritually; so taking the cup, he bade them, Remember that Christ's blood was shed for them, &c.; and after, he gave thanks and prayed for them. When he had done, he told them, That he would neither eat nor drink more in this life; and so retired to his chamber. Immediately after came to him (sent from the Cardinall) two executioners; one brought him a coat of linnen died black, and put it upon him; the other brought some bags full of powder, which they tied to severall parts of his body. Then having dressed him, they brought him to an outer roome, neere to the gate of the Castle. Then the fire was made ready, and the stake at the west port of the Castle, neere to the Priory. Over against the place of execution, the Castle windows were hung with rich hangings, and velvet cushions, laid for the Cardinall and Prelats, who from thence did feed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man. The Cardinal dreading.

169, l. 6. and led—and with sound of trumpet led.—17. tempt me not, I intreat you. After this.—25. words: I beseik you—words, having obtained leave to speak a little, I beseech you.

171, l. 3. Then the executioner, that was his tormentor.—8. And then by and by the trumpet sounding, he was tyed to the stake, and the fire kindled. The Captaine of the Castle, for the love he bore to M. Wischarde, drew so neer to the fire, that the flame thereof did him harme; he wished M. Wischarde to be of good courage, and to beg from God the forgivenesse of his sins; to whom M. Wischarde answered thus: This fire torments my body, bot no wayes abates my spirit. Then M. Wischarde, looking towards the Cardinall, said, He who in such state, from that high place, feedeth his eyes with my torments, within few dayes shall be hanged out at the same window, to be seen with as much ignominy, as he now leaneth there in pride. Then with this, the executioner drawing the cord, stopt his breath; presently after, the fire being great, he was consumed to powder. The Prelats would not suffer any prayers to be made for him, according to their custome. After the death of Master Wischarde, the Cardinall was cryed up by his flatterers, and all the rabble of the corrupt Clergie, as the onely defender of the Catholike Church, and punisher of Hereticks, neglecting the authority of the sluggish Governour: And it was said by them, That if the great Prelates of latter dayes, both at home and abroad, had been so stout and zealous of the credit of the Catholike Church, they had not onely suppressed all Hereticks, but also kept under the lay-men, who were so forward and stubborne. On the other side, when that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they could not withhold from piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's slaughter. After the death, &c.

172, l. 3. or else it should cost life for life; and that in a short time they should be like hogs kept for slaughter, by this vitious Priest, and wicked monster, which neither minded God, nor cared for men. Amongst those that spake against the Cardinall's cruelty, John Leslie, brother to the Earle of Rothes, was chief, with his cozen Norman Lesley, who had been a great follower of the Cardinall, and very active for him but a little before, fell so foule with him, that they came to high reproaches one with another. The occasion of their falling out was a private businesse, wherein Norman Lesley said he was wronged by the Cardinall. On the other side, the Cardinall said he was not with respect used by Norman Lesley his inferiour. The said John Lesley, in all companies, spared not to say, That that same dagger, (shewing forth his dagger,) and that same hand, should be put in the Cardinall's brest. These brutes came, &c.—14. and promessed amitie with him, and so he gave his bastard eldest daughter in marriage to the Earle of Crawford his eldest son and heir, and caused the wedding to be celebrate with such state, as if she had been a Princes lawfull daughter. He only feared, &c.

173, l. 10. not only say.—12. fead—fooles.—17. Mary that now mischevouslie regnes—Mary that now, 1566, raignes.—25. but by his secreat counsall, (omitted.)

175, l. 6. in no great number—in great number.

177, (In the margin,) The fact and words of James Melvin.

178, l. 3. fowseis syde—house side—13, 14. How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull Cardinall, (these words are omitted.)

180, l. 15. The death of this aforesaid tyrant, as it was pleasing to some, to wit, to those who had received the Reformation of religion, for they were mightily afraid of him, and also to sundry Romanists whom he kept under as slaves; so on the other side, it was dolorous to the priests.

181, l. 5. besieged. Divers gentlemen of Fife went into the Castle, and abode there with the Leslies during the first siege; and John Rough was preacher to them.—7. and for his riches he would not.

