Very little is accurately known of James's career before his entry into the East India Company's service. He was born in Pembrokeshire in humble circumstances, and went to sea at an early age. According to one account, he served in Hawke's ship, but, wherever his training was received, it had made him a first-rate seaman. In 1747, he entered the Company's marine service, being then about twenty-six years of age.
In 1751, he sailed from England in command of the Guardian sloop, one of the two men-of-war built by the Directors for the protection of Bombay trade. His services against the coast pirates, during the next two years, procured his advancement to the post of Commodore at Bombay, and it was soon remarked that the sailing of the Protector, on which his flag was now hoisted, had greatly improved by the changes he had made. By his capture of Severndroog, now to be related, he became famous. He played his part at the capture of Gheriah, and, in the following year, when the news of the disaster at Calcutta became known in Bombay, he was sent down in the Revenge, with four hundred men, to join the force sent up from Madras under Watson and Clive. Off Calicut he encountered the French ship Indien, carrying twenty-four guns and over two hundred men, and captured her. He afterwards joined the board of Directors, was created a baronet, had a seat in Parliament, and, in time, became chairman of the Company. Sterne, in the last year of his life, formed a close friendship with Mr. and Mrs. James, and, a few days before he died, recommended his daughter Lydia to their care.
On the 22nd March, 1755, James sailed from Bombay in the Protector, forty guns, having with him the Swallow, sixteen guns, the Viper bombketch, and the Triumph prahm. The following day, he sighted an Angrian squadron of seven grabs and eleven gallivats, which he chased for a couple of hours without success. Two days later, he was joined off Chaul by the Peishwa's fleet, consisting of seven grabs, two batellas, and about forty gallivats. To James's annoyance, he found his allies in no hurry to get on. Twice they insisted on landing, lingering for over three days in one place. On the 29th, Severndroog was sighted, and Angria's fleet of seven grabs and ten gallivats was observed coming out. The signal to chase was made, but obeyed with little alacrity by the Peishwa's people, though experience had shown that they could outsail the Bombay ships. James gave chase with his little squadron, his Mahratta allies being left, by evening, hull down, astern. The Angrians made prodigious exertions to escape, hanging out turbans and clothing to catch every breath of air. All the following day the ineffectual chase continued, the Protector outsailing its own consorts, and losing sight altogether of its Mahratta allies. Finding it useless to persevere, James hauled his wind, and stood to the northward for Severndroog, which he had left far behind in the chase. Here he found Ramajee Punt, who had landed a few men, and entrenched himself at about two miles from the nearest fort, with a single four-pounder gun.
The harbour of Severndroog is formed by a slight indentation in the coast and a small rocky islet about a quarter of a mile from the mainland, on which was the Severndroog fort, with walls fifty feet high, and, in many places, parapets cut out of the solid rock; the whole armed with about fifty guns. On the mainland, opposite to Severndroog, was another fort. Fort Gova, armed with, about forty-four guns, while southwards of Gova were two smaller forts on a small promontory, Futteh Droog and Kanak Droog, armed with twenty guns each.
James at once saw that the reduction of the different forts by the Peishwa's troops would be a matter of months, even if he was able to keep out succours from the sea, which the monsoon would render impossible; so, in spite of the Council's orders, he resolved on taking matters into his own hands. He had been brought up in a good school, and knew that, to match a ship against a fort with success, it was necessary to get as close as possible, and overpower it with weight of metal. After taking the necessary soundings, on the 2nd April he stood in to four-fathom water, taking with him the Viper and Triumph, and bombarded Severndroog fort. The Mahratta fleet gave no assistance, so the Swallow was detached to guard the southern entrance. All day long the cannonade continued, till a heavy swell setting into the harbour, in the evening, obliged a cessation of fire. The fort fired briskly in return, but did little damage; while the Mahratta fleet lay off out of range, idle spectators of the conflict. At night came Ramajee Punt on board the Protector, bringing with him a deserter from the fort, who reported that the Governor had been killed and a good deal of damage done. He told them that it was impossible to breach the side on which the Protector's fire was directed, as it was all solid rock.
In the morning, the Protector weighed and ran in again, James placing his ships between Severndroog and Gova. The flagship engaged Severndroog so closely that, by the small arm fire of men in the tops, and by firing two or three upper-deck guns at a time instead of in broadsides, the Severndroog gunners were hardly able to return a shot. With her lower-deck guns on the other side the Protector cannonaded the mainland forts, which also received the attention of the Viper and Triumph. It would be difficult to find a parallel to this instance of a single ship and two bombketches successfully engaging four forts at once, that far outnumbered them in guns; but so good were James's arrangements that neither his ships nor his men suffered harm. Soon after midday a magazine exploded in Severndroog; the conflagration spread, and, before long, men, women, and children were seen taking to their boats, and escaping to the mainland. Numbers of them were intercepted and taken by the Swallow and the Mahratta gallivats. The bombardment of the mainland forts was continued till night, and resumed the following morning, till about ten o'clock, when all three hauled down their colours. Thus, in forty-eight hours, did James by his vigorous action reduce this Angrian stronghold that was second only to Gheriah in strength. The Mahrattas were never slow at seizing any advantage that had been won by others, as was shown a few months later at Gheriah; but on this occasion they were so struck by James's intrepidity that they refused to enter Gova without him. The English flag was hoisted in all three forts, amid the cheers of the English sailors. It was then found that, by mismanagement, the Governor of Gova had been allowed to escape over to Severndroog, and gallantly reoccupied it, with a small body of sepoys, hoping to hold out till assistance could reach him from Dabul. So the Protector's guns were set to work again, and, under cover of their fire, a party of seamen was landed, who hewed open the sally port with their axes and made themselves masters of the fort. Thus, in a few hours, and without losing a single man, had "the spirited resolution of Commodore James destroyed the timorous prejudices which had for twenty years been entertained of the impracticability of reducing any of Angria's fortified harbours."
The whole success of the expedition had been due to James, and the Peishwa's officers ungrudgingly acknowledged the fact, as well as the bad behaviour of their own people. "I have learnt with particular satisfaction that the fleet your Honor sent to the assistance of Ramajee Punt have by their courage and conduct reduced Severndroog, the suddenness of which transcends my expectations; and I allow myself incapable of sufficiently commending their merit," wrote the Peishwa's Commander-in-Chief to Bourchier. Ramajee Punt wrote in similar terms, and sent a dress of honour to James. In their elation, the Peishwa's officers wished to complete the destruction of Angria without delay. Bankote was surrendered to them without firing a shot, and a demonstration was made against Rutnaghiri. But the Council was cautious, and forbade James to risk his ships. The Mahrattas offered him two lakhs of rupees if he would support them in attacking Dabul, but he dared not exceed his orders again, and returned to Bombay. The success of a second coup-de-main could not be relied on, and a repulse would have restored Toolajee's drooping spirits, and made future success more difficult. The soldiers Bombay had lent to Madras were no longer required, so James was sent there in the Protector, to bring them back after the monsoon.
