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The Reminiscences of an Irish Land Agent
by S.M. Hussey
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Personally Froude had no cranks; his disposition was most urbane, whilst he was very neat in his appearance and also in his handwriting. It would certainly be of interest to give a few of his racy letters, too often undated, which I have preserved. Unfortunately, his executors firmly refuse the necessary legal consent, so that I am compelled to make my book irreparably the poorer by omitting what should have been one of its most attractive contents. In justice to Froude's memory, I ought to add that there was nothing in his correspondence with me that would have diminished his high repute. I mention this because otherwise busybodies might have misinterpreted the arbitrary action of his executors to the detriment of his fame.

A later friendship than that with Froude also must have a sincere allusion in these pages, for I have derived much pleasure from my association with Sir Henry Howorth, a ripe old lawyer of Portuguese extraction, who has rendered valuable political service by his polemical letters to the Times, on which I can pass a most favourable opinion. His histories of the Mongols, the Mammoth, and the Flood are possibly more permanent, but they are not of such contemporary note. At any rate, I respect them from a distance, whilst I admire the political effusions as the capital work of a comrade under arms, and one who is not afraid to verbally bludgeon any formidable contemporary Hooligans.

Sir Henry Howorth occasionally breaks out into a story, though he is more frequently a listener to mine. This is one of his that I happen to recall:—

The Mayor of Richmond gave a dinner, at which a distinguished Frenchman sat next the Mayor's son, and on replying for the guests in imperfect English, observed:—

'I am vary happy to be here, and to meet my young friend, who is a sheep of the old bloke,' meaning, of course, a chip of the old block.

I plead guilty to have materially increased the interest felt by Sir Henry in Irish affairs, which is not diminished by the fact that a niece of Lord Ashbourne is married to his son.

I think it was to him that I recommended another panacea for the evils of Ireland, namely, that it would be a good plan to exchange Ireland for Holland, for the Dutch would reclaim Ireland, and the Irish would neglect the banks of Holland, with the eventual result that the living Irish question would be washed away.

Just now I alluded to a mayor, which reminds me of a story about an Irish mayoress. As his Majesty has by this time been entertained at several Corporation luncheons, it is not invidious to give the tale.

The Mayoress, who was the heroine of the festal occasion in question, felt completely overpowered by the royal society in which she found herself, and when seated at the meal next to the King, was absolutely unable to articulate any reply at all to the observations he addressed to her, so eventually he gave her up, and turned his colloquial attentions to the lady on the other side.

After a while, fortified by the champagne, the Mayoress grew more courageous, and, admiring the gentleman in full uniform on her right, said to him:—

'Might I be so bowld as to ask whether you are Lord Plunket?'

'No,' he replied, with a smile, 'I am not.'

'Would you mind telling me who you are, for I'm sure I don't know?'

'I am the Duke of Connaught,' complaisantly replied her neighbour, upon which she gasped:—'Oh, God in Heaven, another of them!' and subsided into unbroken silence for the rest of the repast.

Another amusing case of mistaken identity occurred when Mr. Gladstone was concocting his treasonable Home Rule Bill. He had been informed that Lord Clonbrook would be able to give him invaluable information, so he told his wife to ask him to luncheon. She, however, mistaking the name, invited the late Lord Clonmel, a jovial sportsman known to his friends by the nickname of 'Old Sherry.'

Somewhat surprised at being thus honoured, Lord Clonmel consulted a few cronies, who all advised him to accept, and in due course he proceeded to Downing Street, where he found the French Ambassador was the only other guest. It is possible that Mr. Gladstone thought him a little odd and his attire somewhat demonstrative, but he was prepared for any eccentricity in an Irish peer, and hardly noticed how excellently his guest was doing justice to the meal, whilst preserving impenetrable silence. Directly it was over, the Prime Minister took him apart, and said:—'Now I want you, privately and confidentially, to give me your view of the exact relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland.'

'Absolute hell, my dear boy, absolute hell,' was the emphatic reply of the old sportsman.

That confidential conversation went no further; but I have never been sure that Lord Clonmel in the least overstated the case.

This renewed allusion to the lower regions that appears so closely connected with Irish affairs reminds me of an amusing incident which took place in a Dublin tram. Two members of the fair sex were discussing their plans for the summer in the interior of a car, and one of them in a mincing brogue said to the other:—

'I think I shall go to England this summer; it is so difficult in Ireland to get away from the vulgar Irish.'

'Faix,' screamed in much indignation an old Biddy sitting opposite, 'if it's the vulgar Irish you want to avoid, and the English you want to be meeting, it's to hell you must go, and you'd better go there this summer.'

That's the sort of quick retort which a Scotchman calls Irish insolence, but then, who expects appreciation of real wit from any one canny? Wit is irresponsible, a truly Irish propensity.

The two mincing young women were almost as much disgusted as another old lady who found herself opposite a stalwart working man, who incensed her by his frequent expectoration. Gathering her skirts round her somewhat ample form, she called the conductor and asked:—

'Is spitting allowed in this tram?'

'By all manes, me lady,' was the gallant reply, 'shpit anywhere you like.'

While alluding to trams, I cannot forbear relating one other Dublin tale, which Lord Morris picked up from me and was fond of telling. Its brief course runs thus:—

'Would you tell me, if you plaze, where I'll find the Blackrock tram?' asked a fussy little old woman of a policeman, busily engaging in manoeuvring the traffic of a crowded street.

'In wan minute you'll find it in the shmall of your back,' was the laconic reply.

The mere allusion to a query suggests how the British tourist invariably starts trying to discuss the Irish question directly he is across the Channel, and the insoluble part to any Saxon is that half the Irish do not seem to desire a solution at all.

'What a fine country this would be if it were peaceful,' observed a thoughtful Britisher, with a Cook's ticket in his pocket, on Killarney Lake.

'Peace! What would we do with it?' was the scornful reply of his boatman, surprised for once into ejaculating the truth.

Some landlords know how hopeless it is to attempt to prevail against these sons of our epoch.

'It has been of no use to hold up a candle to the hydra-headed devil,' said one landlord to me about his tenants, 'for affability is more expensive than absenteeism. If I say, "Good morning, Tom," the fellow expects twenty per cent. off the rent, and "How's your family?" is considered to imply forty per cent, abatement'—and that cannot be called putting a premium on good fellowship from the landlord's point of view.