184, l. 24. the hole seige, having left the Castle, because he could do little good upon those that were with him; so addicted were they to their evil wayes, begane to preach in the city of S. Andrews.

186, l. 22. any man, namely, in the time of need, as that was.

190, l. 17. kynd of doctrine—wind of doctrine.

196, l. 32. Whither may we do the same in matters of religion? (omitted.)

197, l. 18. that God hes ordained.

203, l. 8. for upoun the nine and twentieth day.—10. with a great army.—11. in that haven before.

204, l. 14. The seige by sea and land was laid about the Castle of S. Andrews, the three and twentieth day of July.—18. brunt; and some upon the street that leads to the Castle.—23. ground of the court of the Castle.—27. corrupt lyef, having fallen into all kinde of licentiousnesse, puft up with pride of their successe, and relying upon England for help in case of need, could not escape.

205, l. 7. Upone the nine and twentieth of July.—8. xiiij—thirteen cannons.—14. place. Betwixt ten of the clock and eleven, there fell.

206, l. 17. men without God, (omitted.)—20. gallayis, among others John Knox was in the galleys all the winter.

212, l. 14. schooting longis—shooting amongst.—17. began to reyll—begin to faile.

215, l. 12. forfaulted—sore assaulted.

217, l. 11. Ordour of the Cokill, and a pension of 12,000 lib. Turn. with a full discharge.

218, l. 5. hir finall destruction—her own ruine.—9. Lett men patientlie abyd God's appointed tyme, and turn unto him with hearty repentance, then God will surely stop the fire that now comes from her, by sudden changing her heart to deal favourably with his people; or else by taking her away, or by stopping her to go on in her course by such meanes as he shall think meet in his wisdom, for he having all in his hand disposeth of all, and doth with all according to his own will, unto which we must not onley yeald, but also be heardily pleased with it, since it is absolutely good, and both by sacred and prophane history we ar taught to do so; for in them we finde that Princes have been raised up by his hands to punish his people; but when they turned unto him with hearty repentance, he either turned the heart of the Prince to deal kindly with his people; or else did take him away; or at least did stop his violent course against his people. Of this the examples are so frequent, that we spare to name them heere. But to returne to our Historie.

222, l. 9. a godly man, (omitted.)

223, l. 24. in the saidis Chappell, &c.—in the Sands, Chappell, &c.

227, l. 1. of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott—of a man justified, which is extant to this day.—(In the margin,) with a smudge?] Note: This booke was printed 1584, at Edinburgh, by Tho. Utrover: (in the 4to edit.) Tho. Voutroler.

229, l. 10. meanes as they looked for.

230, l. 18. discrive—discover.

233, l. 11. the Duck Hamilton: (also, at page 238, l. 4.)

235, l. 20. the temporal Lordis that maintain such abominations as we see, and flattering Counsellors of State, blasphemous.

238, l. 5. others besydis. The Bishops and their rable, they begin.

239, l. 11. thei will do, or can do.

240, l. 26. Tack you yon—Take heed all you.

242, l. 5. but few were made rich.

244, l. 2. thare patentis—their parents.—9. displeasur, that idolatrous and mischievous Marie.—24. cruell persecution, used by Queen Marie of England.

247, l. 24. as in doctrin—as in preaching.

251, l. 1. and bent themselves.

252, l. 6. was published, which we have caused to be printed at the end of this book, and is called.—17 to 20. And tharefor, &c., (the whole of this sentence is omitted.)

254, l. 16. both realmes were disappointed who.

259, l. 15. Instead of, Thare assembled Preastis—Their asses, bloody Priests, Friers, &c.

265, l. 1. thareof to this day—thareof to his death.—2. now Erle—after Earle.—25. Thei lieved as beastis—They left me as beasts.

272, l. 32. to his glorie—to your eternall glorie.

274, l. 13. many others—many other letters.

276, l. 21. and geve attendance to us, your—and to have care to use.