In the end of October, an unexpected accession of force, from England, reached Bombay. In the suspension of arms that had been concluded at Madras between the English and French, Carnatic affairs alone were made the subject of agreement. Bussy, with a French force, remained in the Deccan, engaged in extending the Nizam's influence, a proceeding that was viewed with alarm by the Peishwa. With the object of expelling the French from the Deccan, the English Government sent out to Bombay a force of seven hundred men, to act against Bussy, in concert with the Mahratta Government. The command was to be taken by Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, the Company's engineer-general at Madras. The Directors had also sent Clive to Bombay to act as second in command to Scott. But Scott had died, in the mean time, and the Doddington, East Indiaman, bringing the Directors' instructions to the Bombay Council, had been wrecked near the Cape. Before the middle of November, Watson's squadron arrived, in furtherance of the Deccan project, together with James, in the Protector, bringing two hundred and fifty-five Bombay soldiers from Madras. Clive, alone, knew of the Directors' plan for the Deccan, and urged it on the Council. Ramajee Punt was in Bombay urging them to complete the destruction of Angria, and inviting them to take possession of Bankote; so they decided to devote themselves to Gheriah, on the grounds that the Deccan expedition would be an infringement of the late agreement with the French.
Seeing that nothing was to be done in the Deccan, Watson tendered the services of his squadron to assist in the reduction of Gheriah, and Clive offered to command the land forces. James was sent down in the Protector, with the Revenge and Guardian, with Sir William Hewitt, Watson's flag lieutenant, to reconnoitre and take soundings. Nothing was known of Gheriah. It was supposed to be as high, and as strong as Gibraltar. Like that celebrated fortress, it stood on rocky ground at the end of a promontory, connected with the mainland by a narrow neck of ground, at the month of a small estuary. James found that it was less formidable than it had been represented, and that large ships could go close in. To prevent Toolajee's ships from escaping, the Bridgewater, Kingsfisher, and Revenge were sent to blockade the place till the expedition was ready to start.
On the 11th February, the whole force was assembled off Gheriah, a greater armament than had yet ever left Bombay harbour. In addition to Watson's squadron of six vessels, four of them line-of-battle ships, and displaying the flags of two admirals, the Company's marine made a brave show of eighteen ships, large and small, carrying two hundred and fourteen guns, besides twenty fishing-boats to land troops with, each carrying a swivel-gun in the bows. Between them they carried eight hundred European and six hundred native troops. With Watson also went Captain Hough, superintendent of the Company's marine, as representative of the Council.
Part of the instructions given to Clive and Hough by the Council will bear repeating.
"It is probable that Toolajee Angria may offer to capitulate, and possibly offer a sum of money; but you are to consider that this fellow is not on a footing with any prince in the known world, he being a pirate in whom no confidence can be put, not only taking, burning, and destroying ships of all nations, but even the vessels belonging to the natives, which have his own passes, and for which he has annually collected large sums of money. Should he offer any sum of money it must be a very great one that will pay us for the many rich ships he has taken (which we can't enumerate), besides the innumerable other smaller vessels; but we well remember the Charlotte bound from hence to China, belonging to Madras; the William belonging to Bombay, from Bengal; the Severn, a Bengal freight ship for Bussorah, value nine or ten lakhs of rupees; the Derby belonging to the Hon'ble Company, with the Grab Restoration, value Rs.5,22,743-4-6; the sloop Pilot and the Augusta; also the Dadaboy from Surat, Rose from Mangalore, Grab Anne from Gombroon, Benjimolly from the Malabar coast, and Futte Dowlat from Muscat."
The Council were desirous of getting Toolajee into their own custody, fearful that, if left in Mahratta hands, he would be set free before long, and the work would have to be done over again.
Before the expedition left Bombay, a council of war was held, to decide on the division of spoils, between the sea and land forces. Such agreements were common enough, on such occasions, in order to prevent subsequent disputes and individual plundering. In settling the shares of the officers, the council decided that Clive and Chalmers, who was next to Clive in command of the troops, should have shares equal to that of two captains of King's ships. To this Clive objected that, though as Lieutenant-Colonel, his share would, according to custom, be equal to that of a naval captain, on this occasion, as Commander-in-Chief of the troops, it should be greater, and ought not to be less than that of Rear-Admiral Pocock. The council of war refused to agree to this, as the naval officers, who formed the majority, could not be brought to consent. Like Drake, who would rather diminish his own portion than leave any of his people unsatisfied, Watson undertook to 'give the Colonel such a part of his share as will make it equal to Rear-Admiral Pocock's;' and this was duly entered in the proceedings.
In the division of spoils, no mention is made of their Mahratta allies. They were left out of account altogether, and the reason is not far to seek. Experience had shown that, in the coming military operations, the Mahrattas would count for nothing. All the hard knocks would fall on the English, and it was but fair that they should have the prize-money; the Mahrattas would gain a substantial benefit in the possession of Gheriah, which was to be made over to them after capture.
The arrangements for the command of the troops showed that the lessons of the last ten years of warfare against the French had borne fruit. The command was left to those who made it their profession. Henceforth we hear no more of factors and writers strutting about in uniform, calling themselves colonels and captains for a few weeks, and then returning to their ledgers. We have done with the Midfords and the Browns. Out of the thirteen years he had served the Company, Clive had been a soldier for eleven. He had definitely abandoned his civil position, and had embraced a military career, and his merits had been recognized by the grant of a Lieutenant-Colonel's commission from the King. The subordinate military officers also had improved. The worst of them had been weeded out, and many of them had learned their business under Lawrence in the Carnatic. Though much unnecessary interference still went on in quarters, they were left unfettered in the command of their men in the field.