I have not said much about the way in which the Irish in America foster insurrection, because it does not come within my own province. But I have before me the type-written essay on the subject composed by a Kerry landlord, who, in his lifetime, had exceptional opportunities of judging of this in New York, and from it I am tempted to take a few sentences as the manuscript is never likely to see the light of print.

'There are three distinct types of the Irish-American Home Ruler, who have been and are even now supporting with their dollars or their eloquence, the "Irish Cause" as it is somewhat vaguely termed throughout the United States. They can be distinguished as follows:—

'1. The American—born Irishman of immediate Irish descent.

'2. The native Irishman who has emigrated from Ireland.

'3. The American Irish-American of long American descent, who, though not inheriting a drop of Irish blood, is yet a vigorous if not obstreperous ally of the Irish party in America. This last is the most striking of the three, as on the face of it, he would not appear to have any logical raison d'etre as a political entity, but in reality exerts a powerful influence in favour of "the Cause."

'One phase of the methods favoured by Irish-American Home Rulers is the ingenuity with which cable reports, as printed in the newspapers, are utilised for platform purposes. Let an account be flashed under the Atlantic descriptive of some agrarian demonstration in Ireland, which having been declared illegal, is dispersed by military. Forthwith the opportunity is seized, and on some public platform or at some big banquet, the fervid orator poses as the champion of human liberty. "Another British outrage upon the Irish people! A brutal and licentious soldiery let loose to gag free speech and prevent, at the point of the bayonet, the exercise of the rights of freeman. Thank God, that you and I my Irish-American fellow-citizens, are living in this glorious republic, where such things are impossible!"

'After hearing this amazing outburst, it is well to recall actual facts, and compare the methods of suppressing riots in the United States and the United Kingdom. For example, on July 12, 1871, a number of Orangemen had organised a procession through the principal thoroughfares of New York, which was resented by a large contingent of Catholic Irishmen, and on a violent collision ensuing, the State militia was called out to restore order, a task they most effectually accomplished by firing volleys into the crowd of belligerents. The citizen soldiery of America are accustomed to adopt summary measures with impunity. They possess the resolution of the Irish constabulary without the uncomfortable vacillation of Dublin Castle to thwart their efforts.'

In the past the Irish vote in America has been hostile to England, and has had much to do with that measure of ill-feeling in the United States which has deterred that Union of the Anglo-Saxon races that would enable them to lick creation.

An example may be cited in the case of Egan. This man was an ex-Fenian leader, who wielded much influence in Nationalistic circles as far back as the seventies, and when he was Treasurer of the Land League, he is described by Mr. Michael Davitt—who ought to have a fine capacity for discriminating degrees of scoundrelism—as the most active and able of the Nationalist leaders in Dublin. Some time after the Phoenix Park murders he settled in the United States, and whilst distinguishing himself by the exceptional violence of his appeals on behalf of outrageous Ireland, he was actually sent as American Minister to Chili. This would not have caused me to notice him here but because it is necessary the community should be warned that, unlike a good many of his contemporaries and comrades, he is not an extinct volcano. On March 10 of this current year, when still the chief Nationalist in the States, he had a long interview with Count Cassini, the Russian Minister at the Russian Embassy at Washington, just before a meeting of all the diplomatic representatives, and the American correspondent of the Morning Post does not hesitate to accuse Russia of financially assisting the cause which Egan fosters. This sort of thing ought not to be ignored in England. As an international action, it is hitting below the belt, and when bad times come again to Ireland the Nationalists will look to the Ministers of the Great Bear for funds, and are not likely to be disappointed. Still it is curious that a Government which, at home, exiles Nihilists and other bomb-throwers should, abroad, give contributions to the cause that instigated the blowing up of my house, and the outrages which rendered Ireland so notorious.

Not many years ago my wife was once more seriously alarmed at Edenburn by the formidable proclivities of a man P——, who sat all day at my gate with a gun, which he said he used for shooting rabbits: but we all knew I was the rabbit he wanted to put in his bag. However, he has gone to another sphere, and I am spending the present summer of 1904 very happily in the same county.

A couple of letters addressed there showing the way in which an old widow expresses herself, when after great labour she has delivered herself of an epistle, may not prove undiverting. The point is the amount she can obtain from her children.

'Samuel Mr. Hussey Esq.

Sir—I hope you will be good enough to speak to Downing to give me Justice. They have any amount of cattle, 2 horses, and my son-in-law's wife carried 78 pounds book account before Mr. Downing got the case in hands I would get 2 hundred pounds. I think it little for me according to the means that was theirs. Now sir, two daughters very ritch sir minding milk and butter and the one taking it away and selling it. My son is not wright in his health or mind. They turned him against me and he is more foolish than your Honour would believe. He says he will give his uncle that ran away long ago to America mortgage, that Mr. Downing gave him power to do what he like and those two daughters are very well off and they will not allow me to do anything. Sir I am shamed of the way they are treating me. My health and mind is very good, thanks be to God and to you two Sir. They would not give me the price of the habit that was berried with their father. Sir it would not pay my debts and support me long. My father lived 100 years. The Judge said I would live longer. Sir three hundred pounds is little enough for me according to the means that is theirs. If I went into the workhouse I would not take what they wish to give me. L160 they are giving me and I have my Confidence in God and in your Honour's charity that you will be good enough to speak for me. If the land don't sell to 5 hundred pounds I will give it back to the attorney. Will your Honour tell them and I'll pray to God sir ever to bless you.

Faithfully,

MARY LUCY.'

And the same dame favoured me with this further effusion:

'Mr. Hussey Esq.

Sir—100 pounds was offered to me before the purchase, a foolish priest making little of me, himself trying to get it for his friends. The Bishop, Sir, is kind to me always. For he knows I was wronged and he don't like the foolish priest, and when I complain of him he is very good. Sir some good people tell me that anyone at all have no claim but myself and I wish it was true as all is very valuable. Mr. Connor is very truthful and nice to me Sir when I will see him I am very sure he will wish me well and all the good Honourable Gentlemen and yourself are the best of all to my equals. I know it very well and I will for ever pray to God in Heaven for you.

Faithfully,

MARY LUCY.'