279, l. 5. together ... answer, (omitted.)—27. hes allanerlie—has modestlie absteaned.

280, l. 8. this pastor, or rather impostour.—18. his Eme's wyff—his cousin's wife.

283, l. 18. What that man of the law is.

284, l. 2. nether can err.—5. synceir, (omitted.)—20. cannon—common law.

287, l. 10. cummer—rumour.

289, l. 26. by (i.e. beside) us—neer us.



BOOK SECOND.

292, l. 17. (In the margin,) Note. Here is a solecisme in State expression, newly invented by the Court Parasites.

294, l. 20. (In the margin,) Note. To call the Crown-Matrimoniall, is an absurd solecisme, newly then invented at Court.

297, l. 4. (In the margin,) Note. And now in these latter days it hath pleased God in his goodnesse to grant the pure and primitive Discipline also unto the Church of Scotland.—20. long, (omitted.)

298, l. 21. the libertie of, (omitted.)

299, l. 5. the extreme, (omitted.)

300, l. 2. to give the gift of exhortation by sermon.

302, l. 8. to convein us—to make us.

303, l. 10. our presence, or counsell, or petitions.—26. mercifullie—bountifullie.—28. The first petition—Here beginneth the particular demands.

304, l. 11. of the which, without explanation, hardly can arise any profit to the hearers.

305, l. 23. to live at their lust.

307, l. 12. a large purse, 40,000 l. Turn. or Scots, gathered, (livres Tournois?)—20. in things as we thought unlawfull.

309, l. 16. Lords, Barons, and Burgesses of this.

312, l. 27. in Parliament holden at Edinburgh, Anno 1558.

313, l. 28. any other of the godly that list.

315, l. 22. And it appeared, that after that day that malice took more violent and strong possession in hir then it did before.

318, l. 6. Quenis favour.

319, l. 2. thare rebellioun—high rebellion.

321, l. 2. vehement—very vehement.

324, l. 11. to instruct the people.

325, l. 7. Duke Hamilton.—9, 10. now cheaf, &c., (same reading as in Vautrollier's edit., quoted in note 4.)—21. best for—best serve for.

327, l. 15. your Grace's—your Princely.

328, l. 11. extreme necessiteis—most great extremities.—13. thair and oure lyves—their owne lives.

329, l. 15. espyed. The tenour whereof followeth. And.—22. that ye the Nobilitie.

331, l. 5. Is it nocht, &c.—It is not.—16. judged to be gud treeis.

332, l. 7. doth contrary to this authority.—8, 9. he is cled—it is clothed.

336, l. 28. war thay that first—war there, they that first.—30. platt of ground—place of ground.

337, l. 6. war erected—were set up.—7, 8. hope of victorie.

339, l. 4. that we in whom she.—24. ar servandis—as servants.

340, l. 20. gart cutt the brigis—caused the bridges to be cut.

345, l. 5. Teringland—Tarmganart.

351, l. 2, 3. Cowper, ... assisted—Cowper, ... was assisted.—28. practised with us—made shew unto us.

354, l. 1. truble, or disquiet.—7. Subscrived, &c.—

Subscribed, JAMES HAMILTON, MENEITS DOSELL.

356, l. 21. plane—plainly see.

357, l. 16. cast up the portis—open the gates.—25, beirand—bearing, namely.

358, l. 20. departed, as hielie—departed, and was highly.

359, l. 14. the 26—the six and twentieth.—16. four, (omitted.)

360, l. 4. wald vote—would consent.—21. Palace and the Kirk—place, and the place and the Church.—22. idollis, hid—hid goods.

361, l. 2. unto him, he would that.—8. irruption—interruption.—15. stogged—thrust.

363, l. 4. in the one—in one of the Colledges.—13. was to be done, and that ordour—was best to be done, and what order.—18. and yit hir Dochteris is—by advice of hir Counsell.—30. hir Grace—our Mother.

364, l. 1. to affix—to appoint.—6. our Realme—our religion.

365, l. 6. to suche—that such.—15. Sche—The Queen Regent.—17. thameselves.—19. advertist, That.