A few hours after leaving Bombay, the expedition was overtaken by despatches from Bourchier, with intelligence that the Mahrattas were treating with Toolajee. On reaching Gheriah, they found the Mahratta army encamped against it, and Ramajee Punt himself came off to tell the commanders that, with a little patience, the fort would surrender without firing a shot, as Toolajee was already in their hands and ready to treat. Alarmed at the great armament coming against him, and cowed by recent reverses, Toolajee had come as a suppliant into the Mahratta camp to try if, by finesse and chicanery, he might escape utter destruction, while, in Gheriah, he had left his brother-in-law with orders to defend it to the last. The Peishwa's officers, on their side, were anxious to get the place into their hands without admitting the English to any share of the booty; a design that was at once seen through by Hough and Watson. Ramajee promised to bring Toolajee with him the following day, to show that he was not treating separately. Instead of doing so, he sent some subordinate officers, together with some of Toolajee's relations, with excuses, to keep Watson in play, while a large bribe was offered to Hough to induce him to persuade the Admiral to suspend operations. Watson, who had already summoned the fort to surrender, let them know that he would not wait very long. They were taken to view the ship with its tiers of heavy guns, and, as a grim hint of what might be expected, he presented Toolajee's friends with a thirty-two pound shot as they left the ship.
At half-past one in the afternoon, the flag of truce having returned with the Governor's refusal to surrender, signal was made to weigh, and the whole fleet stood into the harbour in three divisions, led by the Kingsfisher, sloop, and the Bridgewater. The inner line, nearest to the fort was formed by the line-of-battle ships and the Protector: the Company's grabs and bombketches, with the Guardian, formed the second line, while the gallivats and small vessels formed a third, outer line. As the Kingsfisher came opposite the fort, a shot was fired at her. The signal was made to engage, and as each ship reached its station it came to an anchor, the inner line being within musket-shot of the fort. Across the mouth of the river, Toolajee's grabs were drawn up, among them being the Restoration, the capture of which, six years before, had caused so much heart-burning in Bombay. As the heavy shot and shell came pouring in from over one hundred and fifty guns at close range, the Gheriah defenders manfully strove to repay the same with interest. But so terrific was the fire brought to bear on them, that it was impossible for them to lay their guns properly. In that February afternoon many a cruel outrage was expiated under that hail of iron. After two hours' firing, a shell set the Restoration on fire; it spread to the grabs, and before long the Angrian fleet, that had been the terror of the coast for half a century, was in a blaze. The boats were ordered out, and, as evening came on, Clive was put on shore with the troops, and took up a position a mile and a half from the fort. The Mahrattas joined him, and Toolajee, from whom the Peishwa's people had extorted a promise to surrender the fort, found means to send a letter into the place, warning his brother-in-law against surrender to the English. In the fort all was terror and dismay, though the Governor manfully did his duty. From the burning shipping the flames spread to the bazaars and warehouses. All night the bombketches threw in shells, while the conflagration continued. One square tower in the fort burned with such violence as to resemble a fabric of red-hot iron in a smithy.
Early next morning, Watson sent in a flag of truce again, but surrender was still refused, so the line-of-battle ships were warped in and recommenced firing; while Clive, who had approached the fort, battered it from the land side. At four in the afternoon a magazine in the fort blew up, and a white flag was hoisted. An officer was sent on shore, but the Governor still attempted to evade surrender. He consented to admit five or six men into the fort to hoist English colours, but would not definitely surrender possession till next day. So fire was reopened, and in twenty minutes more the Angrian flag was hauled down for the last time, and the last shred of Angrian independence had ceased to exist.
Sixty men, under Captains Forbes and Buchanan, were marched up to hold the gate for the night. A body of the Peishwa's troops tried to gain admission, and offered the officers a bill on Bombay for a lakh of rupees to allow them to pass in. The offer was rejected, but the Peishwa's officer still continued to press in, till Forbes faced his men about, and, drawing his sword, swore he would cut him down if he persisted.
The following morning, the fort was taken possession of by Clive. The success had been gained at the cost of about twenty men killed and wounded.
Ramajee Punt at once made a formal demand for the fort to be given up to him. Watson, in return, demanded that Toolajee should be made over into English custody. Meanwhile, a hunt for the treasure secreted in different places went on. "Every day hitherto has been productive of some new discoveries of treasure, plate, and jewels, etc.," wrote Hough three days later. Altogether about one hundred and thirty thousand pounds' worth of gold, silver, and jewels were secured, and divided between the land and sea forces. True to his promise, Watson sent Clive a thousand pounds to make his share equal to Pocock's. Clive sent it back again. He was satisfied with the acknowledgment of his claim, but would not take what came out of Watson's private purse. "Thus did these two gallant officers endeavour to outvie each other in mutual proofs of disinterestedness and generosity," wrote Ives in his narrative. A thousand pounds was a larger sum then than it would be now, and Clive was a poor man at the time, but he was never greedy of money. The incident justifies his boast, long afterwards, of his moderation when the treasures of Bengal were at his mercy. It is allowable to suppose that it strengthened the mutual respect of both, and facilitated their co-operation in Bengal, a year later. It was a fortunate thing for England that Watson was not a man of Matthews' stamp.
The Europeans in Toolajee's service appear to have left him before the attack began, as no mention is made of them; but ten Englishmen and three Dutchmen were found in the place, in a state of slavery, and released.
In delivering over Bankote, the Mahrattas had failed to give, with the fort, the five villages according to agreement. The Council were desirous of having Toolajee in their own keeping, so they refused to give over Gheriah, and for some months a wrangle went on concerning the points in dispute. The Council proposed that they should retain Gheriah and give up Bankote. The Peishwa taunted the Council with breach of faith, and refused to give up Toolajee. The squabble was at last settled by the Mahrattas engaging to give ten villages near Bankote, and that Toolajee should not receive any territory within forty miles of the sea. On these conditions Gheriah was delivered over. Toolajee, instead of being given any territory, was kept a prisoner for the rest of his life. Some years afterwards, his sons made their escape, and sought refuge in Bombay.
With the fall of Gheriah, the heavy cloud that had so long hung over Bombay trade was dispelled. Thenceforward none but the smallest vessels had anything to fear on the coast south of Bombay, though another half-century elapsed before the Malwans were compelled to give up piracy. The Sanganians continued to be troublesome, at times, till they too were finally reduced to order in 1816, after more than one expedition had been sent against them. Persian Gulf piracy continued to flourish till 1835, when it was brought to an end by a happy combination of arms and diplomacy.
On Shooter's Hill, adjoining Woolwich Common, the tower of Severndroog, erected by James's widow to commemorate his great achievement, forms a conspicuous landmark in the surrounding country. Here, in sight of the spot where the bones of Kidd and his associates long hung in chains as a terror to evil-doers, there still lingers a breath of that long struggle against the Angrian pirates, and of its triumphant conclusion.
"This far-seen monumental tow'r Records the achievements of the brave, And Angria's subjugated pow'r, Who plundered on the Eastern wave."
"Walks through London," David Hughson.
 Properly Suvarna Droog, 'the Golden Fortress.'
 Bankote was made over on the 6th December, and the British flag hoisted there on the 10th January, 1756.
