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The Works of John Knox, Vol. 1 (of 6)
by John Knox
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IV. Walter Seyton, son and heir of Sir Ninian Seyton of Tullibody, had a charter of the barony of Touchfraser and Tullibody, 14th January 1535-6; and another, 4th May 1546.

Among Wodrow's Biographical Collections at Glasgow, are "Collections upon the Life of Alexander Seaton, Dominican Frier, Confessor to King James the Fifth, and afterwards Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk in England;" which are printed in the Appendix to "The History of the House of Seytoun," pp. 113-118, Glasgow 1829, 4to. But Wodrow's account consists of little else than mere extracts from Knox, Foxe, and Calderwood.

Alexander Seyton, as already stated, was educated at St. Andrews. A person of the same name became a Licentiate in 1501; but the Confessor may more probably be identified with Alexander Seyton, who, with David Seyton, appear among the Determinants in 1516, and the Intrants in 1518, as potentes, who paid the highest fees.

At page 48 I have suggested that the year of Seyton's flight to England, when he addressed his Letter to King James the Fifth, may have been 1535 or 1536. According to Knox, Seyton remained in England, and taught the Gospel in all sincerity; which drew upon him the power of Gardyner Bishop of Winchester, and led to his making a recantation or final declaration at Paul's Cross, in opposition to his former true doctrine. This was published at the time in a small tract, of which a copy is preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth. It is entitled, "The Declaracion made at Paules Crosse in the Cytye of London, the fourth Sonday of Advent, by Alexander Seyton, and Mayster Willyam Tolwyn, persone of S. Anthonyes in the sayd Cytye of London, the year of our Lord God M.D.XLI., newly corrected and amended." (The colophon,) "Imprinted at London in Saynt Sepulchre's parysshe, in the Olde Bayly, by Rychard Lant. Ad imprimendum solum." 12mo. eight leaves.

An account is given by Foxe of Seyton's examination, or "Certaine places or articles gathered out of Seyton's sermons by his adversaries;" which, he says, he "exhibits to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true doctrine Seyton then preached consonant to the Scriptures, but also what wrangling cauillers can do, in depraining that is right, or in wrastyng that is well ment, &c."—1177, edit. 1576.

Bale informs us that Seyton died in the year 1542, in the house of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, to whose household he officiated as Chaplain.—(Script. Bryt. Cent. xiv. p. 224.)



No. VIII.

SIR JOHN BORTHWICK.

Sir John Borthwick was a younger son of William third Lord Borthwick, who was slain at Floddon in 1513. Sir Ralph Sadler mentions "Captain Borthwick, Lieutenant of the French King's guard," as one of the persons who were appointed by James the Fifth, to accompany the English Ambassador when presented at Court in February 1539-40.—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 19.)

On the 28th of May 1539-40, or immediately after the baptism of Prince James, and after James the Fifth had purposed setting out on his voyage round the Western Isles, Borthwick had been cited to appear before Cardinal Beaton and other prelates at St. Andrews, on a charge of heresy. In the Cardinal's absence, who accompained the King in this expedition, Gawin Archbishop of Glasgow, and Lord Chancellor of Scotland, presided; but Borthwick having escaped to England, he was condemned, and excommunicated, and his effigy burnt at the market-cross of St. Andrews.

Soon after this Borthwick wrote a defence of himself, in the form of answers to the several articles of his accusation. It has been preserved by Foxe, in his Latin Commentaries printed at Basil, in 1559, folio, pp. 166-179, with the title of "Actio, Processus, seu Articuli contra D. Joan. Borthuicum, Equitem Auratum in Scotia, &c.," [1540,] to which is prefixed an address "D. Borthuichus ad Lectorem." In the first edition of Foxe's English "Actes and Monuments," 1564, pp. 574-586, and in 8vo. edit. 1838, vol. v. pp. 607-621, it occurs under this title, "The Act or Processe, or certain Articles agaynst Syr Jhon Borthuike knight, in Scotland; with the answer and confution of the said Borthuicke; whose Preface to the Reader here followeth, &c." But Foxe, when republishing his work, says, "For as muche as the storye of hym, with his Articles objected against hym, and his confutation of the same is already expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of Actes and Monuments, and because he being happily deliuered out of their handes had no more but onely his picture burned, referring the reader to the booke above mentioned, we wyll now, (the Lord willing,) prosecute such other as followed, &c."—(3d edition, 1576, p. 1230.)

After the Reformation, Borthwick brought an action of Declarator before John Wynram, Superintendent of Fife, (who, as Sub-prior of St. Andrews, had sat, in 1540, as one of his judges,) 20th of August 1561, and on the 5th of September following, the Articles and Sentence were reversed. The Process of Declarator, embodying the original Sentence and Articles extracted from the Register of Cardinal Beaton, is printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 251-263. See also Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. pp. 114-123; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 20; Lyon's St. Andrews, vol. i. pp. 288-290.—"This worthie knight, (says Calderwood,) ended his aige with fulnesse of daies at St. Andrewes." This took place before 1570, when William Borthwick is mentioned as son and heir of the late Sir John Borthwick of Cinery.



No. IX.

GEORGE WISHART THE MARTYR.

Calderwood states, that "Mr. George Wishart was a gentleman of the house of Pittarrow."—(Hist. vol. i. p. 185.) And in the Wodrow Miscellany, in an introductory notice, I have said, "He was born in the early part of the 16th century, and is believed to have been a younger son of James Wishart of Pittaro, who was admitted Justice Clerk, in December 1513, and continued till between 1520 and 1521."—(vol. i. p. 5.) Further inquiries have failed in ascertaining this point; and it must have been through some collateral branch if any such relationship existed. A note of various early charters relating to the Wisharts of Pittaro, was most obligingly communicated by Patrick Chalmers of Auldbar, Esq.; and several others are contained in the Register of the Great Seal; but the want of space, and their not serving to throw any light upon the Martyr's parentage, causes me to omit such notices. There is a fine old portrait, not unworthy of Holbein, said to be of George Wishart, in the possession of Archibald Wishart, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh, which bears the date, M.D.XLIII. AEtat. 30. If this portrait can be identified, the date would fix his birth to the year 1513. But his early history and education are quite unknown. The facts discovered relating to his history may briefly be stated.

* * * * *

1538. Wishart had been employed as master of a school in Montrose; but being summoned by John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, on a charge of heresy, for teaching his scholars the Greek New Testament, he fled to England. See Petrie's History of the Catholick Church, part 2, p. 182. Hague 1662, folio.

1539. He was at Bristol, preaching against the worship and mediation of the Virgin Mary; but he was led to make a public recantation, and burnt his faggot in the Church of St. Nicholas in that city, in token of his abjuration. It was probably immediately after this humiliating act that he went abroad.

1542. He appears to have remained in Germany and Switzerland till after the death of James the Fifth. He mentions in his Examination, (see supra, page 159,) a conversation he had with a Jew, while sailing on the Rhine. About the same time he translated "The Confession of Faith of the Churches of Switzerland," which was printed a year or two after his death, and which has been reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 1-23.

1543. This year he was residing us a member of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, according to the interesting account of his habits and acquirements by his pupil Emery Tylney, which is preserved in Foxe's Martyrology.

1544, or in the following year, he returned to Scotland; and he continued to preach in different parts of the country; at Montrose, Dundee, and in Ayrshire, and subsequently at Leith, and in East-Lothian.

1546. On the 16th of January he was apprehended at Ormiston, carried prisoner first to Edinburgh, and then to St. Andrews. His trial was on the 28th of February, and his execution on the 1st of March: (see supra, page 144.) Three months later Cardinal Beaton was assassinated.

* * * * *

In a work like the present, it is desirable to avoid all controversial remarks; but I hope to be excused in offering a few words in regard to what has been considered a serious charge against George Wishart.

The precise date of Wishart's return to Scotland is very doubtful. Knox, (supra, page 125,) places it in 1544, but joins this with an explanation which might carry it back to July 1543, and with the defeat of the Governor, which belongs to a later period. Mr. Tytler, (Hist. vol. v. p. 343,) says, "From the time of his arrival in the summer of 1543, for more than two years Wishart appears to have remained in Scotland, protected by the barons who were then in the interest of Henry, and who favoured the doctrines of the Reformation." Yet nevertheless, according to Mr. Tytler, and later authorities, he was employed as a messenger in May 1544, conveying letters from Crichton of Brunstone to the Earl of Hertford at Newcastle, and from thence, with other letters, to Henry the Eighth, in relation to a projected scheme devised by the Laird of Brunstone for the assassination of Cardinal Beaton; and after having had an interview with the King at Greenwich, returning first to Newcastle, and then to Scotland. This employment—which has been held up as a notable discovery—proceeds upon the fact of "a Scotishman, called Wyshart," being mentioned as the bearer of the letters referred to; and the Laird of Brunstone having been Wishart's "great friend and protector," in 1546, hence it is concluded that the person employed was George Wishart the Martyr. Among the Wisharts of that time the name of George was not peculiar to him. George Wischart was one of the bailies of Dundee, 3d May 1560, and for several years previously; and in the Protocol book of Thomas Ireland, notary public in Dundee, belonging to that borough, I observed the copy of a deed, in which "Georgius Wischart, frater-germanus Joannis Wischart de Pettarrow," was one of the procurators in a matter concerning "Georgius Wischart, armiger Crucis regis Galliae," 14th June 1565.

Now, in reply to the above argument, I beg to remark, that there is no certain evidence of George Wishart having returned to Scotland earlier than 1544 or 1545; that if the name of George Wishart had been specified in the letters, there were other persons of that name who might equally have been employed in such services; and that if it had been ascertained beyond all doubt that he possessed a full knowledge of the plots against Beaton devised by Crichton of Brunstone, even then, according to the terms of the Earl of Hertford's letter, and confirmed by the letter in reply from the English Council, the attempt was to be confined to the arrestment of the Cardinal, while passing through Fife—the proposal of sleeing him, having been suggested only as an alternative, in case of necessity.