367, l. 25. nothing to the commission, she proposed.

368, l. 5. abused Duke Hamilton, perswading him.—8. his successors of their pretended title.—16. crymes were ever entred into.—25. should leaf—should lose.—33. the Duke's Grace—Duke Hamilton.

369, l. 18. small appointment—finall appointment.—26. earthlie treasure.

370, l. 7. outsetting—upsetting.—11. no mo—no man.

371, l. 1. substantious housholdis—chief domesticks.

373, l. 3. bawbie, or fartheing.—13. those of, (omitted.)

374, l. 15. Restalrig—Lestarrig.

376, l. 17. Januar had decreed.

377, l. 2. thai war—they are.—15. In the first Congregation.

378, l. 1. maner—matter.—23. skaithles—harmless.—34. thoill—suffer.

379, l. 1. other haveand spirituall—other, either spiritual.—3. religioun, or any other.—13. in all such causes.—24. to speak with.

380, l. 12. the Lordis Protestants.—13. unto the chief heads of the Appointment, whiche be these.—30. this our Proclamatioun.

382, l. 1. adversaries, who trie all maner.—19. and hir, (omitted.)

383, l. 15. quhat tyme—at the time that.

384, l. 7. baith, (omitted.)—Le Roy, (omitted.) (Title inserted,) The King his letter to the Lord James.—15. bein, (omitted.)

385, l. 1. father, from the Queen my wife, and from me.—5. strange to me, and so farre against.—6. gudlie well.—19, 20. ye ar declyneit—ye have declined.—21. attention—intention.—28. thair—your.—thay—ye.

386, l. 7. Vous senteras—Vous en sentires.—15. Schir, (omitted.)—The Lord James his letter to the King.—16. My most humble dewtie.—17. last, importing.—18. Majestie doth.—24. hard—had.—28. grevis me very heavilie.

387, l. 8. sould not have.—18, 19. as we were perswaded in our.—21. cair from.

388, l. 14. na man could.

389, l. 2. benefit which.—9. libertie of.—19. Tolbuith—Town.

391, l. 1. nether yet.—19. For schort—For that after.

392, l. 9. deambulatour—deambulation.—18. falt in.—20. worthelie—justlie.—21. done, (omitted.)

394, l. 7. thair kyn—your kin.—18. contravene—violate.—27. mak first—give first.

395, l. 1. lippin—trust.—2. to have good.—16. taikin without.—18. saidis, (omitted.)—23. our pairt. But in case against all reason they should mean any such thing, We have thocht.—31. furnissing—surmising.

397, l. 3. put fit remedy.—10. could—would.—17. list, so that some asked for.—19. sche was not ashamed to sett.—22. personis have of malice.—24. stope all manner of reconciliations.—28. Estaitis—State.—31. ar cumit—came.—ar myndit—do mind.

398, l. 7. ony part thereof contravenit.—8. communit—commovit.—13. ane, (omitted.)

399, l. 2. ever, (omitted.)—10. obedience of higher.—13. direct quite.—19. with reverence.

401, l. 2. simplicitie, and to work your finall.—11. of our posteritie, and to be short, to our commun-wealth.—15. foirnameit. This is so manifestly.—34. is not to be—is to be.

403, l. 1. brocht it to such basenesse, and such a deale of strife that all men.—14. guid and weighty money.

405, l. 9. that wicked man.—10. quha at that tyme.—27. reassonit with all in the.

406, l. 19. thairin, not only without.—25. the houssis garnissit, (omitted.)

407, l. 24. yea, even of our brethren.

408, l. 29. covetousnes of the Cardinall of Guyse and the Hamiltons. Amen.

409, l. 32. trubill any unjust possession.

410, l. 14. over our heads.—25. tred—course.

411, l. 3. personis ... be God, move Princes to command.—7. of misled Princes.—13. thair misled Princes.—20. crewell misled Princes, who authorize the murtherar.

412, l. 20. murther, and such like: Esaias.—32. appelyteis of misled Princeis.