 Three three-masted ships carrying twenty guns each; nine two-masted, carrying from twelve to sixteen guns; thirteen gallivats, carrying from six to ten guns; thirty others unclassed; two on the stocks, one of them pierced for forty guns.
* * * * *
AN ENGLISHWOMAN IN INDIA TWO HUNDRED YEARS AGO
On the 9th March, 1709, the Loyall Bliss, East Indiaman, Captain Hudson, left her anchorage in the Downs and sailed for Bengal. As passengers, she carried Captain Gerrard Cooke, his wife, a son and two daughters, together with a few soldiers. For many years Cooke had served the Company at Fort William, as Gunner, an office that included the discharge of many incongruous duties. After a stay in England, he was now returning to Bengal, as engineer, with the rank of captain. The Loyall Bliss was a clumsy sailer, and made slow progress; so that August had come before she left the Cape behind her. Contrary winds and bad weather still detained her, and kept her westward of her course. By the middle of September, the south-west monsoon, on which they depended to carry them up the bay, had ceased to blow, so—
"our people being a great many Downe with the scurvy and our water being short, wee called a Consultation of Officers it being too late to pretend to get bengali the season being come that the N.E. Trade wind being sett in and our people almost every man tainted with distemper," it was determined to make for Carwar and "endever to gett refresments there."
On the 7th October, they came to anchor in the little bay formed by the Carwar River. The next day, hearing of a French man-of-war being on the coast, they procured a pilot and anchored again under the guns of the Portuguese fort on the island of Angediva, where lay the bones of some three hundred of the first royal troops ever sent to India. Twenty-six soldiers were sent on shore, 'most of them not being able to stand.' The chief of the Company's factory at Carwar at that time was Mr. John Harvey, who entertained Captain Hudson and all the gentlemen and ladies on board 'in a splendid manner.' One may picture to one's self the pleasure with which they escaped for a time from the ship and its scurvy-stricken crew. To Mr. Harvey and the Company's officials they were welcome as bringing the latest news from England. They were able to tell of Marlborough's victory at Oudenarde, and the capture of Lille and Minorca, while Harvey was able to tell them of Captain Kidd's visit to Carwar twelve years before, and to show them where the freebooter had careened his ship. But Mr. John Harvey found other matter of interest in his visitors. There were few Englishwomen in India in those days, and the unexpected advent of a fresh young English girl aroused his susceptibilities to such an extent that he forgot to report to Bombay the arrival of the Loyall Bliss, for which, he, in due time, received a reprimand. He quickly made known to Captain Cooke that he had taken a very great liking to his eldest daughter. Mistress Catherine Cooke, 'a most beautiful lady, not exceeding thirteen or fourteen years of age.' Cooke was a poor man, and had left two more daughters in England; so, as Mr. Harvey 'proffered to make great Settlements provided the Father and Mother would consent to her marriage,' Mistress Catherine Cooke, 'to oblige her parents,' consented also. There was little time for delay, as the captain of the Loyall Bliss was impatient to be off. The Company's ship Tankerville was on the coast, bound southward, and it was desirable they should sail in company for mutual protection. So, on the 22nd October, the Loyall Bliss made sail for Bengal, where she safely arrived in due time, leaving behind the young bride at Carwar.
To the lookers-on the marriage was repugnant, and can hardly have been a happy one for the young girl, as Harvey was 'a deformed man and in years.' He had been long on the coast, and by diligent trading had acquired a little money; but he had other things to think of besides his private trade, as we find recorded at the time that 'the Rajah of Carwar continues ill-natured.' By the end of 1710, he made up his mind to resign the Company's service, wind up his affairs, and go to England; so Mr. Robert Mence was appointed to succeed him at Carwar, and, in April, 1711, Harvey and his child-wife came to Bombay. But to wind up trading transactions of many years' standing was necessarily a long business, and there was no necessity for hurry, as no ship could leave for England till after the monsoon. As always happened in those days, his own accounts were mixed up with those of the Company, and would require laborious disentanglement. Before leaving Carwar, he had leased to the Company his trading grab, the Salamander, and had taken the precaution to pay himself out of the Company's treasure chest at Carwar. Before long, there was an order to the Carwar chief to recharge Mr. Harvey 402 Pagodas, 17 Jett, and 4 Pice he had charged to the Company for the use of the Salamander, the account having been liquidated in Bombay; from which it would appear that he had been paid twice for his ship. The accounts of those days must have been maddening affairs owing to the multiplicity of coinages. Pounds sterling, Pagodas, Rupees, Fanams, Xeraphims, Laris, Juttals, Matte, Reis, Rials, Cruzadoes, Sequins, Pice, Budgerooks, and Dollars of different values were all brought into the official accounts. In 1718, the confusion was increased by a tin coinage called Deccanees. The conversion of sums from one coinage to another, many of them of unstable value, must have been an everlasting trouble. In August we find Harvey writing to the Council to say that he had at Tellicherry a chest of pillar dollars weighing 289 lbs. 3 ozs. 10 dwts., which he requests may be paid into the Company's cash there, and in return a chest of dollars may be given him at Bombay.
His young wife doubtless assisted him in his complicated accounts, and gained some knowledge of local trade. It must have been a wonderful delight to her to escape from the dulness of Carwar and mix in the larger society of Bombay, and she must have realized with sadness the mistake she had made in marrying a deformed man old enough to be her grandfather, at the solicitation of her parents. She made, at this time, two acquaintances that were destined to have considerable influence on her future life. On the 5th August, the Godolphin, twenty-one days from Mocha, approached Bombay, but being unable to make the harbour before nightfall, anchored outside; a proceeding that would appear, even to a landsman, absolutely suicidal in the middle of the monsoon, but was probably due to fear of pirates.
That night heavy weather came on, the ship's cable parted, and the Godolphin became a total wreck at the foot of Malabar Hill. Apparently, all the Englishmen on board were saved, among them the second supercargo, a young man named Thomas Chown, who lost all his possessions. There was also in Bombay, at the time, a young factor, William Gyfford, who had come to India, six years before, as a writer, at the age of seventeen. We shall hear of both of them again.
In October, came news of the death of Mr. Robert Mence at Carwar. 'Tho his time there was so small wee find he had misapplyed 1700 and odd pagodas to his own use,' the Bombay Council reported to the Directors in London. In his place was appointed Mr. Miles Fleetwood, who was then in Bombay awaiting a passage to the Persian Gulf where he had been appointed a factor. With him returned to Carwar, Harvey and his wife, to adjust some depending accounts with the country people there.