So a landlord and agent, even in 1904, still has a few of the patriarchal attributes in the eyes of the tenants. But to sift wheat from chaff is easier than to sift truth from the lying blandishments employed on such occasions.

The reference to the priest shows that though always feared, when the land-passion seizes a parishioner, he is set at as much defiance as possible, should he be moderate, and these are the only occasions when they venture to tell their confessor unpleasant truths to his face, for in some country districts they are still convinced that the priests have power to transform them into frogs and mice.

A priest once threatened a bibulous parishioner, that if he did not become more sober in his habits, he would change him into a mouse.

'Biddy, me jewel, I can't believe Father Pat would have that power over me,' said the man that same evening as the shadows fell, 'but all the same you might as well shut up the cat.'

Over elections the priests have paramount influence as I have already shown, but may cite an example at the last County election in Kerry, when three candidates stood, Sir Thomas Esmonde (Anti-Parnellite), Mr. Harrington (Parnellite), and Mr. Palmer (Conservative). The last-named out of a poll of six thousand obtained seventy votes. One of them was given after the following fashion.

An illiterate voter at Killorglin being asked in the polling booth how he wished to vote, replied:—

'For my parish priest.'

'But he is not a candidate. The three are Esmonde, Palmer, and Harrington.'

'Well, then, I'll vote for Palmer, because it is more like Father Lawler than the others.'

Naturally all concerned were convulsed with laughter, but the vote was duly recorded.

It is no uncommon thing to see priests carefully teaching illiterate voters the appearance of the name of the candidate for whom they are to poll, and also giving them printed cards merely containing his name, so that they can recognise it on the voting-card.

Of course an Irishman would take a bribe one way and calmly vote another. But even this diplomatic tendency is outwitted by the priests, for nowadays, when they have any doubt of the political sincerity of a man, they insist on his declaring himself an illiterate voter. Then the whole question of who is to be voted for is gone through audibly and verbally, so that the honesty of the voter is known to those hanging round. In the parish of Milltown, the education is as complete as in any in Ireland, but at the last election, one third of the voters confessed themselves illiterate, with the result anticipated by the priest.

If the priest understands his parishioner—a thing which admits of no possible shadow of doubt—it is equally certain that the Englishman does not, as is shown by the following frivolous tale, always a favourite of mine.

'Paddy,' said a tourist at Killarney, 'I'll give you sixpence if you'll tell me the biggest lie you ever told in your life.'

'Begorra, your honour's a gentleman! Give me the sixpence!'

No one would have thought of making such an offer to an English loafer, and no English loafer would have had the wit to so neatly earn his emolument.

It is the assumption of simplicity that does the trick, and so well is that put on that it comes close to the real thing.

The other day, when the King and Queen were at Punchestown, a Britisher chartered a car at Naas to drive out to the course, and on the way remonstrated with the carman on the starved condition of his horse, whose ribs would have served for an anatomical study.

'Well, your honour,' the jarvey explained, 'it's an unlucky horse.'

'How unlucky?' asked the Englishman.

'Well, it's this way, your honour. Each morning I toss with that horse whether he shall have his feed of oats or I have my glass of whisky, and would your honour credit it, the horse has lost these ten days past.'

I am reminded of the reply given by Lord Derby to a gentleman who sent him a dozen of very light claret, which he said would suit his gout. Lord Derby subsequently thanked him, but said he preferred the gout, and I have no doubt that that horse, had he been able to give tongue, would have been an ardent upholder of teetotalism when it ensured him a feed of oats.

One more story of Lord Derby, as I have just mentioned his name:—

A worthy trader had bothered him to let him stand for a certain borough on the Tory ticket, but the Whig was returned unopposed on the day of the nomination, and the candidate was subsequently attacked by Lord Derby for not coming forward as he had promised.

The man was almost as shaky in his aspirates as in his political propensities, and his reply was:—

'I would have stood, my lord, but there was a 'itch in the way.'

'It was the more necessary for you to come to the scratch,' was the immediate retort.

I always find that story popular at the Carlton, where I spend my afternoons when in London. I was proposed by Mr. James Lowther and seconded by the Duke of Marlborough, and very much obliged have I been to them both, for I have many acquaintances there, and it has all the conveniences of a comfortable hotel, without having to pay extravagantly for the privilege of looking at a waiter.

In the intervals of reading the papers and listening to other people, I have there, as elsewhere, endeavoured to impart what I know to others who know nothing about Ireland. They know much more about China or the aboriginal tribes of Australia, in London, than they do on the topics dearest to me.

An English Radical member, after a long chat with my son Maurice, observed:—

'You actually mean to say that if Home Rule were given to Ireland you would not be allowed to reside there?'

'Certainly not,' replied Maurice, who knew what he was talking about.

The member replied that he could not believe him, but that if he had known that that was the real nature of the Bill he would never have voted for it.

I could not desire a better example of English wisdom on this subject—one which Lord Rosebery has consigned to a distant date in futurity, foreseeing that if the Opposition are to be handicapped with Home Rule they will not stand a forty to one chance at the next election.

That election will, of course, turn on Protection, and I am therefore tempted to quote from an article I contributed to Murray's Magazine in July 1887, entitled 'After the Crimes Bill, What Next?' for I feel my forecast of over fourteen years ago may serve a useful purpose to-day. It ran thus:—

'In my next suggestion I feel that I am treading on dangerous ground; still, having undertaken to suggest a remedy for Irish discontent and anarchy, I must not shrink from offending the prejudices of some of the wise men of England.

'Ireland is an agricultural country. There are in Ulster, as in England and Scotland, factories which support the greater portion of the population, and cause the prosperity of the province; but outside of Ulster, cattle and butter are the staple products. And how does Ireland stand in her only market, England, as compared with other nations? She enjoys free trade in butter, no doubt, but so do France and Holland; but these countries, while they find an open market in England, tax all English and Irish productions, and being manufacturing countries themselves they can afford to sell butter at so cheap a rate as to swamp Ireland's market. A slight protective duty on foreign butter would be hailed with gratitude in Ireland, and do more to allay discontent than any further acts of so-called "generosity."