But to say nothing of the uncongenial nature of the employment, to a man such as described by his devoted pupil Emery Tylney, who had been under his tuition at Cambridge, for twelve months, in 1543, it may further be urged,—

1. That Wishart had no occasion to entertain a personal animosity to the Cardinal; and that being denounced, or put to the horn, and liable to summary arrestment and execution, he could not have undertaken the task at such a time, of carrying letters and messages between the conspirators.

2. That the plots against Beaton being well known, even to the Cardinal himself, if Wishart had in any way been concerned in them, it would unquestionably have formed a leading accusation against him in his trial,—but no allusion to such a charge was ever whispered.

And lastly,—That the actual enterprise, by which the Castle of St. Andrews was taken, and the Cardinal murdered, on the 29th of May, was in a great measure a scheme hastily arranged and executed, mainly in revenge of the Martyr's own fate, and ALTOGETHER UNCONNECTED AND UNINFLUENCED by any former plots devised by Crichton of Brunstone, but which have been employed to implicate the irreproachable character of GEORGE WISHART.



No. X.

JOHN ROUGH.

A brief notice of this very zealous preacher is given at page 187. I regret that only a portion can be added in this place of the interesting account of his examination and death in December 1558, as preserved in Foxe's "Actes and Monuments." Calderwood's account of Rough's martyrdom, (Hist. vol. i. p. 251,) is abridged from the same authority.

"THE DEATH AND MARTYRDOME OF JOHN ROWGH, MINISTER, AND MARGARET MEARYNG, BURNED AT LONDON THE XXII. OF DECEMBER.

In this furious time of persecution, were also burned these twoo constaunt and faithfull Martyrs of Christe, John Rough a Minister, and Margarette Mearyng.

This Rough was borne in Scotland, who (as him selfe confesseth in his aunsweres to Boners Articles) because some of his kinsfolke woulde haue kept him from his right of inheritaunce which he had to certaine landes, did at the age of xvij. yeares, in despite (and the rather to displease his frendes) professe hym selfe into the order of the blacke Friers at Sterlyng in Scotland: where he remained the space of xvi. yeares, vntill suche tyme as the Lorde Hamulton, Earle of Arren, and Gouernour of the Realme of Scotlande aforesaid (castyng a fauour vnto hym) did sue vnto the Archbishop of S. Andrewes, to haue him out of his professed order, that as a secular Priest he might serue hym for his Chaplaine. At whiche request the Archbishop caused the Prouinciall of that house, hauyng thereto authoritie, to dispence with hym for his habite and order.

This sute beeyng thus by the Earle obtained, the said Rough remained in his seruice one whole yeare: during which time it pleased God to open his eyes, and to geue hym some knowledge of his truthe, and thereupon was by the said Gouernour sent to preache in the freedome of Ayre, where he continued four yeares, and then after the death of the Cardinall of Scotland, hee was appointed to abide at S. Andrewes, & there had assigned vnto hym a yearely pension of XX. pound from kyng Henry the eight, kyng of England. Howbeit, at last waiyng with him selfe his owne daunger, and also abhorryng the Idolatrie and superstition of his countrey, and hearyng of the freedome of the Gospell within this Realme of England, hee determined with hym selfe not to tary any longer there: And therefore soone after the battaile of Musclebourough, he came first vnto Carliell, and from thence vnto the Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protectour of England, and by his assignement had appointed vnto him out of the kinges treasury XX. poundes of yearely stipend, and was sent (as a preacher) to serue at Carliell, Barwicke, and Newcastell. From whence (after he had there, according to the lawes of God, and also of this Realme, taken a countrey woman of his to wife) he was called by the Archbishop of Yorke that then was, vnto a benefice nigh in the towne of Hull: where hee continued vntill the death of that blessed and good king, Edward VI.

But in the beginnyng of the reigne of Queene Mary (perceauyng the alteration of Religion, and the persecution that would thereupon arise, and feelyng hys owne weakenes) he fled with his wife into Friseland, and dwelt there at a place culled Morden, labouryng truely for his liuyng, in knittyng of Cappes, hose, and suche like thinges, till about the ende of the moneth of October last before his death. At whiche tyme, lackyng yearne and other such necessary prouision for the mainteinaunce of his occupation, he came ouer againe into England, here to prouide for the same, and the x. day of Nouember arriued at London. Where hearyng of the secrete societie, and holy congregation of Gods children there assembled, he ioyned himselfe vnto them, and afterwardes beyng elected their Minister and Preacher, did continue moste vertuously exercised in that Godly fellowship, teaching and confirmyng them in the truth and Gospell of Christe. But in the ende such was the prouidence of God, who disposeth all thinges to the best, the xij. daye of December, he with Cutbert Simson and others, through the crafty and traiterous suggestion of a false hipocrite and dissembling brother called Roger Sargeaunt, a taylor, were apprehended by the Vicechamberlaine of the Queenes house, at the Saracens heade in Islington: where the Congregation had then purposed to assemble themselues to their godly and accustomable exercises of prayer, and hearyng the word of God: which pretence, for the safegard of all the rest, they yet at their examinations, couered and excused by hearing of a play that was then appointed to be at that place. The Vice Chamberlaine after he had apprehended them, caried Rough and Simson vnto the Counsell, who charged them to haue assembled together to celebrate the communion or supper of the Lord, and therefore after sundry examinations and aunsweres, they sent the saide Rough vnto Newgate: but his examinations they sent vnto the Bishop of London, with a Letter signed with their handes, the copy whereof followeth.

A LETTER SENT FROM THE QUEENES COUNCELL VNTO BONER BISHOP OF LONDON, TOUCHING THE EXAMINATION OF IOHN ROUGH MINISTER.

After our hartye commendations to your good Lordship, we sende you here inclosed the examination of a Scotish man, named Iohn Rough, who by the Queenes Maiesties commaundement is presently sent to Newgate, beeyng of the chief of them that vpon Sondaie laste, vnder the colour of commyng to see a Play at the Saracen's head in Islington, had prepared a Communion to be celebrated and received there among certaine other seditious and hereticall persons. And forasmuche as by the sayd Roughes examination, contayning the storie and progresse of his former life, it well appeareth of what sort he is: the Queenes highnes hath willed vs to remit him vnto your Lordship, to the end that beyng called before you out of prison, as oft as your Lordship shall thinke good, ye maie proceede, both to his further examination, and otherwise orderyng of him, accordyng to the lawes, as the case shall require.

And thus we bid your Lordship hartely wel to fare. From S. James the XV. of December, 1557.

Your Lordships louyng frendes.

NICHOLAS EBOR. F. SHREWSBERY. EDWARD HASTINGES. ANTONY MOUNTAGUE. IOHN BOURNE. HENRY IERNEGAM.

Boner now minding to make quicke dispatch, did within three dayes after the receite of the letter (the xviij. day of December) send for thys Rough out of Newgate, and in his palace at London ministered vnto him xij. Articles: Many whereof because they containe onely questions of the profession and religion of that age, wherein both he and his parentes were christened (which in sundry places are already mentioned) I do here for breuitie omit: minding to touch such onely, as pertayne to matters of faith now in controuersie, and then chiefely obiected agaynst the Martyrs and Saintes of God, which in effect are these."

* * * * *

For these Articles against John Rough, and his Answers, and also a Letter written by him in prison, with a further notice of his appearance before Bishop Bonner, the reader must be referred to Foxe's own work. His fellow-sufferer Margaret Mearyng, was one of his flock: after being condemned and degraded, both of them were "led vnto Smithfield the xxij. daye of December 1558, and there most joyfully gave up their lives for the profession of Christes Gospell."



No. XI.

NORMAN LESLEY.

Norman Lesley, the eldest son of George Earl of Rothes, (see page 176,) is first named in the Parliamentary proceedings against the murderers of Cardinal Beaton; and a dagger, the sheath of silver richly chased, and the handle of ivory, preserved at Leslie House, according to tradition, was made use of by him on that occasion. Although he may be considered as the leader in that enterprise, there is no evidence to shew that he was actually one of the perpetrators. The cause of his hostility is said to have thus originated. The lands of Easter Wemyss in Fife, became annexed to the Crown by the forfeiture of Sir James Colville, (then deceased,) 18th March 1541; and were given by James the Fifth to the Rothes family. After the King's death, the forfeiture was reduced in Parliament on the 12th December 1543, under the direction of Cardinal Beaton; which so offended the Master of Rothes, that it is said to have been the proximate cause of the Cardinal's murder.—(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 25.)

After Lesley's forfeiture and imprisonment in France, he visited various countries, and also returned to Scotland. On the 10th of May 1553, the Lairds of Phillorth, Fyvie, Meldrum, and others, were summoned "to underly the law for the resset of Normond Leslie."—(Treasurer's Accounts.) His subsequent history is thus related by Spottiswood:—

"After his release from captivity he returned into Scotland, but fearing the Governour he went into Denmark, where not finding that kind reception he expected, he betook himself to England, and had an honourable pension allowed him; which was thankfully answered during the reign of Edward the Sixt. Queen Mary succeeding, he found not the like favour, and thereupon went to France, where he had a company of men of Armes given him, with which he served the French King in his warres against the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and in pursuing the enemy whom he had in chase, was wounded with the shot of a pistoll, whereof he died the day after, at Montreul. He was a man of noble qualities, and full of courage, but falling unfortunately in the slaughter of the Cardinal, which he is said at his dying to have sore repented, he lost himself and the expectation which was generally held of his worth."—(History, p. 90.)