We get an account of Carwar thirty years before this, from Alexander Hamilton, which shows that there was plenty of sport near at hand for those who were inclined for it, and it is interesting to find that the Englishmen who now travel in search of big game had their predecessors in those days—
"This Country is so famous for hunting, that two Gentlemen of Distinction, viz: Mr. Lembourg of the House of Lembourg in Germany, and Mr. Goring, a Son of my Lord Goring's in England, went incognito in one of the East India Company's Ships, for India. They left Letters directed for their Relations, in the Hands of a Friend of theirs, to be delivered two or three Months after their Departure, so that Letters of Credit followed them by the next Year's Shipping, with Orders from the East India Company to the Chiefs of the Factories, wherever they should happen to come, to treat them according to their Quality. They spent three Years at Carwar, viz: from Anno 1678 to 1681, then being tired with that Sort of Pleasure, they both took Passage on board a Company's Ship for England, but Mr. Goring died four days after the Ship's Departure from Carwar, and lies buried on the Island of St. Mary, about four Leagues from the Shore, off Batacola, and Mr. Lembourg returned safe to England."
Four months after his return to Carwar, Harvey died, leaving his girl-wife a widow. She remained at Carwar, engaged in winding up the trading affairs of her late husband, and asserting her claim to his estate, which had been taken possession of by the Company's officials, according to custom. According to the practice of the day, every merchant and factor had private trading accounts which were mixed up with the Company's accounts, so that on retirement they were not allowed to leave the country till the Company's claims were settled. In case of death, their estates were taken possession of for the same reason. Two months later, Mr. Thomas Chown, the late supercargo of the Godolphin, was sent down to Carwar as a factor, and, a few weeks after his arrival, he married the young widow. Application was now made to the Council at Bombay for the effects of her late husband to be made over to her, and orders were sent to Carwar for the late Mr. Harvey's effects to be sold, and one-third of the estate to be paid to Mrs. Chown, provided Harvey had died intestate. The Carwar factory chief replied that the effects had realized 13,146 rupees 1 fanam and 12 budgerooks; that Harvey had left a will dated the 8th April, 1708, and that therefore nothing had been paid to Mrs. Chown. It was necessary for Chown and his wife to go to Bombay and prosecute their claims in person. The short voyage was destined to be an eventful one.
On the 3rd November (1712), Chown and his wife left Carwar in the Anne ketch, having a cargo of pepper and wax on board, to urge their claim to the late Mr. Harvey's estate. The coast swarmed with pirate craft, among which those of Conajee Angria were the most numerous and the most formidable. It was usual, therefore, for every cargo of any value to be convoyed by an armed vessel. To protect the Anne, Governor Aislabie's armed yacht had been sent down, and a small frigate, the Defiance, was also with them. The day after leaving Carwar they were swooped down upon by four of Angria's ships, and a hot action ensued. The brunt of it fell on the Governor's yacht, which had both masts shot away and was forced to surrender. The ketch tried to escape back to Carwar, but was laid aboard by two grabs, and had to surrender when she had expended most of her ammunition. In the action, Chown had his arm torn off by a cannon-shot, and expired in his wife's arms. So again, in little more than three years from her first marriage, Mrs. Chown was left a widow when she could hardly have been eighteen. The captured vessels and the prisoners were carried off; the crews to Gheriah and the European prisoners to Colaba. To make matters worse for the poor widow, she was expecting the birth of an infant.
Great was the excitement in Bombay when the news of Mrs. Chown's capture arrived. The Governor was away at Surat, and all that could be done was to address Angria; so a letter was written to him 'in English and Gentues,' asking for the captives and all papers to be restored, and some medicine was sent for the wounded. Just at this time also news was received of the Indiaman New George having been taken by the French near Don Mascharenas. Sir John Gayer, who was on board, finished his troubled career in the East by being killed in the action.
After keeping them a month in captivity Angria sent back his prisoners, except the captains ransom. In acknowledgment of kindness shown to the released prisoners by the Seedee, that chief was presented with a pair of Musquetoons, a fowling-piece, and five yards of 'embost' cloth. But in the Governor's absence the Council could do nothing about payment of ransom. When he returned, negotiations went on through the European prisoners in Colaba. Angria being sincerely anxious for peace with the English while he was in arms against his own chief, terms were arranged, and Lieutenant Mackintosh was despatched to Colaba with Rs.30,000 as ransom for the Europeans, and the sealed convention. On the 22nd February (1713), he returned, bringing with him Mrs. Chown and the other captives, the captured goods, and the Anne ketch, but the yacht was too badly damaged to put to sea. According to Downing, Mrs. Chown was in such a state that Mackintosh, 'was obliged to wrap his clothes about her to cover her nakedness.' But her courage had never forsaken her; 'she most courageously withstood all Angria's base usage, and endured his insults beyond expectation.' Shortly afterwards she was delivered of a son. Out of her first husband's estate one thousand rupees were granted her for present necessities, with an allowance of one hundred xeraphims a month.
Very shortly afterwards we find her being married for the third time, to young William Gyfford, with the Governor's approval. According to the statute law of Bombay, no marriage was binding, except it had the Governor's consent; Hamilton tells us how on one occasion a factor, Mr. Solomon Loyd, having married a young lady without the Governor's consent, Sir John Gayer dissolved the marriage, and married the lady again to his own son. In October, two years and a half after her first husband's death, seven thousand four hundred and ninety-two rupees, being one-third of his estate, were paid over to her. It is carefully recorded that neither of her deceased husbands had left wills, though the existence of Harvey's will had been very precisely recorded by the Council, fifteen months before. Young Gyfford, who was then twenty-five, appears to have been a favourite with the Governor, and had lately been given charge of the Bombay Market. Eighteen months after his marriage, we find William Gyfford appointed supercargo of the Catherine, trading to Mocha. The office was a most desirable one for a young factor. It afforded him opportunities for private trade at first hand, instead of through agents, that in the mind of an adventurous young man quite outbalanced the perils of the sea.
In spite of small salaries, a goodly appearance was made by the Company's servants in public. At the public table, where they sat in order of seniority, all dishes, plates, and drinking-cups were of pure silver or fine china. English, Portuguese, and Indian cooks were employed, so that every taste might be suited. Before and after meals silver basins were taken round for each person to wash his hands. Arrack, Shiraz wine, and 'pale punch,' a compound of brandy, rose-water, lime-juice, and sugar, were drunk, and, at times, we hear of Canary wine. In 1717, Boone abolished the public table, and diet money was given in its place. Boone reported to the Directors that, by the change, a saving of nearly Rs.16,000 a year was effected, and the Company's servants better satisfied. On festival days the Governor would invite the whole factory to a picnic in some garden outside the city. On such an occasion, a procession was formed, headed by the Governor and his lady, in palanquins. Two large ensigns were carried before them, followed by a number of led horses in gorgeous trappings of velvet and silver. Following the Governor came the Captain of the Peons on horseback, with forty or fifty armed men on foot. Next followed the members of the Council, the merchants, factors, and writers, in order of seniority, in fine bullock coaches or riding on horses, all maintained at the Company's expense. At the Dewallee festival every servant of the Company, from the Governor to the youngest writer, received a 'peshcush' from the brokers and bunyas, which to the younger men were of much importance; as they depended on these gifts to procure their annual supply of clothes.