'Again, the great thinly peopled countries of the West find in England a free market for cattle and flour, and America taxes very highly all English goods. Why not place Ireland on a par with America, by levying a slight protective duty on American beef and flour? Every little village in Ireland formerly had its flour mill, which worked up the corn grown in the country as well as imported grain. These mills are now generally idle and the men who worked them ruined. A small duty on manufactured flour would restore this industry, and enable men with some capital to give employment to labour, and to work up in small quantities for the farmer, at a cheap rate, their home-grown corn, as well as to grind imported grain. Our own colonies may have, no doubt, a right to object to our taxing their goods, but not so foreign countries.

'The Free Trade system of England would, no doubt, have been successful if reciprocated. But the question is worth considering, whether the English people do not now lose more by taxation resulting from the chronic state of rebellion in Ireland than she gains by bringing in American beef and flour, and foreign butter and butterine, free, to the impoverishment of Ireland, and of the agricultural portions of England and Scotland? "Remedial measures" for an agricultural country are certainly not those which spoil its market.'

Don't dismiss that as pre-Chamberlainese Protection for it is sheer common-sense on a matter of national importance, and what I wrote in 1887, after many years, has become part of the political convictions of a great and an increasing party.

I wonder what the Protective party will be like when it eventually comes into office. Promises out of office are often the whale which only produces the sprat of legislation when the time of fulfilment arrives. This is an impartial opinion on most Cabinets of the last fifty years.

One of the few occasions on which a recent British Government has recently shown some signs of appreciating a really keen and capable man was when they made Mr. Ellison Macartney, Master of the Mint.

I wrote and congratulated him, observing that I hoped he would never be short of money, but if that was his plight all he had to do was to coin it for himself.

I have a bad recollection for faces, and one day in Dublin his father came up to me, and seeing I did not remember him, recalled a story with which I had amused him in the lobby of the House of Commons.

It was to this effect, and may prove new to others:—

Coming out of Glasgow one evening two Irishmen waylaid a Scotsman for the sake of plunder. He was nearly enough for them both, but numbers prevailed, and when they had mastered him, after searching his pockets, they only found three halfpence.

Said one Hibernian to the other:—

'Glory be to the Saints, Mick, what a fight he made for three halfpence.'

'Oh,' replied the other, 'it was the mercy of the Lord he had not tuppence, or he'd have killed the pair of us.'

Killing suggests the Kerry militia, the corps in which no one dies except of good fellowship, one which has done a good deal to unite the divergent interests of north and south Kerry, and which provides fine physical development for soldiers of all ranks.

Last year the militia received a grant of L120 from Government to be expended on route marching with the band through the county in order to promote recruiting. The net haul in the Milltown district was the village idiot, who promised to enlist after the next sessions if the jailer did not take him—he being apprehensive of committal to prison.

But even this was not enough, for his mother came to a neighbouring magistrate, weeping and praying for his remission, because—

'It was a drunken freak on Patrick, for if the lad had kept his senses, sure, he would never have done it.'

Another Kerry man being asked why his son did not enlist, replied:—

'Ah, Jamsie was not a big enough scamp for the militia, because you have to be a great blackguard before you can get in there.'

Which shows that the camel and needle's eye trick is easier to perform than to induce a country-bred man to enlist in the King's militia; though once in, every fellow loves it.

This intimation of an army suggests an anecdote of the past war-time. The militia was being embodied, and several landlords who held commissions were going under canvas with the corps at Gosport. One of his tenants stopped a popular landlord on the road and asked:—

'What do you want to go to be shot at by them Boers for, sir?'

'To be sure, Tim, my tenants have the first right to shoot me, have they not?' was the prompt reply.

The fellow roared with laughter at the retort, and after shaking hands, wished him luck.

It was also characteristic of Irish proclivities for a soft-voiced woman on the estate to say to Miss Leeson Marshall:—

'When the war broke out first we were all praying that the English might be beaten out of South Africa. Then when Mr. Marshall went away to the army, we thought we should not like his side to lose, so we changed our prayers round by the blessing of God and His Saints.'

If any real impression has been given in these pages of the inconsistent Irish character, the genuine character of this sentiment will be comprehensible. It has been said that an Irishman will tell the truth about everything except one thing—that, of course, is a horse. When not engaged in shooting his landlord, the tenant is by no means disaffected to him, whilst the female appurtenances, mindful of all the small doles they obtain, are much more voluble in their cordial protestations.

Sometimes the women are enigmatical: one does not know if they are acting out of kindness or from duplicity. For example, not so long ago a girl came up to one of my daughters in the road and said to her:—

'For the love of God tell your mother to order your father's coffin for he'll need it, the Saints preserve us.'

And with that she started away before there was time to reply.

Nothing came of it, of course: nothing ever has, of real importance.

Nothing, alas, also seems so often to be the verdict on life when looking back. Mine, however, has been too full a one, not only with griefs and trials but also with happiness and fun, for me to dismiss it thus. There has been so much more to live through than to write about, and yet, in these pages, has been told something which would have gone for ever untold if I had not in old age become garrulous. Things forgotten have been recalled to my mind and may prove suggestive to other people who read them, and it is my hope, in concluding, that I have provided diversion and a little food for reflection.

I feel that a critic may consider too much that has been set down here is disconnected, yet if he will let a gramophone record an animated conversation, he will find that it ebbs and flows with the uncertain babbling of a brook—and so it has been with me. Only the other day, in the preface to Camden's History of the British Islands, I came across the phrase:—

'bookes receive their doome according to the reader's capacitie,'

and that alone emboldens me to hope for some measure of success for the present volume. Readers do not always want serious subjects, and it is in an hour when they desire a little diversion that I hope my reminiscences may commend themselves, for in a phrase not unknown in my native Kerry, this book consists of 'little things, and that away.'

THE END



INDEX

Abbey of St. Denis, Paris, 79. Abbeyfeale, 253, 259. Abercorn, Duke of, 165. Aberdeen, Earl of, 167-168. —— Lady, 167-168. Acts— Arrears, 183, 184, 197. Crimes, 183, 262. Encumbered Estate, 71. Habeas Corpus Suspension, 225. Irish Church, 44, 180-181. Land, see under Land. Riot, 251. Union, of, 180. Westminster, of 1871, 251. Adams, Mr. Gould, of Kilmachill, 207. Aghabey, 83. Aghadoe, 3, 95, 254. Agriculture, Commission on, 268. Albert, Prince, 163. America, Irish dissatisfaction fostered in, 289; Home Rulers in, 289-290. Anderson, Rev. J.A., O.S.A., 99. Ardfert, 3. Argyll, Duke of, 174. Ashbourne, Lord, 286. Athenry, 171. Avonmore, Lord, 12.