It appears that Norman Lesley at the time he entered the service of the King of France, had obtained absolution from the Court of Rome for his share in the Cardinal's murder. A particular account of his death is preserved by Sir James Melville, and may here be quoted:—

"Bot the King drew langis the frontiers toward a gret strenth callit Renty, wher he planted his camp and beseigit the said strenth, quhilk I hard the Constable promyse to delyuer vnto the K. before the end of aucht dayes. Quhilk promyse was not keped, for themperour cam in persone with his armye for the releif therof.... At quhilk tym Normond Lesly maister of Rothes wan gret reputation. For with a thretty Scotis men he raid up the bray vpon a faire grey gelding; he had aboue his corsellet of blak veluet, his cot of armour with tua braid whyt croises, the ane before and thother behind, with sleues of mailze, and a red knappisk bonet vpon his head, wherby he was kend and sean a far aff be the Constable, Duc of Augien and Prince of Conde. Wher with his thretty he chargit vpon threscore of ther horsmen with culuerins, not folowed with seuen of his nomber; wha in our sicht straik v of them fra ther horse with his speir, before it brak; then he drew his swerd and ran in amang them, not caring ther continuell schutting, to the admiration of the behalders. He slew dyuers of them; at lenth when he saw a company of speirmen comming doun against him, he gaif his horse the spurris, wha carried him to the Constable and fell doun dead, for he had many schotis: and worthy Normond was also schot in dyuers partis, wherof he died xv dayes efter. He was first caried to the Kingis awin tent, wher the Duc of Augyen and Prince of Conde told his Maiestie that Hector of Troy was not mair vailzeand them the said Normond: whom the K. wald so dressit with his awen serurgiens, and maid gret mean for him; sa did the Constable and all the rest of the Princes. Bot na man maid mair dule nor the Lard of Grange, wha cam to the camp the nyxt day efter, fra a quyet raid wher he had been directed."—(Memoirs, p. 25, Bannatyne Club edition, Edinb. 1827, 4to.)

* * * * *

Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, married Issobel Lindesay, daughter of John fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, but left no issue; and, as stated in note 588, the title, on his father's death, in 1558, devolved on Andrew, the son of a second marriage.

No. XII.

ADAM WALLACE.

John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley and Bishop-Elect of Dunkeld, was nominated by his brother the Governor to the See of St. Andrews, as Beaton's successor, in 1546; and after a considerable period, his appointment was confirmed at the Court of Rome. On the 19th March 1546-7, in the name of the Bishops and Kirkmen, he presented a Supplication to the Governor and Council, for "help and remeid against the Sacramentaris and those infected with the pestilential hersie of Luther;" while others, it is added, "abjurit and relapsit, baneist of auld, now comes pertlie [openly] without any dreidour, nocht allenarly in the far parts of the Realme, but als to the Court and presens of your Lordships, and sometimes preaches opinlie, and instructs utheris in the said dampnable heresies."—(Keith's History, vol. i. p. 147.) During his negociations with the Court of Rome, Hamilton transmitted an Information, urging his claims as Primate and Legatus Natus. He refers in it to the increasing number of heretics in the diocese of Glasgow, both in the time of the late Archbishop, (Gawin Dunbar, who died in 1547,) and during the vacancy in that See, and assumes credit to himself for having visited that diocese and purged it of many obnoxious heretics; and in particular, for having expelled that apostate Macbraire, from the house of Ochiltree, and inflicted heavy fines on his adherents, and for having caused (Vallasius) Wallace, a native of that diocese, after he had been convicted and condemned for heresy, before a convention of the nobility and clergy, to be delivered over to the secular power, to the flames. (Mackeson's MS. as quoted in M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 292.)

In addition to note 3 at page 237, it may be mentioned, that Wallace had been employed in the family of Cockburn of Ormiston, in teaching his children after they had been deprived of Knox's instructions, and while Cockburn himself was forfeited and in exile.

The following account of Wallace's trial and condemnation is copied from Foxe's Actes and Monuments, and may be compared with that given by Knox, at pages 237-241. In reference to the formidable array of prelates and the nobility assembled in the Church of the Blackfriars' Monastery, to the trial of this "simple man," whom Knox celebrates as "zealous in godliness, and of an upright life," I find in the Treasurer's Accounts, that between July and September 1550, the sum of L2, 17s. 4d. was paid to James Dalyell, (who was "one of the Masters of Work,") "quhilk he debursit in preparing of ane scaffald the tyme of the accusatioun of Wallace."

"THE STORY AND MARTYRDOME OF ADAM WALLACE IN SCOTLAND.

"There was set vpon a scaffold made hard to the Chauncellary wall of the blacke Friers Church in Edinbrough on seates made thereupon, the Lord Gouernour. Aboue him at his backe sat M. Gawin Hamelton Deane of Glasgue, representing the Metropolitane Pastor thereof. Upon a seat on his right hand sat the Archbishop of S. Andrewes. At his backe, and aside somewhat stoode the Officiall [of] Lowthaine. Next to the Byshop of S. Andrewes, the bishop of Dumblane, the byshop of Murray, the Abbot of Dunfermling, the Abbot of Glenluce, wyth other Churchmen of lower estimation, as the Official of S. Andrewes and other Doctours of that nest and Citie. And at the other end of the seat sat Maister [of] Uchiltrie. On his left hand sat the Earle of Argyle Justice, with his deputye Syr John Campbell of Lundy vnder his feete. Next hym the Earle of Huntly. Then the Earle of Anguish, the Byshop of Gallaway, the Prior of S. Andrewes, the Bishop of Orknay, the Lord Forbes, Dane John Wynrime Suppriour of S. Andrewes, and behinde the seates stoode the whole senate, the Clarke of the Register, &c.

At the further end of the Chauncelary wall in the pulpit was placed M. John Lauder Parson of Marbottle, Accuser, clad in a surplice, and a red hood, and a great Congregation of the whole people in the body of the Church, standing on the ground. After that, Syr John Ker Prebendary of S. Gyles Church was accused, conuicted, and condemned, for the false making and geuing forth of a sentence of diuorce, and thereby falsly diuorced and parted a man and hys lawfull wyfe, in the name of the Deane of Roscalrige [Restalrig], and certayne other Judges appointed by the holy Father the Pope. He graunted the falshood, and that neuer any such thing was done in deede, nor yet ment nor moued by the foresayd Judges; and was agreed to be banished the realmes of Scotland and England for hys lyfe tyme, and to lose his right hand if he were found or apprehended therin hereafter, and in the meane time to leaue his benefices for euer, and they to be vacant.

After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poore man in appearance, conueyed by John of Cunnoke seruant to the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and set in the middest of the scaffold, who was commaunded to looke to the accuser: who asked him what was hys name. He aunswered, Adam Wallace. The accuser said he had an other name, which he graunted, and sayd he was commonly called Feane. Then asked he where he was borne; Within two myle of Fayle (sayd he) in Kyle. Then sayd the accuser, I repent that euer such a poore man as you should put these noble Lordes to so great encumbrance thys day by your vayne speakyng. And I must speake (sayd he) as God geueth me grace, and I beleue I haue sayd no euill to hurt any body. Would God (sayd the Accuser) ye had neuer spoken, but you are brought forth for so horrible crimes of heresie, as neuer was imagined in thys countrey of before, and shall be sufficiently proued, that ye cannot deny it: and I forethinke that it should be heard, for hurting of weak consciences. Now I wyll ye thee no more, and thou shalt heare the pointes that thou art accused of.

Adam Wallace, alias Feane, thou art openly delated and accused for preaching, saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and abominable heresies vnderwritten. In the first, thou hast sayd and taught, that the bread and wyne on the altar, after the wordes of consecration, are not the body and bloud of Jesu Christ. He turned to the Lord Gouernour, and Lords aforesayd, saying: I sayd neuer nor taught nothyng, but that I found in this booke and writte (hauyng there a Bible at his belte, in French, Dutch, and English) which is the worde of God, and if you will be content that the Lord God and his worde be Judge to me and this his holy writ, here it is, and where I haue sayd wrong, I shall take what punishment you will put to me: for I neuer said nothyng concerning this that I am accused of, but that which I found in this writte.

What diddest thou say, sayd the Accuser? I sayd (quoth he) that after our Lord Jesus Christ had eaten the Pascall Lambe in hys latter Supper wyth his Apostles, and fulfilled the ceremonies of the olde law, he instituted a new Sacrament in remembrance of his death then to come. He tooke bread, he blessed, and brake it, and gaue it to hys Disciples, and sayde: "Take ye, eate ye, thys is my bodye, which shall be broken and geuen for you: And lykewise the cuppe, blessed, and badde them drinke all therof, for that was the cup of the new testament, which shoulde be shedde for the forgeuing of many. How oft ye do thys, do it in my remembraunce." (Matth. 26.)

Then sayd the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and the Officiall of Lowthaine, with the Deane of Glasgue, and many other Prelates: We know this well enough. The earle of Huntly sayd: Thou aunswerest not to that which is laide to thee: say either yea or nay therto. He aunswered, If ye wyll admitte God and his word spoken by the mouth of hys blessed sonne Jesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour, ye wyll admit that I haue sayd: for I haue sayd or taught nothing, but that the word, which is the triall and touchstone, sayth, whiche ought to be Judge to me, and to all the world.

Why (quoth the Earle of Huntly) hast thou not a Judge good enough; and trowest thou that we know not God and his worde; Aunswere to that is spoken to thee: and then they made the accuser speake the same thyng ouer agayne. Thou saydest (quoth the accuser) and hast taught, that the bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, are not ye body and bloud of our Sauiour Jesus Christ.

He aunswered: I sayd neuer more then the write sayth, nor yet more then I haue sayd before. For I know well by S. Paule when he sayth: Whosoeuer eateth this bread, and drinketh of this cup vnworthely, receaueth to himselfe damnation. (1 Cor. xi.) And therfore when I taught (which was but seldome, and to them onely which required and desired me) I sayd, that if the Sacrament of the aultar were truly ministred, and vsed as the sonne of the liuyng God did institute it, where that was done, there was God himselfe by his divine power, by the which he is ouer all.

The Byshop of Orkney asked him: Beleuest thou not (sayd he) that the bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, is the very body of God, flesh, bloud, and bone?