Of the country, away from the coast, they were profoundly ignorant. The far-off King of 'Dilly' was little more than a name to them, and they were more concerned in the doings of petty potentates with strange names, such as the Zamorin, the Zammelook, the Kempsant, and the Sow Rajah, who have long disappeared. They talked of the people as Gentoos, Moors, Mallwans, Sanganians, Gennims, Warrels, Coulis, Patanners, etc., and the number of political, racial, religious, and linguistic divisions presented to their view must have been especially puzzling. Owing to the numerous languages necessary to carry on trade on the Malabar coast, they were forced to depend almost entirely on untrustworthy Portuguese interpreters. Their difficulties in this respect are dwelt on by Hamilton—
"One great Misfortune that attends us European Travellers in India is, the Want of Knowledge of their Languages, and they being so numerous, that one intire Century would be too short a Time to learn them all: I could not find one in Ten thousand that could speak intelligible English, tho' along the Sea coast the Portuguese have left a Vestige of their Language, tho' much corrupted, yet it is the Language that most Europeans learn first, to qualify them for a general Converse with one another, as well as with the different Inhabitants of India."
After two years' work, as supercargo, on different ships, Gyfford was sent down to Anjengo as chief of the factory. Anjengo was at that time one of the most important factories on the Malabar coast, though of comparatively recent establishment. It was first frequented by the Portuguese, who, after a time, were ousted by the Dutch. It belonged to the Rani of Attinga, who owned a small principality extending along sixty miles of coast. In 1688, Rani Ashure invited the English to form a trading settlement in her dominions, and two were formed, at Vittoor (Returah) and Villanjuen (Brinjone). But for some reason, she became dissatisfied with the English, and the hostility of the Dutch, in spite of the alliance between the two countries in Europe, caused great trouble. In November, 1693, John Brabourne was sent to Attinga, where, by his successful diplomacy, the sandy spit of Anjengo was granted to the English, as a site for a fort, together with the monopoly of the pepper trade of Attinga. Soon, the Dutch protests and intrigues aroused the Rani's suspicions. She ordered Brabourne to stop his building. Finding him deaf to her orders, she first tried to starve out the English by cutting off supplies, but as the sea was open, the land blockade proved ineffectual. She then sent an armed force against Brabourne, which was speedily put to flight, and terms of peace were arranged. The fort was completed, and a most flourishing trade in pepper and cotton cloth speedily grew up. Anjengo became the first port of call for outward-bound ships. The Anjengo fortification appeared so formidable to the Dutch, that they closed their factories at Cochin, Quilon, and Cannanore. About 1700, Rani Ashure died, and the little principality fell into disorder. It was a tradition that only women should reign, and Ashure's successor was unable to make her authority felt. The Poolas, who governed the four districts into which the principality was divided, intrigued for power against each other, and before long the Rani became a puppet in the hands of Poola Venjamutta. In 1704, a new Governor, Sir Nicholas Waite, was appointed to Bombay. For some reason he left Brabourne without instructions or money for investment. Their small salaries and their private trading seem to have made the Company's servants very independent. We constantly find them throwing up the service and going away, without waiting for permission. Brabourne went off to Madras, after delivering over the fort to Mr. Simon Cowse, who had long resided there, apparently as a private merchant, and who proved, as times went, a good servant to the Company. The Company's service in those days was full of intrigue and personal quarrels. The merchant second in rank at Anjengo, John Kyffin, intrigued against Cowse so successfully, that Cowse was deposed, and Kyffin was made chief of the settlement. He appears to have been a thoroughly unscrupulous man. To enrich himself in his private pepper trade 'he stuck at nothing.' He took part in the local intrigues of Attinga, from which his predecessors had held aloof, played into the hands of Poola Venjamutta, quarrelled with the other local officials, and behaved with great violence whenever there was the slightest hitch in his trade. Kyffin's want of loyalty to the Company was still more clearly shown by his friendly dealings with their rivals, a proceeding that was strictly forbidden.
In June, 1717, Kyffin made known to the Council at Bombay his wish to retire, and William Gyfford was appointed to succeed him as soon as the monsoon would permit. So, in due course of time, Gyfford and his wife went to Anjengo; but, in spite of his resignation, Kyffin stuck to his office, and evidently viewed Gyfford with unfriendly eyes. In the following April, intelligence reached the Council at Bombay that Kyffin had had dealings with the Ostenders, and had been 'very assisting' to them; so, a peremptory order went down from Bombay, dismissing him from the Company's service, if the report of his assisting the Ostenders was true. If the report was not true, no change was to be made. A commission to Gyfford to assume the chiefship was sent at the same time. Interlopers and Ostenders, he was told, were not to receive even provisions or water. So Kyffin departed, and Gyfford reigned at Anjengo in his stead.
But the follies of Kyffin had roused a feeling against the English that was not likely to be allayed by Gyfford, who exceeded Kyffin in dishonesty and imprudence. He threw himself into the pepper trade, using the Company's money for his own purposes, and joined hands with the Portuguese interpreter, Ignatio Malheiros, who appears to have been a consummate rogue. Before long, religious feeling was aroused by the interpreter obtaining possession of some pagoda land in a money-lending transaction. Gyfford also aroused resentment, by trying to cheat the native traders over the price of pepper, by showing fictitious entries in the factory books, and by the use of false weights. The only thing wanting for an explosion was the alienation of the Mahommedan section, which, before long, was produced by chance and by Gyfford's folly. It happened that some Mahommedan traders came to the fort to transact business with Cowse, who had resumed business as a private merchant; but he was not at leisure, so they went to the interpreter's house, to sit down and wait. While there, the interpreter's 'strumpet' threw some hooli powder on one of the merchants. Stung by the insult, the man drew his sword, wounded the woman, and would have killed her, if he and his companions had not been disarmed. Gyfford, when they were brought before him, allowed himself to be influenced by the interpreter, and ordered them to be turned out of the fort, after their swords had been insultingly broken over their heads. The people of Attinga flew to arms, and threatened the fort. For some months there were constant skirmishes. The English had no difficulty in defeating all attacks, but, none the less, trade was brought to a standstill; so Mr. Walter Brown was sent down from Bombay to put matters straight. Poola Venjamutta, who had all the time kept himself in the background, was quite ready to help an accommodation, as open force had proved useless. Things having quieted down, Gyfford, 'flushed with the hopes of having Peace and Pepper,' devoted himself to trade. He had at this time a brigantine called the Thomas, commanded by his wife's brother, Thomas Cooke, doing his private trade along the coast. The year 1720 passed quietly. Force having proved unavailing, the Attinga people dissembled their anger, and waited for an opportunity to revenge themselves. So well was the popular feeling against the English concealed, that Cowse, with his long experience and knowledge of the language, had no suspicions.