Balfour, Mr. A.J., Chief Secretaryship of, 172-174. —— Mr. Gerald, Chief Secretaryship of, 172-173. —— of Burleigh, Lord, 274. Ballincushlane, 121. Ballot, effects of introduction, 194. Bally M'Elligott, 6. Ballybeggan, 4. Ballybunion, 90. Ballyporeen, Petty Sessions at, 164. Ballyvourney parish, 71, Bandon, Lord, 121. Bantry, 13, 39, 52. Barry, Lord Justice, 21-22, 216. Barter, Dr., of Cork, 147. Bartlett, Sir Ellis Ashmead, 112. Batt, Father, 123-124. Beaconsfield, Earl of, 122, 167. 'Beal-Bo,' 90-91. Beaufort, fenianism in, 254. Belfast, population of, 176. Bernard, Mr. Edward Morrogh, 265-266. —— Mrs. Morrogh, 265-266. Bessborough, Earl of, 270. Bewlay, Mr., 274. Bianconi, Mr. Charles, 78. Biggar, Mr., Parnell Commission on, 278-280. Bishops, nomination of, 122. Blarney, monument at, 116. Blasquet Islands, Lord Cork's property in, 200. Blennerhassett, Mr. Arthur, 258. —— Mr. and Mrs. Robert, 3. —— Mr. Roland, K.C., 95, 96. Bodkin, Galway family of, 7. Bogs, need for draining of, 141-142. Bogue, Farmer, 32-34, 110. Boycott, Captain, 213. Boycotting, 213, 214, 249, 250; Mr. Parnell on, 216-217. Brady, Lord Chancellor, 75. Breaing, value of land at, 259. Bright Clauses, the, 82. Bright, Mr. Jacob, 177. —— Mr. John, 177. Brown, Valentine, 3-4. Buccleuch, Duke of, 268. Buller, Sir Redvers, 157. Burke, Mr. T.H., 252. Burns, David, steward at Ardrum, 107. Byrne, Mr., 89.

Cadogan, Earl of, 169. Cahirciveen, fenianism at, 66, 152; drink traffic at, 113; poverty of, 214. Cahirnane, sale of, by Hussey family, 5. Cairns, Lord, 122, 271. Callaghan, Michael, 273. Callinafercy estate, 144, 159. Carden, Woodcock,' 255. Carew Manuscript, the, 4. Carlingford, Lord, Mr. Chichester Fortescue, 165, 169, 204, 268, 269. Carlisle, Earl of, 162-163. Carlton Club, 117, 188, 297. Carlyle, Mr. Thomas, 283. Carnarvon, Earl of, 167. Cassini, Count, 291. Castle Gregory, Walter Hussey, owned by, 4. Castleisland, opposition to Mr. Hussey at, 84, 214, 215; Mr. Dease assaulted at, 95; drink traffic at, 102, 103. Castle of Doon, ruins of, 91. Castle-Drum, land owned by Hussey family at, 2. Castlerosse, Lord, 153-154. Cattle, outrages on, 220-221. Cavanagh, Mr., 152. —— Mrs., 152-153. Cavendish, Lord Frederick, 174, 252. Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 86, 165, 175. Characteristics of Irish nature, 140-161. Charlestown, Land League outrage at, 253. Chatelherault, dukedom of, claimed by Duke of Abercorn, 165. Chief Secretaries— Balfour, Mr. A.J., 172-173. —— Mr. Gerald, 172-173. Forster, Mr. W.E., 170-173. Fortescue, Mr. Chichester (Lord Carlingford), 169. Lowther, Mr. James, 172, 174. Morley, Mr. John, 175. Naas, Lord, 169. Peel, Sir Robert, 169, 170. Trevelyan, Sir George, 174-175. Childers, Mr., Royal Commission, on, 181, 284. Christian, Lord Justice, 83, 89. Clare, Earl of (Col. Fitzgibbon), 164. Clarendon, Earl of, 163. Clergy— Protestant, 120-122. Roman Catholic, 115-120. Clonbrook, Lord, 287. Clonmel, Earl of, 287. Cobbe, Miss, 57, 177. Coffey, Bishop, 119. —— Denis, 257. Colthurst, Sir George, 38, 49, 96; Ballyvourney, estate of, 208; Rathcole estate, outrages on, 212. Commissions on Land Question, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 268-280; Parnell case, 275-280. Connor, Jeremiah, 245. —— Thomas, 245. Constabulary, the, 127-132. Conway, Captain, 3. —— Miss Avis (Mrs. Robert Blennerhassett), 3. Corelli, Miss Marie, 98. Cork and Orrery, Earl of, 199, 200, 218. Cork Constitutional, Edenburn outrage, on the, 239-240. —— Examiner, the, 96, 97, 244. Corkaquiny, barony of, castles of the Hussey family in, 2. Corn Law question, 51. Corragun, Sir Dominic, 132. County Club, Cork, 49. —— —— Tralee, 97, 111, 242. Cowen, Mr. Joseph, 204. Cowper, Earl, 166; Commission of, on Land Act, 271-272. Cox, Sir William, 13. Creameries, establishment of, 161. Crime in Kerry, Judge O'Brien on, 229-234. Crosbie, Bishop John, 3. —— Colonel, 229. Cruickshank family, the, 261. Curraghila, land value at, 259.