He aunswered: I wot not what that word consecration meaneth. I haue not much Latin, but I beleue that the sonne of God was conceaued of the holy Ghost, and borne of the virgine Mary, and hath a naturall body with handes, feete, and other members, and in the same body hee walked vp and downe in the world, preached, and taught, he suffered death vnder Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, and that by his godly power hee raysed that same body agayne the thyrd day: and the same body ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, whiche shall come agayne to iudge both the quicke and the dead. And that this body is a naturall body with handes and feete, and can not be in two places at once, hee sheweth well him selfe: For the whiche euerlastyng thankes be to hym that maketh this matter cleare. When the woman brake the oyntment on hym, aunsweryng to some of his Disciples whiche grudged thereat, hee sayd: The poore shall you haue alwayes with you, but me shall you not haue alwayes, (Math. 26.) meanyng of his naturall body. And likewise at his Ascension sayd he to the same Disciples that were fleshly, and would euer haue had him remainyng with them corporally: It is needefull for you that I passe away, for if I passe not away, the comforter the holy Ghost shall not come to you (John 16.) (meanyng that his naturall body behoued to be taken away from them): But be stoute and of good cheare, for I am with you vnto the worldes end. (Math. 28. John 16.) And that the eatyng of his very flesh profiteth not, may well be knowen by his wordes whiche he spake in the vj. of John, where after that he had sayd: Except ye eate my flesh and drinke my bloud, ye shal not haue life in you: they murmuryng thereat, he reproued them for their grosse & fleshly takyng of his wordes, and sayd: What will ye thinke when ye see the sonne of man ascend to the place that it came fro? It is the spirite that quickneth, the flesh profiteth nothyng, (John. 6,) to be eaten as they tooke it, and euen so take ye it.

It is an horrible heresie, sayd the Byshop of Orknay. When he began to speake agayne, and the Lord Gouernour iudge if hee had right by the write, the Accuser cryed: Ad Secundam. Nunc ad Secundam, aunswered the Archbyshop of S. Andrewes.

Then was he bidden to heare the Accuser, who propounded the second Article, and sayd: Thou saydedst lykewise, and openly byddest teach, that the Masse is very Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God.

He aunswered and sayd: I haue read the Bible and word of God in three tounges, and haue vnderstand them so farre as God gaue me grace, and yet read I neuer that word Masse in it all: but I found (sayd he) that the thyng that was hyghest and most in estimation amongest men, and not in the word of God, was Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God. And I say the Masse is holden greatly in estimation, and hygh amongest men, and is not founded in the word, therefore I sayd it was Idolatry and abhominable in the sight of God. But if any man will finde it in the Scripture, and proue it by Gods word, I will graunt myne errour, and that I haue fayled: otherwise not, and in that case I will submit me to all lawfull correction and punishment. Ad Tertiam, sayd the Archbyshop.

Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast sayd and openly taught that the GOD which we worshyp, is but bread, sowen of corne, growyng of the earth, baked of mens handes, and nothyng els.

He aunswered, I worshyp the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, three persons in one Godhead, whiche made and fashioned the heauen and earth, and all that is therein of naught, but I know not which God you worship: and if you will shewe me whom you worship, I shall shewe you, what he is, as I can by my iudgemene.

Beleuest thou not (sayd the Accuser) that the sacrament of the alter, after the wordes of the consecration betwixt the Priestes handes, is the very body and bloud of the sonne of God, & God hymself? What the body of God is, sayd he, & what kynde of body he hath, I haue shewed you, so farre as I haue found in scripture.

Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast preached, sayd, and openly taught diuers and sundry other great errours and abhominable heresies agaynst all the vij. sacraments, which for shortnes of tyme I pretermit and ouer pass. Whether doest thou graunt thy foresayd Articles that thou art accused of, or no, and thou shalt heare them shortly? and then repeted the accuser the iij. Articles aforesayde shortly ouer, and asked him whether he graunted or denied them.

He aunswered that before he had said of his aunsweres, and that he sayd nothyng, but agreeing to the holy word as he vnderstoode, so God iudge him, and his owne conscience accuse hym, and thereby woulde he abide vnto the tyme he were better instructed by scripture, and the contrary proued, euen to the death: and said to the Lord Gouernour and other Lordes: if you condemne me for holding by Gods word, my innocent bloud shalbe required at your handes, when ye shalbe brought before the iudgement seat of Christ, who is mightie to defend my innocent cause, before whome ye shall not denye it, nor yet be able to resiste hys wrath: to whom I referre the vengeaunce, as it is written: "Vengeaunce is myne, and I will rewarde." (Heb. 10.)

Then gaue they forth sentence, and condemned him by the lawes, and so left him to the secular power, in the handes of Syr John Campbell Justice deputie, who deliuered hym to the Prouost of Edenbrough to be burnt on the Castlehill; who incontinent made hym to be put in the vppermost house in the towne wyth irons about his legges and necke, and gaue charge to Syr Hew Terrye to keepe the key of the sayde house, an ignoraunt minister and impe of Sathan, and of the Byshops; who by direction, sent to the poore man two Gray Friers to instructe hym, wyth whom he woulde enter into no commoning. Soone after that was sent in two blacke Friers, an Englishe Frier & an other subtile sophister called Arbircromy, with the which Englishe Frier he would haue reasoned and declared hys fayth by the scriptures. Who aunswered, he had no commission to enter in disputation with hym, and so departed and left him.

Then was sent to hym a worldly wise man, and not vngodly in the vnderstanding of the truth, the Deane of Roscalrige,[1074] who gaue hym Christian consolation, amongest the which he exhorted him to beleue the realtie of the sacrament after the consecration. But he would consent to nothing that had not euidence in the holy scripture, and so passed ouer that night in singing, and lauding God to the eares of diuers hearers, hauing learned the Psalter of Dauid without booke, to his consolation: For before they had spoyled hym of hys Bible, which alwaies til after he was condemned, was with him where euer he went. After that, Syr Hew knew that he had certaine bookes to read and comfort his spirit, who came in a rage & tooke the same from him, leauing him desolate (to his power) of all consolation, and gaue diuers vngodly & injurious prouocations by his deuilishe venome, to haue peruerted him a poore innocent, from the patience & hope he had in Christ hys Sauiour: but God suffered him not to be moued therewith, as plainely appeared to the hearers and seers for the tyme.

So all the next morning abode this poore man in yrons, and prouision was commaunded to be made for his burnyng agaynst the next day. Which day the Lord Gouernour, and all the principall both spirituall and temporall Lords departed from Edenbrough to their other busines.

After they were departed, came the Deane of Roscalrige to him againe & reasoned with him after his wit. Who aunswered as before, he would say nothing concerning his faith, but as the scripture testifieth, yea though an Aungell came from heauen to perswade him to the same: sauing that he confessed himselfe to haue receaued good consolation of the said Deane in other behalfes, as becommeth a Christian.

Then after came in the said Terry again & examined him after his old maner, and said he would garre deuils to come forth of him ere euen. To whom he aunswered: you should be a godly man to geue me rather consolation in my case. When I knewe you were come, I prayed God I myght resiste your temptations, which I thanke him, he hath made me able to doe: therefore I pray you let me alone in peace. Then he asked of one of the Officers that stoode by, Is your fire makyng ready? Who tolde hym it was. He aunswered, as it pleaseth God: I am ready soone or late, as it shall please him: and then he spake to one faythfull in that company, & bad him commend him to all the faythfull, beyng sure to meete together with them in heauen. From that tyme to his forth commyng to the fire, spake no man with him.

At his forth commyng, the Prouost with great manasing wordes forbad him to speake to any man or any to him, as belyke he had commaundement of his superiours. Commyng from the towne to the Castle hill, the common people sayd, God haue mercy vpon him. And on you to (sayd he). Beyng beside the fire he lifted vp his eyn to heauen twise or thrise, and sayd to the people: Let it not offend you, that I suffer the death this day, for the truthes sake, for the Disciple is not aboue his Master. Then was the Prouost angry that he spake. Then looked he to heauen agayne, and sayd: They will not let me speake. The corde beyng about hys necke, the fire was lighted, and so departed he to God constauntly, and with good countenaunce to our sightes. Ex testimonijs & literis e petitis, an. 1550."



No. XIII.

WALTER MYLN.

The trial and condemnation of this venerable priest has been noticed by all our ecclesiastical historians—including George Buchanan, and Lindesay of Pitscottie. See Knox, supra, p. 308; Calderwood, vol. i. p. 337; Spottiswood, p. 95; Howie's Scots Worthies, &c. The account preserved by Foxe, is however the most minute and interesting.

In his earlier years Myln had travelled in Germany, and afterwards became priest of the church of Lunan, in Angus. Information having been laid against him for refusing to say Mass in the time of Cardinal Beaton, he abandoned his cure; but after many years had elapsed, he was taken in the town of Dysart, in Fife, and carried to St. Andrews, where after the trial, as recorded in the following extracts, he was condemned to the flames, on the 28th April 1558. Buchanan, who calls him "a priest of no great learning," erroneously places his death in April 1559. All the authorities concur in describing him as a decrepit old man of eighty-two years of age; but no notice is taken of the circumstance that during the later period of his life, probably while in retirement, he had married; and that his widow survived him many years. This appears from a payment in the Accounts of the Collector General of Thirds of Benefices, 1573, when there was paid "To the relict of umquhile Walter Myln, according to the allowance of the old comptis, L6, 13s. 4d."

"THE MARTYRDOME OF THE BLESSED SERUAUNT OF GOD, WALTER MILLE.

"Among the rest of the Martyrs of Scotland, the marueilous constancie of Walter Mille is not to be passed ouer with silence. Out of whose ashes sprang thousandes of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who altogether chose rather to dye, then to be any longer ouertroden by the tyranny of the foresayd, cruell, ignoraunt, and beastly Byshops, Abbots, Monkes, and Friers, and so began the congregation of Scotland to debate the True Religion of Christ agaynst the Frenchmen and Papistes, who sought alwayes to depresse and keepe downe the same: for it began soon after the Martyrdome of Walter Mille, of the which the forme hereafter followeth.