There had been an old custom, since the establishment of the factory, of giving presents yearly to the Rani, in the name of the Company; but for some years the practice had fallen into abeyance. Gyfford, wishing to ingratiate himself with the authorities, resolved on reviving the custom, and to do so in the most ceremonious way, by going himself with the presents for seven years. Accordingly, on the 11th April, 1721, accompanied by all the merchants and factors, and taking all his best men, about one hundred and twenty in number, and the same number of coolies, Gyfford started for Attinga, four miles up the river. Here they were received by an enormous crowd of people, who gave them a friendly reception. The details of what followed are imperfectly recorded, and much is left to conjecture, but Gyfford's foolish over-confidence is sufficiently apparent. In spite of their brave display, his men carried no ammunition. Poola Venjamutta was not to be seen. They were told he was drunk, and they must wait till he was fit to receive them. He was apparently playing a double part, but the blame for what followed was afterwards laid on his rival, Poola Cadamon Pillay. Cowse's suspicions were aroused, and he advised an immediate return to Anjengo, but Gyfford refused to take the advice. He is said to have struck Cowse, and to have threatened with imprisonment. The Rani also sent a message, advising a return to Anjengo. It was getting late, and to extricate himself from the crowd, Gyfford allowed the whole party to be inveigled into a small enclosure. To show his goodwill to the crowd, he ordered his men to fire a salvo, and then he found that the ammunition carried by the coolies had been secured, and they were defenceless. In this hopeless position, he managed to entrust a letter addressed to the storekeeper at Anjengo, to the hands of a friendly native. It reached Anjengo at one o'clock next day, and ran as follows:—
"Captain Sewell. We are treacherously dealt with here, therefore keep a very good look-out of any designs on you. Have a good look to your two Trankers, We hope to be with you to-night. Take care and don't frighten the women; we are in no great danger. Give the bearer a Chequeen."
But none of the English were to see Anjengo again. That night, or the next morning, a sudden attack was made, the crowd surged in on the soldiers, overwhelmed them, and cut them to pieces. The principal English were seized and reserved for a more cruel death. In the confusion, Cowse, who was a favourite among the natives, managed to disguise himself, got through the crowd, and sought to reach Anjengo by a little frequented path. By bad luck he was overtaken by a Mahommedan merchant who owed him money. Cowse offered to acquit him of the debt, but to no purpose. He was mercilessly killed, and thus the debt was settled. 'Stone dead hath no fellow,' as the chronicler of his death says. The rest of the English were tortured to death, Gyfford and the interpreter being reserved for the worst barbarities. Ignatio Malheiros was gradually dismembered, while Gyfford had his tongue torn out, was nailed to a log of wood, and sent floating down the river.
It is easy to picture to one's self the consternation in Anjengo, that 12th April, when, soon after midday, Gyfford's hasty note was received, and the same evening, when a score of wounded men (topasses) straggled in to confirm the worst fears; 'all miserably wounded, some with 12 or 13 cutts and arrows in their bodyes to a lower number, but none without any.' Gyfford had taken away all the able men with him, leaving in the fort only 'the dregs,' old men, boys, and pensioners, less than forty in number. At their head were Robert Sewell, who describes himself as Storekeeper, Captain and Adjutant by order of Governor Boone; Lieutenant Peter Lapthorne, Ensign Thomas Davis, and Gunner Samuel Ince. The first three of them were absolutely useless, and Gunner Ince, whose name deserves to be remembered, was the only one of the four who rose to the situation. His first care was for the three English women, whose husbands had just been killed. By good fortune there happened to be in the road a small country ship that had brought a consignment of cowries from the Maldives. Mrs. Gyfford, for the third time a widow, Mrs. Cowse with four children, and Mrs. Burton with two, were hastily put on board, and sailed at once for Madras. No mention appears of Mrs. Gyfford having any children with her, but she carried off the factory records and papers, and what money she could lay her hands on. She was no longer the confiding girl, who had given herself to Governor Harvey eleven years before. She had learned something of the world she lived in, and intended to take care of herself as well as she could. She even tried to carry off Peter Lapthorne with her, but Sewell intervened and prevented it. So giving him hasty directions to act as her agent, she passed through the dangerous Anjengo surf and got on board. A letter to her from Lapthorne, written a few weeks later, relates that the only property he could find belonging to her were 'two wiggs and a bolster and some ophium' in the warehouse.
Having got rid of the white women, Sewell and his companions set to work to hold the fort against the attack that was inevitable. From the old records we get an idea of what the fort was like. As designed by Brabourne, it covered a square of about sixty yards each way, but this did not include the two Trankers, palisaded out-works, alluded to in Gyfford's note. Ten years before, the attention of the Council at Bombay had been drawn to the bad condition of the
"Fort house, being no more then timber covered with palm leaves (cajanns) so very dangerous taking fire," and the chief of the factory was ordered to build "a small compact house of brick with a Hall, and conveniencys for half a dozen Company's servants. And being advised that for want of a necessary house in the Fort, they keep the Fort gate open all night for the guard going out and in, which irregularity may prove of so pernicious consequence as the loss of that garrison, especially in a country where they are surrounded with such treacherous people as the Natives and the Dutch," it was ordered that a "necessary house over the Fort walls" should be built, and the gates kept locked after 8 o'clock at night.