413, l. 12. my Lord Dukis Grace—the Duke.

414, l. 10-12. Hienes, quham ... God, expecting earnestly your answer.

415, l. 29. experimentit—dear.

416, l. 3. lawlie to our.—18. of the same: And that ye would rather.

417, l. 16. Onlie to shew.

418, l. 6. to this commun-wealth.—8. a plain declaratioun.

420, l. 20. Pleis your Grace—Madame.—29, 30. sall treat or deal for himself.

421, l. 14. ye knew fully, and all men else.—20, 21. The Queen's Proclamation.

425, l. 10. thing not of lait—thing of lait.

426, l. 1. as in deed it is.—3. haid Inche, Colme, Dumbar.—4. maid; yet all these could.—9. the trewth, (omitted.)—12. seiking constantly to possesse the libertie of Leith, which be donation of ancient Kingis thay have long enjoyed.

427, l. 9. to wit—is.—22. mentenance—mantainers.

428, l. 3, 4. to this day, (omitted.)—8. write to the praise of Goddis.—13. honour, (omitted.)

429, l. 13. our, (omitted.)—20. be of such reputatioun.

430, l. 14. quhan, (omitted.)

431, l. 7. support—our support.

432, l. 4. presentt day, that.—maist, (omitted.)

433, l. 2. onlie—openlie.—10. deceat, that to lift thair weaponis against thair brethren.—12. glorie, or yet.

434, l. 26. thame, so they did answer unto her, as by.

435, l. 2. moist, (omitted.)

436, l. 7. self and those that followeth you. And that.

437, l. 28. It will ... remembrance—Your Majestie may call to minde, how at.

438, l. 12. we will (as befoir) move and declair.—20. humbill, (omitted.)

439, l. 3. maid by these about the Quene.—6. never anis hath made any shew of any such thing, bott only in.—10. poore commonalty.—17. Lady: Which accusation hath continued ever against him, as guilty of that crime; he therefore now openly and plainlie protesteth.

—— (Opposite to line 8, the first marginal note begins,) Now the Duke seeing the Queen's partie decline, and the Protestant party grow strong, he once more changeth the profession of his religion, and joyneth with the Protestants, as strongest.—(And at line 24,) How true this is, the constant course of the family can tell.

440, l. 3. your—our.—(Marginal note,) Let this bee noted, and let all men judge of the purpose of the Frenche, and how good and wise patriots they were, who sold our Soveraign to France for their private profit, and they by name were the Hamiltons.

441, l. 21. so tyranically to domineer over them.

442, l. 3. called and, (omitted.)—9. that it is.—17. never so firmly establish any, but at his pleasure, he seeing just cause, might deprive them.—22. used—useth second means.

443, l. 3. idolatrie, as also she openly declares the countrie to be conquest, and no more free. And finallie.—9. (Marginal note,) in the disposition—in the deposition.—11, 12. and disorder.—14. our Soveraigne.—31. awin, (omitted.)

444, l. 10. uttermost ruine, so that.—22. for that—only because.—24. lauchfull, (omitted.)—30. of Sanct Johnestoun, (omitted.)

445, l. 4. in this last moneth.—5. in other townes.—21. Soverane Lord deceased without heirs of her persone.—24. our whole cuntree.—causes—caused ... to coine lead-money.

445, l. 28. And attour, her Grace places—Again, she so placeth.

446, l. 5. be his—by this.—11. remissionis, conform to the practise.

448, l. 2. fearing lest the.

449, l. 9. Pleise your Grace—Madame.

450, l. 2. Lord and Lady their true.—7. for worthy reasons.—16. sute—follow.—17, 18. maid oft before. Again we desire you cause.

451, l. 1. xxiii of October—24 of October.—10. that thei, (omitted.)—18. sa lang as they use us as friends, and not strive to make.

453, l. 2. name, requiring thame.—15. The ungodlie soldiouris, in hatred of goodnesse and good men, continuing in their disorder, mocke the Laird.—22. shall make them know me.

458, l. 9. without delay.