In the yeare of our Lord, 1558, in the tyme of Mary Duches of Longawayll Queene Regent of Scotland, and the sayd John Hamelton beyng Byshop of S. Andrewes, and Primate of Scotland, this Walter Mille (who in his youth had bene a papist) after that he had bene in Almaine, & had heard the doctrine of the Gospell, he returned agayne into Scotland, and setting aside all Papistry and compelled chastitie, maryed a wife, whiche thyng made him vnto the Byshops of Scotland to be suspected of heresie: and after long watchyng of hym hee was taken by two Popishe Priestes, one called sir George Straqwhen, and the other sir Hew Turry,[1075] seruauntes to the sayd Byshop for the tyme, within the town of Dysart in Fiffe, and brought to S. Andrewes and imprisoned in the Castle thereof. He beyng in prison, the Papistes earnestly trauailed and laboured to haue seduced him, and threatned him with death and corporall tormentes, to the entent they would cause him to recant and forsake the truth. But seyng they could profit nothyng thereby, and that he remained still firme and constaunt, they laboured to perswade him by fayre promises, and offere vnto hym a Monkes portion for all the dayes of his lyfe, in the Abbaye of Dunfermelyng, so that hee would denye the thynges he had taught, and graunt that they were heresie: but he continuyng in the truth euen vnto the end, despised their threatnynges and fayre promises.

Then assembled together the byshops of S. Andrewes, Murray, Brechin, Caitnes, and Atheins, the Abbots of Dunfermelyng, Landors, Balindrinot, and Cowper, with Doctours of Theologie of S. Andrewes, as John Greson Blacke Frier, and Dane John Uynrame Suppriour of S. Andrewes, William Cranston Provost of the old Colledge, with diuers others, as sondry Friers black & gray. These being assembled and hauyng consulted together, he was taken out of prison and brought to the Metropolitane church where he was put in a Pulpit before the Bishops to be accused, the 20. day of Aprill. Beyng brought vnto the church and climyng vp to the Pulpit, they seyng him so weake and feeble of person, partly by age and trauaile, & partly by euill intreatment, that without helpe he could not clime vp, they were in dispayre not to haue heard him for weakenesse of voyce. But when he began to speake, he made the Churche to ryng and sounde agayne, with so great courage & stoutnes, that the Christians which were present, were no lesse rejoyced, then the aduersaries were confounded and ashamed. He beyng in the Pulpit, and on his knees at Prayer, sir Andrew Oliphant one of the Byshops Priestes, commanded hym to arise and to aunswere to his Articles, saying on this manner: sir Walter Mille, arise and aunswere to the Articles, for you hold my Lord here ouer long. To whom Walter after he had finished his prayer, aunswered saying: we ought to obey God more then men, I serue one more mighty, euen the omnipotent Lord: and where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir Walter, I haue bene ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes. Now say what thou hast to say.

THESE WERE THE ARTICLES WHEREOF HE WAS ACCUSED, WITH HIS AUNSWERS VNTO THE SAME.

OLIPHANT. What thincke you of Priestes mariage.

MILLE. I hold it a blessed band, for Christ himselfe maintained it, and approued the same, and also made it free to all men: but ye thinke it not free to you: ye abhorre it, and in the meane tyme take other mens wiues and daughters, & will not keepe the bande that God hath made. Ye vow chastitie, & breake the same. S. Paule had rather marry than burne: the whiche I haue done, for God forbad neuer mariage to any man, of what state or degree so euer he were.

OLIPH. Thou sayest there is not vij. sacramentes.

MILLE. Geue me the Lordes supper and Baptisme, and take you the rest, & part them among you: For if there be vij. why haue you omitted one of them, to wit, mariage, & geue your selues to sclaunderous and ungodly whoredome.

OLIPH. Thou art agaynst the blessed sacrament of the aultar, and sayest, that the Masse is wrong, and is Idolatry.

MILLE. A Lord or a Kyng sendeth & calleth many to a dyner, and when the dyner is in readynesse, he causeth to ryng a bell, and the men come to the hall, and sit downe to be partakers of the dyner, but the Lord turnyng his backe vnto them eateth all himselfe, and mocked them: so do ye.

OLIPH. Thou denyest the sacrament of the aultar to be the very body of Christ really in flesh and bloud.

MILLE. The very scripture of God is not to be taken carnally but spiritually, and standeth in fayth onely: & as for the Masse, it is wrong, for Christ was once offered on the Crosse for mans trespasse, and will neuer be offered agayne, for then he ended all sacrifice.

OLIPH. Thou denyest the office of a Byshop.

MILLE. I affirme that they whom ye call Byshops, do no Byshops workes, nor vse the offices of bishops, (as Paul byddeth writyng to Timothy,) but lyue after their owne sensuall pleasure and take no care of the flocke, nor yet regarde they the word of God, but desire to be honored and called, my Lordes.

OLIPH. Thou speakest agaynst pilgrimage, and callest it a pilgrimage to whoredome.

MILLE. I affirm that, and say that it is not commanded in the scripture, and that there is no greater whoredome in no places, then at your pilgrimages, except it be in common brothells.

OLIPH. Thou preachest quietly and priuatly in houses and openly in the fieldes.

MILLE. Yea man, and on the sea also sailyng in shyp.

OLIPH. Wilt thou not recant thyne erroneous opinions, and if thou wilt not, I will pronounce sentence agaynst thee.

MILLE. I am accused of my lyfe: I know I must dye once, & therfore as Christ said to Judas: Quod facis, fac citius. Ye shall know that I wil not recant the truth, for I am corne, I am no chaffe, I wil not be blowen away with the winde nor burst with the flaile, but I will abyde both.

* * * * *

These thynges rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to augment their finall accusation, and then Sir Andrew Oliphant pronounced sentence agaynst him that he should be deliuered to the temporall judge, and punished as an hereticke, which was to be burnt. Notwithstandyng his boldnes and constauncie moued so the hartes of many, that the Byshop's Stuard of his regalitie, Prouest of the towne called Patrike Learmond, refused to be his temporall judge: to whom it appertained if the cause had been just. Also the Byshop's Chamberlaine beyng therewith charged, would in no wise take vppon hym so vngodly an office. Yea the whole Towne was so offended with his unjust condemnation, that the Byshop's seruauntes could not get for their money so much as one cord to tye him to the stake, or a tarre barrell to burne him, but were constrained to cut the cordes of their maistors owne pauillon to serue their turne.

Neuerthelesse one seruaunt of the Byshop's more ignoraunt and cruell then the rest, called Alexander Symmerwyll, enterprising the office of a temporall judge in that part, conueyed him to the fire, where agaynst all naturall reason of man, his boldnes and hardynes did more & more increase: so that the spirite of GOD workyng miraculously in hym, made it manifest to the people that his cause and Articles were just and he innocently put downe.

Now when all thynges were ready for his death and he conueyed with armed men to the fire, Oliphant bad hym passe to the stake: and he sayd, nay, but wilt thou put me vp with thy hand and take part of my death, thou shalt see me passe vp gladly, for by the law of God I am forbydden to put handes vpon my selfe. Then Oliphant put him vp with his hand, and he ascended gladly, saying; Introibo ad altare Dei, and desired that he might haue place to speake to the people, the which Oliphant and other of the burners denyed, saying that he had spoken ouer much, for the Bishops were altogether offended that the matter was so long continued. Then some of the young men committed both the burners, & the Byshops their maisters to the deuill, saying that they beleued that they should lament that day, and desired the sayd Walter to speake what he pleased.

And so after he had made his humble supplication to God on his knees, he arose, and standyng vpon the coales sayd on this wise. Deare frendes, the cause why I suffer this day is not for any crime layed to my charge (albeit I be a miserable sinner before God) but onely for the defence of the fayth of Jesus Christ, set forth in the new and old Testament vnto vs, for which the as the faythful Martyrs haue offered them selues gladly before, beyng assured after the death of their bodyes of eternall felicitie, so this day I prayse God that he hath called me of his mercy among the rest of his seruaunts, to seale vp his truth with my life: which as I haue receaued it of hym, so willingly I offer it to his glory. Therfore as you will escape the eternall death, be no more seduced with the lyes of Priestes, Monkes, Friers, Priours, Abbots, Byshops, and the rest of the sect of Antichrist, but depend onely vpon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that ye may be deliuered from condemnation. All that while there was great mournyng and lamentation of the multitude, for they perceiuyng his patience, stoutnes, and boldnes, constancie, and hardynes, were not onely moued and styrred vp, but their hartes also were so inflamed, that hee was the last Martyr that dyed in Scotland for the Religion.

After his prayer, he was hoysed vp on the stake, and beyng in the fire, he sayd: Lord haue mercy on me: Pray people while there is tyme, and so constauntly departed.

EPITAPHIUM.

Non nostra impietas aut actae crimina vitae Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces. Sola fides Christi sacris signata libellis, Quae vitae causa est, est mihi causa necis.

After this, by the just judgement of God, in the same place where Walter Mille was burnt, the Images of the great Church of the Abbey, which passed both in number and costlynes, were burnt in tyme of reformation. Ex fideli testimonio e Scotia misso.

And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such Martyrs as suffered in the Realme of Scotland for the faith of Christ Jesus, and testimony of his truth."

The Epitaph, quoted in the above extracts from Foxe, was written by Patrick Adamson, who became Archbishop of St. Andrews.



No. XIV.

ON THE TITLE OF SIR, APPLIED TO PRIESTS.

At this period, in England as well as in Scotland, the title of SIR was usually applied to Priests, obviously derived from the Latin Dominus. But the origin of this application, or rather the peculiar class of the Priesthood to whom it was applicable, has not been well defined. It was to distinguish them from persons of civil or military knighthood that they were popularly called Pope's Knights, and not as some writers have supposed, because the title was conferred on the secular clergy by the Bishop of Rome. In the account of the trial of Walter Myln, who was burnt for heresy in 1558, (see this Appendix, No. XIII.) it is related, that when his accusers addressed him as "Sir Walter Myln," he answered, "And where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir Walter: I have been ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes." Sir David Lyndesay says,—

"The pure Priest thinkis he gets na richt Be he nocht stylit like ane Knicht, And callit Schir befoir his name, As Schir Thomas and Schir Williame."

Dr. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, (v. Pope's Knights,) has collected much curious information on this head, but says, he could assign no reason why this designation, "is more frequently given to one called a Chapellan than to any other; sometimes to the exclusion of a parson or parish priest, who is mentioned at the same time as Maister."