Daily Telegraph, the, 222, 255. Daly, Cornelius, Denis, and John, 245. Davitt, Mr. Michael, 202, 260, 277, 278, 291. De Bruce, Edward, 13. De Freyne case, 118. De Huse, Herbert, 6. —— or Hussy, Nicholas, 6. De la Huse, family name of Hussey, 6. De Lacy, Hugh, Earl of Ulster, 6. Dease, Mr., assault on, 95, 97. —— Sir Gerald, 95. Deasy, Lord Justice, 83. Delane, Anne, 272. Denny, Edmund, 3. —— family, 8. —— Miss, the 'Princess Royal,' 8. —— Mr. Francis, 155. Derby, Lord, Land League, threats from, 40; Archbishop Magee, opinion of, 44; anecdote of, 296. Derrynane Bay, smuggling at, 24. Desmond, Countess of, 282. Devonshire, Duke of, 269. Dillon, Mr., 79. Dillwyn, Mr., 94. Dinan, Jeremiah, 245. Dingle, Hussey family settled at, 2; present day, 5, 6; yeomanry corps of, 14; poverty of, 214. Dispensaries, 135-139. Doctors, dispensary, appointment of, 132. Dolly's Brae, Orange procession at, 163. Don, the O'Conor, 270. Doneghan, Mr., 42-43. Donelly, Mr. William, 52. Donoughmore, Lady, 8. Donovan, Sir Henry, 99. Douglas, Mr., 57. Downing, Miss Ellen, 'Mary,' 63. —— Mr., 292. Dowse, Baron, land purchase, opinion on, 205; boycotting on, 214; Grand Jury of Kerry, address to, 261; commission on the Land Law, on, 270. Doyle family, 250. Drink, prevalence of, 101-114. Dublin, population of, 176. Dudley, Lord, 169. Dufferin, Lord, 185. Duffy, Mr. Charles Gavan, 100. Dun, Mr. Finlay, 192-193, 207, 209. Dunraven, Lord, 173, 271.

Edenburn, home of Mr. Hussey at, 73, 80-81; outrage at, 235-247. Egan, Patrick, 291. Elections in Kerry, description of, 93-100. Emigration, agents' treatment of emigrants, 57; American offer to, 57-58. Emmett, Robert, 156. Engineering Surveyors' Institution, 42. Erne, Lord, 213. Esmonde, Sir Thomas, 294. Evictions, number of, on Lord Kenmare's estate, 221.

Faith, Mr. George, 46. Famine, the, 50-59. Farms, sub-divisions of, 36. Farranfore, evictions at, 251. Fenianism, 60-70. FitzGerald, family of, 3. —— Lady (Miss Julia Hussey), 16. —— Mr., member of Land Commission, 274. —— Mrs., 173. —— Mrs. Robert (Miss Ellen Hussey), 16. —— Richard, 245. —— Sir Peter (Knight of Kerry), 16. Fitzpatrick, Sir Denis, 189. FitzWalter, Theobald, 6. Flaherty, Tim, 48. Forster, Mr. Arnold, 171. —— Mr. W.E., Chief Secretary, 163, 169, 170-172; criticism, sensitiveness to, 211; quoted, 216. Free Trade, 51, 299. Freeman, the, 96. French, Mr., 222. Froude, Mr. J.A., Mr. Hussey and, friendship between, 5, 177, 227, 282-285. Fry Commission, the, 185, 272. —— Sir Edward, 272.

Gadstone and Ellis, Messrs., 258. Generals, famous Irish, 156-157. Gentleman, Mr. Goodman, 82. —— Mr. Henry, 24.5. Geraldine family, the, 192. Gladstone, Mr.— Irish emigration, attitude towards, 58. Legislation, effects of, 60-61, 67, 108, 131, 179-193. Letter to, from Mr. Arthur Blennerhassett, 258-259. Mr. Hussey and, 84, 177-178. Mr. W.E. Forster and, 170, 171. Nationalist party, attitude towards, 195-196. —— Mrs., anecdotes of, 45, 287. Glasgow, morality of, 36. Globe, the, 256. Godfrey, Dowager Lady, 73. —— Sir John, 154, 155. Gough, Lord, 157. Granard, Earl of, 118, 259. Grant, Mr., 193. Granville, Earl, 165. Graves, Mr., 48. Griffin, Andrew, 264. Guest, Sir Ivor, 166. Guillamore, Chief Baron, 160. Gull, Mr., 132.

Haggerty, Jeremiah, outrage on, 217. Harenc estate, the, bought by Mr. Samuel Hussey, 82-92, 278; Land Act, effect on, 274. Harenc, Mr., death of, 82. Harnett, Mr., 251. Harrington, Mr. T., 263-264, 294. Harris, Mr. Matthew, 251. Headley, Lord, 254, 255. Henry, Mr. Mitchell, 204. Herbert family, the, 5. —— Mr. Charles, 3. —— Mr. A.E., 252, 255; murder of, 226-227. —— Mr. William, 3. Hewson, Mr., 84. Hickson, Captain John,' Sovereign of Dingle,' anecdote of, 13-14. —— Colonel, 273. —— Mr., 79. Hickson, Mr. Robert, 13. —— Mrs., 53. —— Mrs. Judith, 15. Higgins, Bishop, 119. Hitchcock, Mr., 6. Hoffman, tenant of Mr. Hussey, case of, 273. Hogan, William, 245. Hogg, Mr., 21. Home Rule Bill, 282, 287, 297. —— —— Party, the, 194-195. —— Rulers, Irish-American, 289-290. Hore, Mr., house and haggards of, burnt, 4. Houghton, Lord, 168-169. Howorth, Sir Henry, 285-286. Huddard's School at Dublin, 20-21. Huddleston, Mr. Henry, house of, burnt, 4. Husse, Sir Hugh, 6. Hussey, origin of name, 6. —— Colonel Maurice, 5-6, 100. —— Miss Anne, 19. —— —— Clarissa, 126. —— —— Mary, 16. —— Mr. Edward, 16. —— —— James, 15-16, 19. —— —— John, brother of Mr. Samuel, 15. —— —— —— son of Mr. Samuel, 16. —— —— Maurice, 16, 253, 297. —— —— Michael, M.P. for Dingle, 7. —— —— 'Red Precipitate,' 10, 12, 15. —— —— Robert, 16. —— —— Samuel, M., parentage of, 10-12; early life and education of, 20-29; farming, 30-37; land agent in Cork, 38 et seq.; to Colthurst property, 71; candidature of, for Parliament, 96, 98; Irish Land Act Commission, evidence before, 205-206, 268-280; press criticisms of, 209-210, 248, 255, 256, 275; Land Leaguers, threats from, 214, 224, 235-247; Edenburn outrage, 235-247; 'Woodcock,' 255; land sales, series of, letter to the Times regarding, 259; Times, letter to, re Mr. Harrington, 263-264; Parnell Commission, evidence before, 276-280; Froude, friendship with, 282-285; Sir Henry Howorth, friendship with, 285-286; Protection, opinion on, 297-299. —— —— Walter, 4. Hussey, Mrs. (Miss Mary Hickson), 53; descent of, 12-13. —— —— Samuel (Miss Julia Agnes Hickson), 13. —— Sir John, Earl of Galtrim, 6.