459, l. 6. The Captain of the Castle.—27. desyred, (omitted.)—21. back, the carriage of money was dejected.

460, l. 21. betimes in the morning for keeping.

461, l. 24, 462, l. 1. so that in no wise we could charge thame, (omitted.)

463, l. 7. after our departure.

464, l. 28. before lurked—there lurked.

465, l. 9. Alas if I might see another defie given: Give advertisement.

466, l. 22. continewalie, (omitted.)

468, l. 18. altogitther, (omitted.)

469, l. 23. I speak more generallie then the present necessity requireth: for.

470, l. 25. thair own formar offences.

471, l. 9. himself, I speik.

472, l. 10 and 12. uncertane—certaine.—19. when their blinde fury pursued us.—l. 16. (In the margin,) Let the House of Hamilton remember this.

473, l. 20. thair home and quiet.—23. With this we end the Second Book of the History, &c.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.



No. II.

THE LOLLARDS IN SCOTLAND DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

In tracing the History of the Reformation, we must always revert to a much earlier period than that of Luther. The chief witnesses against the corrupt ceremonies and discipline of the Church of Rome belonged to two distinct sects, but entertaining nearly the same sentiments—the Albigenses, who were chiefly settled about Toulouse and Albigeois, in Languedoc; and the Valdenses, who inhabited the mountainous tract of country, (known as the Cottian Alps,) in the provinces of Dauphine and Provence, in the south of France, and in Piedmont, in the north of Italy. Both sects may be considered as descendants of the primitive Christians, and the long series of persecutions which they endured, may have conduced to spread their opinions in other lands, and to keep alive a spirit of religious inquiry and freedom.

The great English Reformer John Wykliffe, died in the year 1380. The persecutions which arose after his death, drove many of his adherents into exile, and brought some of them to the western parts of Scotland, who, having settled in Ayrshire, obtained the name of the Lollards of Kyle. Any notices respecting them that have been preserved are unfortunately very scanty, but should not be overlooked in a work like the present.

Andrew of Wyntoun, Prior of Lochlevin, the author of a Metrical Chronicle, written about the year 1420, when recording the appointment of Robert Duke of Albany as Governor of Scotland, in the year 1405, commends him for his opposition to Lollards and Heretics:—

"He was a constant Catholike, All Lollard he hatyt, and Hereticke."—(vol. ii. p. 419.)

It was during his administration, that the first Martyr of the Reformed religion was committed to the flames at Perth, for alleged heresy, in the year 1406 or 1407. This was eight or nine years previously to the death of John Huss, that "generous and intrepid Martyr and confessor of Christ," as Luther justly calls him.

Walter Bower, the continuator of Fordun, is probably the only original historian who has preserved an account of Resby, of which the following is an extract:—

"LIB. XV. CAP. XX. DE COMBUSTIONE JACOBI RESBY HAERETICI APUD PERTH.

"Eodem anno [MCCCCVI] die combustus est JACOBUS RESBY, Presbyter Anglicus de schola Johannis Wykliff, haereticus condemnatus in concilio cleri sub magistro Laurentio de Lundoris, inquisitore haereticae pravitatis, solidissimo clerico et famoso theologo, vitae sanctitate quamplurimum collaudato. Qui quidem Jacobus, quamvis interdum celeberrimus reputabatur simplicibus praedicatione, periculosissimas tamen conclusiones intersperserat in sua dogmatizatione. Quarum prima fuit, quod Papa de facto non est Christi vicarius. Secunda, Nullus est Papa, nec Christi vicarius, nisi sit sanctus. De consimilibus, vel pejoribus, tenuit quadraginta conclusiones. Cujus tam Scripta quam auctorem Inquisitor confutavit, et ad ignem applicavit et incineravit. Hujusmodi errores excerpti sunt de haeresibus dicti Johannis Wykliff haeresiarchae, damnati Londoniis in Anglia, anno Domini MCCCLXXX, per primatem Angliae, et tredecim episcopos, ae magistros in sacra theologia triginta, ex dialogo, trialogo, et aliis suis libris. Conclusiones et libelli istius haeretici adhuc a nonnullis Lolardis habentur in Scotia, et curiose servantur, ex instinctu Diaboli, per tales quibus aquae furtivae dulciores sunt, et panis absconditus suavior."—(Vol. i. p. 441.)