The reason for this, perhaps, may be accounted for without much difficulty, if the suggestion should be correct, (as I apprehend it is,) that it denoted the academical rank or degree which had been taken; and was not intended to designate an inferior order of the priesthood. This title of Sir was never applied to laymen, and appears to have been given both to the regular and secular clergy, or persons in Priests orders who had taken their Bachelor's degree; but it was not an academical title in itself. Those priests who received the appointment of chaplains, were chiefly persons who, either from want of means or influence, had not been able to prosecute their studies the full time at a University, to obtain the higher rank as Master of Arts; and therefore the title of Sir was given them, but simply to mark the absence of that academical rank, which was long held in great respect, and led to the practice, both among the clergy and laity, until the close of the 17th century, of signing Master before their names.

Thus, in the present volume, we have Sir George Clapperton, who was Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal, (p. 45,) Sir Duncan Symsoun, (p. 62,) and Sir William Layng, as Chaplains, (p. 75,) and many others, besides Sir John Knox, (p. xiv.); and I believe it cannot be shown that any of the persons alluded to had taken the degree of Master of Arts. On the other hand, ecclesiastics of all ranks, from Archbishops and Abbots, to Friars and Vicars, who are known to have done so, are never styled Sir, but have always Master prefixed to their baptismal names, in addition to the titles of their respective offices. For instance, we have Maister James Beton, who became Primate, (p. 13,) Maister Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, (p. 38,) Maister James Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (p. 252,) Maister David Panter, Secretary and Bishop of Ross, (p. 262,) and a hundred others, who held different ecclesiastical appointments. In one instance, (see page 549,) we find "Sir alias Mr. John Macbrair," from an uncertainty as to his proper designation. On the institution of the College of Justice, one half of the Judges belonged to the spiritual side; and at the first Sederunt, 27th May 1532, when their names and titles are specified, the churchmen have, with one exception, Magister prefixed to their names,—the exception being Dominus Joannes Dingwell, Provost of Trinity College, near Edinburgh. It cannot be said he was so styled from holding any situation in the Church inferior to the Rectors of Eskirk, and Finevin, or the Provost of Dunglass, three of his brethren who then took their seats on the bench as Judges. (See note 86.)

The Sederunt of the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, 27th November 1549, as published by Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 46, exhibits the usual designations and the order of precedency among the dignitaries of the church. They are, after giving Archbishop Hamilton his titles, ranked under the following heads:—"Episcopi.—Vicarii Generales sedium vacantium.—Abbates, Priores, et Commendatarii.—Doctores in Theologia, Licentiati et Bacalaurei.—Ordines Praedicatorum.—Ordines Conventualium: Ordines S. Augustini: Ordines Sanctissimae Trinitatis de redemptione captivorum: Ordines Carmeletarum." In this list the higher clergy are styled simply William Bishop of, &c., Quintin Abbot of, &c., Alexander Prior of, &c., William Commendator of, &c. Among those who had taken degrees in Theology, as Doctors, Licentiates, or Bachelors, there are seven with the title of Master, and three with F. or Frater prefixed to their names. Of the Preaching Friars, there were four, all designed F. or Frater. The Conventual and other Orders, included Provosts of Collegiate churches, Deans, Archdeacons, Subdeacons, Rectors, Canons, and Subpriors; of whom there are fifteen with the title of M. or Magister, and only six with D. or Dominus, so usual was it to find that a regular academical course of study was requisite for obtaining promotion in the Church, even when the weight of family interest might have been supposed sufficient otherwise to have secured it.

* * * * *

This opportunity may be taken to add a few explanatory words on the Academical designations which so frequently occur in the footnotes to this volume. There is likewise considerable difficulty in defining such titles; and the following explanations may require to be modified. The three Universities in Scotland founded during the course of the 15th century, were formed on the model of those of Paris and Bologna. The general name applied to students of all ranks was Supposita, or Supposts; implying that they wore subject to the Provost and Masters in the University. The Incorporati were persons who upon entering the College had taken the oaths, and were matriculated in the registers; but this was not confined to students who first entered upon their studies at College, as it might include persons of advanced life, who had been educated and obtained their degrees at some other University. The usual course extended over four years, and was devoted to the study of philosophy, including rhetoric, dialectics, ethics, and physics. In the middle of the third year, students were allowed to propose themselves as candidates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts; and for this purpose, those who had completed or determined their course of study, during the trivium or period of three years, obtained the name of Determinantes; and such as acquitted themselves were confirmed Bachelors by the Dean of Faculty. The Intrantes or Licentiates were a class farther advanced, and denoted that they were prepared to enter or take their Master's degree. For obtaining this a more extended examination took place before they were laureated, or received the title of Master of Arts, which qualified them to lecture or teach the seven liberal arts.—See article Universities, in the last edit, of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xxi.; Statuta Universitatis Oxoniensis; M'Crie's Life of Melville, 2d edit. vol. ii. p. 336, et seq.; and Principal Lee's Introduction to the Edinburgh Academic Annual for 1840.



No. XV.

ON THE TUMULT IN EDINBURGH, AT THE PROCESSION ON ST. GILES'S DAY, 1558.

It has not been ascertained in what way ST. AEGIDIUS or ST. GILES became the tutelar Saint of our Metropolis. Regarding the Saint himself, as there prevails less diversity of opinion than usual, we may assume that St. Giles flourished about the end of the Seventh Century. According to Butler, and other authorities,—"This Saint, whose name has been held in great veneration for several ages in France and England, is said to have been an Athenian by birth, and of noble extraction. His extraordinary piety and learning, (it is added,) drew the admiration of the world upon him in such a manner, that it was impossible for him to enjoy, in his own country, that obscurity and retirement which was the chief object of his desires on earth." Having sailed for France, he spent many years in the wild deserts near the mouth of the Rhone, and afterwards in a forest in the diocese of Nismes. The Bollandists have shewn that this district belonged to the French, towards the beginning of the Eighth Century when St. Giles died; and that his body remained there till the 13th Century: "when, (as we are informed by the anonymous author of 'Lives of Saints,' printed at London 1739, 4 vols. 4to.,) "the Albigenses being very troublesome in that country, it was thought proper to remove it to Toulouse, where it is still kept in St. Saturnin's Church.... His name occurs on the first of September in the Calendars of the English Church before the Reformation; that, and two antient churches in London, are a sufficient proof of his being known and honoured by our devout ancestors."—(Lives, &c. vol. iv. p. 314.)

Maitland, the historian of Edinburgh, has collected much curious matter connected with the Metropolitan Church of St. Giles; and observes, it is beyond dispute that St. Giles's was the first Parish Church in the city, although he was unable to determine at what time or by whom it was founded. Notices of a Parish Church, distinct from the more ancient Church of St. Cuthbert's, may be traced back to the 11th or 12th Century; and there exists a Charter of David II., under the Great Seal, 15th December 1359, granting the Lands of Upper Merchiston to the Chaplain officiating at the Altar of St. Katherine's chapel in the Parish Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh. It is so designed in subsequent deeds, in the years 1380 and 1387; the latter being an Indenture for building some additional chapels and vaults in the Church. In the following Century a great many separate altarages were endowed; and in the year 1466, it was erected by James the Third, into a Collegiate Church, consisting of a provost, a curate, sixteen prebendaries, a sacristan, a minister of the choir, and four choristers. (Maitland's Hist. p. 272.)

We may easily suppose that the possession of an undoubted relic of the Patron Saint, would, in those days, be regarded as an inestimable treasure. An obligation granted by the Provost and Council of Edinburgh, to William Preston of Gortoun, on the 11th June 1454, is still preserved, and records the fact, that "the Arme bane of Saint Gele, the quhilk bane he left to our Mother Kirk of Saint Gele of Edinburgh," had been obtained, after long entreaty and considerable expense, through the assistance of the King of France.

Another historian of our city in referring to this donation, says—"The Magistrates of the City, in gratitude for the donation made to their Church, granted a charter in favour of the heirs of Preston of Gortoun, (whose descendants, he adds, are to this hour proprietors of that estate in the county of Edinburgh,) entitling the nearest heir of the donor, being of the name of Preston, to carry this sacred relique in all processions. The Magistrates at the same time, obliged themselves to found in this church an altar, and to appoint a chaplain for celebrating an annual mass of requiem for the soul of the donor; and that a tablet, displaying his arms, and describing his pious donation, should be put up in the chapel. The relique, embossed in silver, was kept among the treasure of the Church till the Reformation."—(Arnot's Hist. of Edinb. p. 268.)

It was customary on the 1st of September, the festival day of the Patron Saint, to have a solemn procession through the streets of Edinburgh. A figure of St. Giles, carved in wood, the size of life, had hitherto formed a conspicuous object in this procession. In the year 1558, notwithstanding the progress which the Reformed opinions had made, it was resolved to celebrate this festival with more than ordinary solemnity; and several persons accused of heresy, instead of being sent to the flames on the Castlehill, were reserved to form part of the procession, and to abjure their opinions, while the Queen Regent was to countenance it with her presence. On such occasions it had been customary to deck the image of the Saint. Thus in September 1554, the Dean of Guild paid 10s. "for paynting of Sanct Geill;" in 1555, the charge paid to Walter Bynning for doing this was 6s. In the accounts of 1556, 6s. was paid by the Dean of Guild "for paynting of Sanct Geill;" and 6d. for "beiring of him to the painter, and fra;" and, at the same time, "for mending and polishing Sanct Gelis arme, 12d.;" and also a sum "to Alexander Robesoun tailzeour, for mending of Sanct Gelis capis."

But previously to the day of procession in 1558, Knox states, that "the images were stollen away in all parts of the countrey; and in Edinburgh was that great idoll called Sanct Geyle, first drowned in the North Loch, after burnt, which raised no small trouble in the Town." Sir James Balfour in his Annals, says, this image "was a grate log of wood or idoll, which the priests called Sant Geilles." The trouble referred to was no doubt the injunction of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to have this image replaced; and various payments by the City Treasurer, in 1557-8, refer to the appellation by the Town of Edinburgh against the sentence of Archbishop Hamilton, obliging the Town to have the image of St. Giles replaced. From this we may infer that the image had been stolen in the year 1557.