Inch East and Ardroe, 258. —— Island, 258. Industries, 142. Inniscarra, 38. Irish Citizen, the, 248. Irish Land Commission, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 205, 270-275. Iveragh, barony of, 18.

Jeffreys, Mr., 49. Jenkinson, Mr., 246. Jenner, Mr., 132. Johnson, Judge, 83.

Kanturk, 108. Keagh, Judge, anecdote of, 87-88; opinion of Irishmen, 130. Kellegher, Mr. Jerry, anecdotes of, 10-12. Kellehers, the, 88. Kelly, Miss Mary, 'Eva,' 63. Kenmare family, the, 3. —— Earl of, succession to title, 95; expenditure on estate improvements, 152, 196, 209, 221; anecdote of, 153; criticisms of, 209, 255; House of Commons, debate on estate of, 221; departure from Ireland, 224. —— district, poverty of, 214. Kerry, population, etc., of, 36-37; clergy and churches in, 119 Kerry Sentinel, Edenburn outrage, on the, 240. Kilcockan parish, land value in, 193. Kilcoleman, woods of, 155. Kildare Street Club, 49. Killarney, crime in, 66, 214. —— House, home of Lord Kenmare, 115, 209. Killeentierna House, home of Mr. A. Herbert, 226. —— parish, church revenue of, 121. Killiney parish, property of Hussey family in, 4. Killorglin, Puck Fair at, 95, 104, 105; voting at, 294. Kilmainham gaol, 68. Kilronan, evictions at, 258. Kimberley, Earl of (Lord Wodehouse), 164, 165. Kitchener, Lord, 157.

Laing, Mr., M.P. for Orkney, 198-199, 200. Land Acts, Wyndham, the, 40, 41, 58, 187-188, 192; Ashbourne, the, 41, 264; Balfour's, of 1896, 84; Gladstone's, of 1870, 181, 185-186; of 1881, 71, 181-189; effects of, 196-200, 274, 282. Land League— Church and, 118. Effects of, 199-200, 202, 208. Outrages of, 199, 212-222, 246, 248, 267. Le Fanu, Mr. W.R., 77. ——Mr. Sheridan, 77. Leary, Darby, 245. Lecky, Mr., 100, 283. Leehys, the, feud of, 88. Lefevre, Mr. Shaw, Commission of, 269. Lehunt, Colonel, 4. Leinster, Duchess of, 169. Leitrim, Lord, 226. Limerick, Mr. Hogg's school at, 21. Lismore, famine fever at, 54; agricultural depression in, 193; estate of Duke of Devonshire at, 269-270. Listowel, crime in, 87, 214. Lloyd, Mr. Clifford, 128. Lockwood, Mr. Frank, 277. Logue, Dr., Archbishop of Armagh, 118. Lombard and Murphy, Messrs., 83. Londonderry, Marquis of, 168. Longfield, Judge, 258. Longford, clerical help for Lord Granard in, 118. Lord-Lieutenants— Abercorn, Duke of, 165. Aberdeen, Earl of, 167-168. Cadogan, Earl of, 169. Carlisle, Earl of, 162-163. Carnarvon, Earl of, 167. Clarendon, Earl of, 163. Cowper, Earl, 166. Dudley, Earl of, 169. Houghton, Lord, 168-169. Kimberley, Earl of, 164. Londonderry, Marquis of, 168. Marlborough, Duke of, 165-166. Spencer, Earl, 166-167. Zetland, Earl of, 168. Lower Curryglass, agricultural depression in, 193. Lowther, Mr. James, 172, 174, 297. Lucy, Mary, letters of, to Mr. Hussey, 292-293. Luxnow, 83.

Macaulay, Dr., 117. Macartney, Mr. Ellison, 299. MacCarthy, Bishop, 119. —— Florence, 4. —— Mr., 115. MacCarty, Mr. Daniel, 18. MacGregor, Sir Duncan, 128. Magee, Archbishop, 35, 44-45. Magheries, the, owned by the Hussey family, 4. Maguire, Mr., M.P. for Cork, 43. Mahaffy, Prof., 252. Manchester Guardian on the Edenburn outrage, 238-239. Marlborough, Duchess of, 206. —— Duke of, 165-166, 297. Marriage customs, 142-146. Marshall, Miss Leeson, 301. —— Mr. Leeson, 144, 159, 206; anecdote of, 301. Martin, Miss, books of, 30. —— Mr. Richard, M.P., 55. —— Mr. Robert, 274. Mason, John, 245. Matthew, Father, 61, 101-102. Maynooth, 116, 118, 122, 180. M'Calmont, Captain, 261. M'Carthy, Mr. Justin, 264. M'Cowan, Mr., of Tralee, 220. M'Elligott, John, 245. Merry, Mr. Andrew, 120. Milnes, Mr. Monckton, 168. Millstreet, crime in, 217, 222. Milltown, voting at, 295. —— Fair, price of cattle at, 273. Minard Castle, 4. Minerals, 142. Mitchel, Mr. John, 55, 64. Monaghan, Chief Justice, 87. Monk, Lord, 94. Monsell, Hon. Mrs., 65. Moore, Mr. Crosbie, 164-165. Moriarty, Dr., Bishop of Killarney, 66, 67, 119. Morley, Mr., 170, 175-176, 177, 178. Morning Post, 291. Morris, Lord, anecdotes of, 69, 76, 87, 137, 167-168, 170, 254-255, 288. —— Mr. Edward, 111-112. Mountmorres, Lord, 226. Moynihar, Michael, 245. Muckross, 5, 166. Mueller, Prof. Max, 131. Mullins, Miss, 8. Murder, encouragement of, 227-228. Murphy, Cornelius, murder of, 231. —— Mr., 88. —— Patrick, of Rath, case of, 222. Murray, George, 13. —— Judith, 13. —— Mrs. William (Miss Anne Grainger), 13. —— —— (Miss Ann Hornswell), 13. —— Sir Walter, Lord of Drumshegrat, 12. —— Mr. William, 13. Murray's Magazine, 297.