The several abbreviates of the Scotichronicon notice Resby's fate. Law's MS. places it in 1406; but the larger "Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie," gives the year 1407, nor omits the circumstance "De talibus et pejoribus xl. Conclusiuncs; cujus liber adhuc restant curiose servantur per Lolardos in Scocie." Among later writers who mention Resby, Spotiswood says, "John Wickliffe in England, John Hus and Jerome of Prague in Bohemia, did openly preach against the tyranny of the Pope, and the abuses introduced in the Church; and in this countrey, one called Joannes [James] Resby an Englishman, and de schola Wickliffi, as the story speaketh, was brought in question for some points of doctrine which he taught, and condemned to the fire. He was charged by Master Laurence Lendores with 40 heretical opinions; whereof we have two only mentioned; one, That the Pope was not Christ's Vicar; the other, That he was not to be esteemed Pope, if he was a man of wicked life. For maintaining these two points, he suffered in the year 1407."—(History of the Church, p. 56.) This date is also given in the Breve Cronicon, (apud Registrum Glasguense, p. 316.) "Combustio Jacobi Henrici [Resby] apud Perth, A.D. 1407."

The prevalence of such opinions is still more evident from the oath which Masters of Arts were required to take, in the newly founded University of St. Andrews; it being enacted at a Congregation, held on the 10th of June 1416, that all who commenced Masters of Arts should swear, among other things, that they would resist all adherents of the sect of LOLLARDS. "Item, Jurabitis quod ecclesiam defendetis contra insultum Lollardorum, et quibuscunque eorum secte adherentibus pro posse vestro resistetis."—(MS. Records of the University, quoted by Dr. M'Crie, Life of Melville, vol. i. p. 419.)

Knox commences his History with referring to some person whose name did not appear in the Scrollis or Registers of Glasgow, who suffered in that city in the year 1422. David Buchanan and Petrie have rather hastily concluded that Resby was the person referred to, overlooking both the difference of time and the place of his execution.

Another proof of the increase of the Lollards in Scotland, is furnished by an Act in the Parliament of King James the First, held at Perth, on the 12th March 1424-5, soon after his return from his long captivity in England:—

"OF HERETICKIS AND LOLLARDIS.

"Item, Anentis Heretikis and Lollardis, that ilk Bischop sall ger inquyr be the Inquisicione of Heresy, quhar ony sik beis fundyne, ande at thai be punyst as Lawe of Haly Kirk requiris: Ande, gif it misteris, that Secular power be callyt tharto in suppowale and helping of Haly Kirk."—(Acta Parl. Scotiae, vol. ii. p. 7.)

The prevalence of reformed opinions is also clear from the appointment of a dignified Churchman as Heretical Inquisitor. Such an office would obviously never have been contemplated, unless for the wide spread of what was deemed to be heresy. Laurence of Lindores, Abbot of Scone, in 1411, was the first Professor of Law in the newly erected University of St. Andrews, and he is described as "solidissimus clericus et famosus theologus, vitae sanctitate quamplurimum collaudatus." But the title of HAERETICAE PRAVITATIS INQUISITOR, formed his highest distinction; and he is said to have given no peace or rest to heretics or Lollards. Whether Laurence of Lindores resigned his situation as Abbot on obtaining other preferment, is uncertain. In July 1432, when elected Dean of the Faculty of Arts, at St. Andrews, he is styled Rector of Creich, Master of Arts, Licentiate in Theology, Inquisitor for the Kingdom of Scotland, &c. This office of Dean he held till his death, when (post mortem felicis memoriae Magistri Laurencii de Lundoris,) Mr. George Newton, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Bothwell, was elected his successor, 16th September 1437.—(Registers of the University.) Lindores is said to have written "Examen Haereticorum Lolardorum, quos toto regno exegit."

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