Knox's account of the tumult that ensued is by far the most minute and amusing: see pages 258-261. Bishop Lesley is much more concise. After mentioning the circumstance that several persons had been accused of heresy at a Convocation or Provincial Council of the whole Prelates and Clergy assembled at Edinburgh, at the end of July, he adds—"bot nane was executed or punished in thair bodeis, bot ordanit to abjure thair errouris at the Mercatt Croce of Edinburgh, apoun Sainct Gelis day, the first of September; bot thair was so gret a tumult rased that day on the Hie Street of Edinburgh, that thay quha was appointed to do open pennance war suddantlie careid away, and the haill processioun of the Clergie disperced; the image of Sanct Geill being borne in processione, was taikin perforce fra the beraris thairof, brokin and distroyed; quhairwith the Quene Regent was heichlie offendit; and for stanchinge of the lyk trouble in tyme cuming, she appointed the Lorde Setoun to be provest of the Toun of Edinburgh, quha keped the same in resonable guid ordour quhill the nixt symmer thaireftir."—(History, p. 266.)

Saint Geill, however, never recovered from his degradation on that day: and in June 1562, the Magistrates directed the portraiture of the Saint, which had served as their emblem, to be cut out of the city standard, as an idol, and a Thistle to be inserted, "emblematical (as a recent writer remarks) of rude reform, but leaving the Hind which accompanied St. Giles, as one of the heraldic supporters of the city arms."—(Caledonia, vol. ii. p. 773.)

The jewels, silver-work, vestments, and other articles belonging to the Church of St. Giles, were sold by authority of the Magistrates, in 1562, as will be taken notice of in a subsequent volume.



No. XVI.

PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, IN 1549-1559.

Respecting the Meetings of the Provincial Councils in Scotland before the Reformation, it may be sufficient in this place to refer to the well known tract by Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, entitled "Historical Memorials concerning the Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, from the earliest accounts to the area of the Reformation." Edinb. 1769, 4to. It is reprinted in the 3d edition of his Annals of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 221-271, Edinb. 1819, 3 vols. 8vo. The reader may also consult with advantage, Dr. M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 163, 166, 416, &c.; and Bishop Keith's History, vol. i. p. 149, &c.



No. XVII.

LETTER OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO LORD JAMES PRIOR OF THE MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559.

Calderwood, when noticing the arrival of the Sieur de Bethancourt in Scotland, speaks of his bringing "forged letters" to Lord James Stewart; but the whole of his account (vol. i. p. 498,) was evidently derived from Knox, but whose words are, "with letteris, as was allegit:" see supra, page 384. Spottiswood, on the other hand, throws no doubt on their genuineness, but says the bearer was Monsieur Crock; and he inserts (Hist. p. 130,) a different version of that of Francis the Second, from the one which Knox has given, and also the following letter, of which Knox, at page 386, only makes mention to quote the concluding phrase. "The letter (says Spottiswood) sent by the Queen, was of the tenor following:—

"MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTLAND AND FRANCE, TO JAMES PRIOR OF THE MONASTERIE OF S. ANDREWES.

"I cannot, my Cousin, wonder enough, how you that are nighest us in bloud, and greatly benefitted by our liberality, as yourself knoweth, should be so presumptuous and wickedly disposed, as by one and the same fact to violate the Majesty of God and the authority belonging to me and my husband; for to me it is a wonder that you, who being with me did complain of the Duke of Chattellerault, and divers others for dismissing my authority, should now be the leader of a faction in matters of greatest weight, wherein not only the honour of God is touched, but my authority all utterly taken away: which I would have more easily believed of any other of my subjects than of you, for I had a speciall hope of your fidelity, and am not a little grieved that you should have deceived me; Though yet I can scarse be perswaded, that you are gone so far from truth and reason, as to be carried away with such blinde errours which I wish were not, as any in the world else, beseeching God to illuminate you with his light, that returning into the right way you may shew your self (by doing things contrary to that you have already performed) a good man, and obedient to our lawes; whereof by these letters I thought good to admonish you, and withall earnestly to intreat you to amend your by-gone faults, with better deeds in time coming; that the anger which I and my husband have conceived against you, may by that means be mitigated. Otherwise I would have you understand, that we will take such punishment of you, that you shall ever remember us, which shall be to me a most grievous thing. God I beseech to keep you from all danger.

Paris the 24. of July, 1559."



No. XVIII.

DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT.

David Forrest, General of the Mint, was probably a native of East-Lothian. His name first occurs in 1546, as entertaining George Wishart, in his house in the town of Haddington. Knox speaks of him, when mentioning this circumstance, as "ane man that long hes professed the truth," (p. 137.) He had retired to England soon afterwards, as Sir Ralph Sadler, when noticing that Forrest had come to England, along with William Maitland of Lethington, and Mr. Henry Balnaves, in November 1559, he adds,—"who departed out of England in the beginning of the reign of Queen Mary for cause of religion, and now retuurneth agayn because of these troubles in Scotland, as he sayeth."—(Letters, vol. i. p. 585.)

After the Reformation, when the want of qualified persons for the ministry was deeply felt, Forrest was one of several laymen, who, from having previously given proofs of their sincere zeal and piety, were nominated at the first General Assembly, in December 1560, as "thought apt and able to minister." On the 3d July 1562, David Forrest was specially requested by the Assembly "to tak on the ministerie." On the next day, his answer to that request "was referred to the Superintendent of Lothian and Kirk of Edinburgh." Again, on the 29th December 1562, "David Forrest, notwithstanding he objected his owne inabilitie, was charged by the whole Assemblie, as he would avoide disobedience to their voices, without farther delay, to addresse himself to enter in the ministerie, where he salbe appointed, seeing it was knowen sufficientlie that he was able for that function."—(Booke of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 4, 18, 28.)

Although Forrest did not comply with this injunction, he continued to be a member of Assembly for several years, and was named on committees "for the decision of questions," and for other matters. His promotion as General of the Mint may possibly have had its influence in his refusing to take upon himself the office of the ministry. He appears to have long been connected with the Mint. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 15 June 1554-5, David Forres is styled "Magister Cone;" but he must have been superseded, as the office of "Maister Cunzeour," was filled by John Achesoun, from at least 1559 to 1563. But Forrest again appears in 1564-5; and for several years, (between 1565 and 1572,) we find monthly payments in the Treasurer's Accounts to the principal Officers of the Mint, viz., to David Forrest, General of the Cunzie-house, L12, 10s. Andrew Henderson, Wardane, L4, 3s. 4d. Maister John Balfour, Comptar Wardane, L3, 6s. 8d., (who, in October 1570, was succeeded by David Adamesoun, with the same monthly fee or salary of L3, 6s. 8d.) James Mosman, Assayer, (succeeded in April 1572, by Thomas Achesoun,) L3, 6s. 8d. And James Gray, Sinckar of the Irnis, L5, with an additional sum, "for brisseling, grynding, neilling, and tempering the Irnis," of L3, 6s. 8d. In the Treasurer's Accounts 1572, we also find that different sums were allowed us "feis extraordinar" to most of these officials, for services rendered "in the tyme of troubill."

FOOTNOTES

[1] That Lord Torphichen's picture at Calder House is a portrait of Knox, cannot be doubted, and it may have been copied from an older painting; but at best it is a harsh and disagreeable likeness, painted at least a century after Knox's death. It was engraved for Dr. M'Crie's work; and, on a large scale, there is a most careful engraving of it, by a very ingenious and modest artist, Mr. William Penny of Mid-Calder.

[2] The ornamented border in the original is very rudely cut: here it is given only in outline. A French translation of Beza's volume appeared in 1581, with several additional portraits; but it is somewhat remarkable that a totally different portrait should have been substituted in place of that of Knox. This, I think, may be explained, from the circumstance of the original cut having been either injured or lost; and not from the other exhibiting a more correct likeness of the Scotish Reformer. From its marked resemblance, I am convinced, that the portrait substituted was intended for William Tyndale.—When the engraved pseudo-portraits of Knox are brought together, it is quite ludicrous to compare the diversity of character which they exhibit. Besides the ordinary likeness, with the long flowing beard, copied from bad engravings to worse, we have the Holyrood one, not unworthy of Holbein, of a mathematician, with a pair of compasses; the head at Hamilton Palace, which might serve for the Hermit of Copmanhurst; and others that would be no unsuitable illustrations to any account of the fools and jesters entertained at the Scotish Court.

[3] I state this from having lent him Verheiden's work, for the purpose of his copying Knox's portrait. Perhaps the fine arts sustained by the death of this eminent Painter, no greater loss than in his leaving unfinished the most exquisite design of "Knox dispensing the Sacrament," which, in its half-finished state, has fortunately been secured by the Royal Scotish Academy. His previous painting of "Knox preaching to the Lords of the Congregation," is sadly disfigured by the extravagant action and expression of the Reformer.

[4] This MS. when rebound, at some early time, was unfortunately too much cut in the edges. Its present ragged state suggested a minute examination, which shows that the volume consists of seventeen sets or quires, each of them, with two exceptions, having twenty-two or twenty-four leaves. Six of those quires, judging from the hand-writing and the colour of the ink, were apparently written somewhat later than the rest:—viz., the 7th set, fol. 137-158; the 9th and 10th, fol. 181-228; the 12th, fol. 253-272; the 14th, fol. 295-309; and the last set, fol. 359 to the end. What renders this the more evident is, that while the first page of each set runs on continuously from the previous page, as if there was no interruption, the catchword on the last page of these rewritten sets or quires, often stops in the middle of the page, or the beginning of a line, leaving the rest blank, owing to the style of writing, or the matter contained in these sets having varied from those which they had replaced.

[5] The following is the title of a work on the Harmony of the Gospels, with a fac-simile of the signature referred to: "In nomine dnj. Nostrj Jesu Chrj Anno Salutis humanae 1581. Contextus historiae Euangelicae Secundum tres Euangelistas Mat. Mar. et Lucam.—Septembris 4."