Naas, Lord, 169. —— posting arrangements at, 31. Nagle, Mr., 46-47. Nason family, 193. National League Police, 250. Nationalists, the, 196. Neill, Daniel, 245. Neligan, John, 245. New York Tablet, the, 210. Nicoll, Mrs., 241. Nield, Mr., 253. Nolan, Mr., of Ballinderry, 55. Normanton, Lord, 259.

O'Brien, Judge, address to Grand Jury on state of Kerry, 228-234. —— Smith, 64-65. O'Connell, Mr. Daniel, anecdotes of, 10, 160; family of, 24-25. —— —— —— (junior), 152. —— —— John, 25. —— —— Morgan, 24. —— —— Philip, anecdote of, 48. —— Mrs., 78. —— Sir James, 25-26. O'Connor, Father M., 92. —— Fergus, anecdote of, 76. —— Mr. T.P., 62. O'Conor Don, the, 270. O'Donnell v. the Times, 274. O'Donoghue, Rev. Denis, 96. —— the, 221; election of, 98-99. O'Hagan, Lord, 89. Oliver, Colonel, 199. Ormsby, Judge, 82, 83. O'Shaughnessy, Mr., 273. O'Shea, Daniel, 210, 255. O'Sullivan, James, 245.

Palmer, Mr., 294. Parliament, Irish Members of, 194 et seq. Parnell Commission, 68, 104, 275-280. —— Mr., fenian leadership of, 65, 156; Lord Carnarvon and, 167; Land League and, 195, 202, 216; speech quoted on boycotting, 249. Parnellism and crime, 275. Peel, Sir Robert, 51, 76. —— —— —— (the younger), 169. Pembroke, Earl of, 271. Phoenix Park murder, the, 252. —— Society, the, 65. Pigott, Richard, 275-276. Pitt, Mr. William, 180. Plunkett, Mr. T.O., 222. —— Sir Horace, 161. Price, Professor Bohnamy, 268. Protection, Mr. Hussey on, 297-299. Puck Fair, 95, 104-105. Punchestown, 296.

Quill, Patrick, 273.

Ray, Mr. Jack, anecdote of, 154-155. Regiura Donum, Presbyterian grant, 180. Reid, Mr., 277. ——Sir Wemyss, 171, 211. Reynolds, Alderman John, 75-76. ——John, 245. Richmond and Gordon, Duke of, 204, 268. Roberts, Earl, 157. Roche, Mr. R., 240. Roden, Lord, 163. Ronayne, Mr. Joseph, M.P. for Cork, 46. Rosebery, Earl of, 171. Ross, Judge, 41. Rossa, O'Donovan, 65. Rossbeigh, Land League at, 266. Royal Commission on Agriculture, 204. Russell, Lord John, 51, 163. ——Sir Charles, 276-277.

Sadler, Colonel, 4. Saint Alban's, Holborn, Church of, 122. Saint Anne's, Soho, Church of, 34. Saint James's Club, 57. Salisbury, Lord, Commission on Land Act of 1881, 271. Sandes, Mr., 97. Savings Banks, increase of deposits, 191. Saxe, Marshal, anecdote of, 62-63. Schoolmasters, appointment of, 133. Scottish character, 35-36. Scully, Mr., 94. Sexton, Mr., 222. Shaftesbury, Lord, 122. Shanahan, Robert, 151. ——Thomas, 245. Shaw, Mr., 270. Sheehan, Mr., 252. Sheehy, Father, 252. Shiel, Sir George, 122. Smerwick Harbour, 2. Smith, Mr. Charles, historian, 2, 6. ——Sidney, 136. Somerville, Miss, 30. Spencer, Lord, anecdote of, 166-167; Land Act, opinion on, 203; Coercion Act, opinion on, 225. Spiddal, 137. Standford, Mr., 99. Stansfield, Lord, 204. Star newspaper, 275. Stephen, Sir James, quoted, 250-251. Stevens, Captain, 110. Stephens, James, 'Number One,' 65, 68, 156. Stuart, Mr., 258, Sullivan, Sir Edward, 166. Sunday Democrat newspaper, 255.

Tanner, Dr., 112. Thackeray, William Makepeace, 78. Thorneycroft, Colonel, 16. Times newspaper, the— Edenburn outrage, on the, 239, 242-243. Encumbered Estate Act, quoted on, 71. Mr. Hussey's letter to, on land values, 259; Lord Kenmare's estate, 221. O'Donnell v., 274-275. Parnell Commission, Mr. Hussey's evidence before, 276-280. Traill, Dr. Anthony, 272. Tralee, drink traffic in, 113. —County Club, 97, 111, 242. Trant family, the, 107. Trench, Mr. Steuart, famine described by, 50-51. ——Townshend, 17, 277. Trevelyan, Sir George, 174-175. Trinity College, Dublin, 117. Tucker, Sir Charles, 157. Tulla, outrage at, 171, 216. Tullamore, Mr. Forster's speech at, 216. Tweedmouth, Lord, 167. Tynan, 'Number One,' 65, 156.

Union Club, 246. United Ireland newspaper, 244, 249, 251. University, Roman Catholic, for Ireland, Mr. Hussey's opinion regarding, 116-117.

Ventry Harbour, 2, 4. —— Lady, famine, help in, 53, 54. —— Lord, 46.

Wallace, Mr. Paul, 48. Walsh, Dr., Archbishop of Dublin, 118. Wellington, Duke of, 157, 163. White, Mr. Richard, of Inchiclogh, 55. —— Sir George, 157. Whiteboys, 14, 61-62. Whiteside, Chief Justice, 89. Wilde, Lady, 'Speranza,' 63. —— Oscar, 63. Winn, Mr., 255. Wolseley, Lord, 157, 283. Wrench, Mr., 274. Wright, Mr. Huntley, quoted, 101. 'Wuffalo Will,' 64. Wyndham, Mr., 58, 129.

York, Duke of, 173. Youghal, 193. Young Ireland Party, 63. —— Mr., 99.

Zetland, Earl of, 168.

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