[6] App. No. VI. pp. 358-363. Lond. 1702, 8vo. Nicolson, in giving some account of the History, considers the question of the Authorship, which was then reckoned doubtful, and referring particularly to the Glasgow Manuscript, he says, it "was lately presented to the College by Mr. Robert Fleming, a late preacher at Rotterdam, now at London, Mr. Knox's great-grandchild; who having several of his said ancestor's papers in his hand, pretends to assure them, that this very Book is penn'd by the person whose name it commonly bears. For the better proof of this matter he sends them the preface of another book, written in the same hand, wherein are these words:—'In nomine Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, &c., Septembris 4^o, M. Jo. Knox, August 18, A^o 1581.' There might indeed have been some strength in this evidence, were we not assur'd that the famed Knox dy'd in 1572; so that nothing could be written by him in 1581. There was one Mr. John Knox, who was Moderator of the Synod of Merse in 1586; who perhaps is Mr. Fleming's true ancestor, as well as the transcriber of this book, and might be one of the assistants in the revising of it."—(Ib. p. 192.) These remarks gave considerable offence to Fleming, who answers them, at some length, but without throwing any new light on the subject, in the preface to his "Practical Discourse on the Death of King William III. &c.," p. xii; Lond. 1702, 8vo. Fleming was not a descendant of Knox. It is indeed true that his grandfather married Knox's daughter; but his father was the issue of a subsequent marriage. These facts are plainly stated in a letter from R. Fleming to Wodrow, dated at London, on the 6th of June 1702.

[7] In the footnotes, the errors and mistakes in Vautrollier's edition are occasionally pointed out. A sample of them may here be brought together:—

P. 40. Aue hes tuit aue spurtill. 41. priests of whordome—trystis of whoredome. 44. Andrewe Balsone—Balfour. 52. Baltlewich, Lyniltquilk, Lemax—Balcleueh, Lynlithgow, Levenax. 54. the time thereof—the teind thereof. 55. paying such losses—paying such teinds. 62. Earle of gleuearne—Earle of Glencarne. 78. appoints—oppones. 97. the Cardinal skipped—the Cardinal scripped. 113. taken from—given to. 116. inversion—intercession. 122. entracted—entreated. 142. enduer him—cummer him. 143. receiving of limes and staues—receiving of lime and stanes. ib. in great number—in no great number. 144. cryed I am Leslie a priest—cryed, I am a priest. 146. the Queen's daughter—the Queen Dowager. 149. Langundrie—Langnidrie. 166. the Gouernoures—the Gunnar's. 169. should be—should not be. 170. Scotish preachers—Scotish prikers. 177. scarcenesse—scarmishing. 180. some drunken beare, which laye in the saudes chappell and church—some drynkin bear, which lay in the syidis Chappell and Kirk. 182. were pressed—were not pressed. 186. Silbard—Sibbald. 187. and for his other William—and for his other villany. 192. Lordes Maxwell flying—Lords Maxwell, Fleming. 195. Wilbock—Willock. 199. Meruses—Mernes. 200. hearie—Harie. 226. according to comely and common lawes—according to the civile and cannon lawes. 249. auow your graces hart—move your Graces heart. 280. Ancheddirdour—Auchterarder. 281. should be—should not be. 301. estates of our religion—estates of our realme.

[8] See "Areopagitica; a Speech of Mr. JOHN MILTON for the Liberty of Unlicens'd Printing," addressed to the Parliament of England, London, 1644, 4to. In arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the Press, he says, "Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceased Author, though never so famous in his lifetime, and even to this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not be the dictate of a divine Spirit,) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of their own, THOUGH IT WERE KNOX HIMSELF, THE REFORMER OF A KINGDOM, that spake it, they will not pardon him their dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the presumptuous rashnesse of a prefunctory licenser. And to what an Author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear till a more convenient season."—(page 22.)

[9] In following the MS. of 1566, I have discarded all contractions, and generally avoided the old form of using u and w for v, or v for u; i for j. In order to avoid distracting the attention of an ordinary reader, such words in the MS. as hie for he, on for one, cane for can, don for done, are printed in the usual form; but indeed the orthography of the MS. is very irregular, and might have justified much greater innovations.

[10] This Preface is not contained in either of the editions by David Buchanan of the History printed in 1644.

[11] In MS. G, "cloude."

[12] In MS. I, "whairby idolatrie."

[13] In MS. G, "eyis."

[14] Ib.

[15] In the MS. "trawalled."

[16] That is, the year 1558.

[17] Mary Queen of Scots arrived from France on the 19th of August 1561.

[18] The author's original intention, as here stated, was, that the History should merely embrace the limited period from 1558 to 1561. That portion was probably revised and enlarged, to form Books Second and Third, when this introductory Book was added in 1566.

[19] This phrase was not uncommon: see page 10. But MS. I. makes it, "some faythfull brethrene, concerning that which was thought."

[20] That is, the Civil Policy.

[21] In the MS. "wane."

[22] This title occurs as a marginal note in the MS.

[23] In the MS. it was originally written "mentioun of one N.," the words, "whais name is not expressed," being afterwards added on the margin. The letter N., it may be observed, was an abbreviation of Non nemo, i.e. aliquis, or Somebody, a mode adopted from the Canon Law, when the name of a person was not ascertained.

[24] From the collation of David Buchanan's text, it will be seen that he has here inserted the words "One whose name was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, schollar to Wickliff: he was accused as a hereticke, by one Laurence Lindores," &c. Buchanan overlooks the circumstance that Resby suffered martyrdom at Perth, fifteen years before the person referred to by Knox. See Appendix, No. I., "Interpolations in Knox's History by David Buchanan."—In the Appendix, No. II., some notices will be given of Resby and other Lollards in Scotland, during the 15th century.

[25] Bower, the continuator of Fordun, calls him Paul Crawar, and fixes the date of his execution on the 23d of July 1433. (See Appendix No. II.)

[26] In MSS. G, A, &c., "a Bohemian."

[27] In the MS. "wach."

[28] Robert Blackader, on the 5th of June 1480, was styled Prebendary of Cardross, in the Cathedral Church of Glasgow, (Registrum Episcopatus Glasguenis, p. 443.) On the 23d of that month, he sat among the Lords of Council, as Bishop elect of Aberdeen, which seems to discredit the statement of Keith and other writers, of his having been consecrated at Rome by Pope Sixtus IV., upon the death of Bishop Spens. (Registrum Episcopatus Aberdonensis, Mr. Innes's Preface, page xlii. note.) Blackader, however, was much employed in public negotiations with England and other countries. He was translated to the See of Glasgow, previously to February 1484; and during his Episcopate, that See was erected into an Archbishopric. As stated in a following page, Blackader died on the 28th of July 1508. See page 12.

[29] The shire of Ayr in former times was locally divided into the three districts of Carrick, Kyle, and Cunningham; and those districts are still retained, but without any political or judicial distinction. Kyle was the central district, between the rivers Doon and Irvine; and was subdivided into two sections, by the river Ayr, King's-Kyle lying on the south, and Kyle-Stewart on the north of the river.—(Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 446.)

[30] In the MS., a blank space had been left for these names, which were apparently added at a somewhat later period.—The escape of John Campbell of Cesnock at this time is taken notice of by Alexander Alesius in his Letter to James Fifth, see Appendix No. II.

[31] Mure of Polkellie, the title of Lady being given by courtesy.—From a detailed genealogical account of the family of Chalmers of Gadgirth in Ayrshire, inserted in the Appendix to Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i., we find that John Chalmers, in a charter dated 1491, was styled son and heir of Sir John Chalmers of Galdgirth; and that one of his daughters, Margaret, was married to George Campbell of Cesnock; and another, Helen, to Robert Mure of Polkellie. A third daughter is mentioned in the following note.

[32] The baptismal name of Lady Stair is left blank in the MS., and Calderwood, who copied from Knox, inserted the letter N., to indicate this; while David Buchanan supplied the name of Isabella. On the supposition that Knox himself had so written it, Professor Forbes, in noticing the Lord President Stair's descent from one of the Lollards of Kyle, says, "The Historian hath mistaken the Lady's name; for, by writings in the Earl of Stair's hand, it appears she was called Marion Chalmers, daughter to Mr. John Chalmers of Gadgirth, whose good family was very steady in the matters of religion."—(Journal of Decisions, &c., p. 29, Edinb. 1714, folio.)—On the other hand, in the pedigree of the Gadgirth family, in Nisbet, William Dalrymple of Stair is said to have married Isabella Chalmers.

[33] This "Register," and "the Scrollis" referred to in the former page, were probably the Court-books of the Official of Glasgow, an office usually held by one of the Canons of the diocese. But no registers of the kind are known to be preserved.

[34] The additions to Articles 4, 8, 9, 19, and 31, included within a parenthesis, are evidently comments by Knox.

[35] In MSS. G, A, &c., "bread."

[36] That is, to judge in matters of divine worship.

[37] Vautroullier's suppressed edition of the History commences, on sign. B., page 17, with those three words. The previous sheet, or 16 pages, containing the title and preface, had no doubt been set up, but the sheet may have been either delayed at press till the volume was completed, or all the copies carried off and destroyed when the book was prohibited.

[38] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "doubtfully spoken."

[39] In this place, the MS. has "Basqueming," and Vautroullier's edition makes it "Adam reade of blaspheming."—Adam Reid of Stair-White, or Barskyming, the representative of an ancient family in Ayrshire, probably accompanied James the Fourth, in his first voyage to the Western Isles, in July 1494. He obtained two charters, under the Great Seal, of the King's fortress of Ardcardane, and some lands near Tarbert, in North Kintyre, dated 15th September 1498, and 27th August 1499, in which he is designated "Adam Rede de Sterquhite." The service annexed to the first grant included the maintenance of six archers sufficiently provided with bows and arrows, upon occasion of the King's curbing the inhabitants of the Isles, who had long set the royal authority at defiance: "Neenon sustentando sex homines defensivos architenentes, cum arcubus et sagittis bene suffultos, ad serviendum Regi, et successoribus suis, in guerris si quas Reges in Insulis contra inhabitantes carundem habere contigerit, cum dictus Adam vel haeredes sui ad hoc requisitus fuerit."

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