How far these orders had been carried out does not appear; but the Company's goods were still kept in a warehouse outside the walls: some of the Company's servants also had houses outside, and the palm-leaf roofs were still there. For garrison they only had about thirty-five boys and pensioners, 'whereof not twenty fit to hold a firelock,' and, for want of a sufficient garrison, it was necessary to withdraw from the Trankers, which were thought to be so important for the safety of the place. Desperate as was the outlook. Gunner Ince exerted himself like a man, animating everybody by his example. By his exertions, seven hundred bags of rice, with salt fish for a month, and the Company's treasure were got in from the warehouse, and an urgent appeal was sent to Calicut. The surgeon had been killed with Gyfford; they had no smith or carpenter or tools, except a few hatchets, and the Attinga people swarming into Anjengo burned and plundered the settlement, forcing a crowd of women and children to take refuge in the small fort. Though no concerted attack was made at first, the assailants tried with fire arrows to set fire to the palm-leaf roofs, which had to be dismantled; and all through the siege, which lasted six months, the sufferings of the garrison were increased by the burning rays of a tropical sun or the torrential rains of the monsoon.
On the 25th April, they were cheered by the arrival of two small English ships from Cochin, where the intelligence of the disaster had reached; and received a small reinforcement of seven men with a consignment of provisions. A message of condolence also had come from the Rajah of Quilon, who offered to receive the women and children, so one hundred and fifty native women and children, widows and orphans of the slain, were sent off. On the 1st May, an ensign and fifty-one men, collected by Mr. Adams from Calicut and Tellicherry, joined the garrison, and gave some relief from the constant sentry duty that was necessary. The enemy, meanwhile, had contented themselves with harassing the garrison by firing long shots at them; but it was rumoured that the Rajah of Travancore was sending troops, and then they would have to sustain a serious attack. Gunner Ince, on whom the whole weight of the defence rested, let it be known that in the last extremity he would blow up the magazine. It is cheering to find that there was at least one man who was prepared to do his duty. Sewell and Lapthorne got drunk, and joined with the warehouseman, a Portuguese named Rodriguez, in plundering the Company's warehouse and sending goods away to Quilon; the soldiers followed the example, and plundered the rooms inside the fort, while the late interpreter's family were allowed to send away, to Quilon, effects to the value of one hundred thousand fanams, though it was known that the Company had a claim on him for over two-thirds of the amount, on account of money advanced to him. Davis was dying of a lingering illness, to which he succumbed in the beginning of July.
On the 24th June, a vigorous attack was made on the fort from three sides at once. On one side the enemy had thrown up an entrenchment, and on the river side they had effected a lodgment in Cowse's house, a substantial building close to the wall of the fort. This would have soon made the fort untenable, so a small party was sent to dislodge the occupants. At first they were repulsed, but a second attempt was successful. Marching up to the windows, 'where they were as thick as bees,' they threw hand grenades into the house, which was hurriedly evacuated; numbers of the enemy leaping into the river, where some of them were drowned. Ince then bombarded them out of the entrenchment, and the attack came to an end. Several of the garrison were wounded, but none killed; but what chiefly mortified them was that the arms of the men slain with Gyfford were used against them. After this the land blockade lingered on, but no very serious attack seems to have been made. A second reinforcement of thirty men was sent down by Adams from Calicut, and the Rani and Poola Venjamutta sent 'refreshments,' and promised that the attacks of their rebellious subjects should cease. The Rani also wrote to the Madras Council, and sent a deputation of one hundred Brahmins to Tellicherry, to express her horror of the barbarities committed by her people, and her willingness to join the Company's forces in punishing the guilty.
Intelligence of the disaster at Anjengo did not reach Bombay till the beginning of July. The monsoon was in full force, and no assistance could be sent till it was over. Men and supplies were gathered in from Carwar and Surat, and, on the 17th October, Mr. Midford, with three hundred men, reached Anjengo. His report on the state of affairs he found there makes it a matter of surprise that the place had not fallen. The safety of the fort had been entirely due to Gunner Ince. Sewell's behaviour was that of a fool or a madman. Together with Lapthorne, he had set the example of plundering the Company, and their men had done as much damage as the enemy. Sewell, as storekeeper, had no books, and said he never had kept any. Lapthorne had retained two months' pay, due to the men killed with Gyfford, and asserted his right to it. Much of the Company's treasure was unaccounted for, and Mrs. Gyfford had carried off the books. Midford sent Sewell and Lapthorne under arrest to Bombay, where they were let off with a scolding, and proceeded to restore order. The Rani and Venjamutta were friendly, but told him he must take his own vengeance on the Nairs for their inhuman action. So he commenced a series of raids into the surrounding country, which reduced it to some sort of subjection. Soon there came an order for most of his men to be sent back to Bombay, where warlike measures against Angria were on foot. A cessation of arms was patched up, and Midford installed himself as chief.
He proved to be no honester than his predecessors. He monopolized the pepper trade on his own private account, making himself advances out of the Company's treasury. In less than a year he was dead, but before his death Alexander Orme, then a private merchant on the coast, was sent to Anjengo as chief of the factory, at the special request of the Rani. Before long, Orme had to report to the Council that there were due to the Company, from Gyfford's estate, 559,421 fanams, and that 140,260 gold fanams had disappeared during Midford's chiefship which could not be accounted for. Midford had also drawn pay for twenty European soldiers who did not exist. The Council ascribed Midford's misdeeds to his 'unaccountable stupidity,' and the Directors answered that 'the charges against Mr. Midford are very grievous ones.'
In September, 1722, the Council received from Orme a copy of the treaty he had made with the Rani. The following were the chief provisions. The ringleaders in the attack on Gyfford were to be punished and their estates confiscated; all Christians living between Edawa and Brinjone were to be brought under the Company's protection; the Rani was to reimburse the Company for all expenses caused by the attack on Anjengo; the Company was to have exclusive right to the pepper trade, and were empowered to build factories in the Rani's dominions wherever they pleased; the Rani was to return all arms taken in the late out-break, and to furnish timber to rebuild the church that had been burned. The treaty was guaranteed by the Rani's brother, the Rajah of Chinganatta. By the Directors it was received with mixed feelings.
"Last years Letters took some notice about the Affair at Anjengo, We had not then the Account of the Treaty Mr. Orme made with the Queen of Attinga and King of Chinganetty, We are sorry to find it included in the Treaty, That We must supply Souldiers to carry on the War against her rebellious Subjects for which she is to pay the Charge, and in the Interim to pawn Lands for answering principal and Interest, because it will certainly involve us in a trouble if We succeed, and more if We dont, add to this, the variable temper and poverty of those people may incline them to refuse to refund, and in time they may redemand and force back their Lands, If the Articles are fully comply'd with they seem to be for the Companys benefit, But We fear we shall have the least Share of it, To what purpose is her Grant to Us of all the Pepper in her Countrey, If Our unfaithful people there get all for themselves and none for Us, as you Charge Mr. Midford with doing, We dont want an Extent of Lands, if We could but (obtain) pepper cheap and sufficient, And what benefit will it be to Us, to have the liberty of building Factorys, which in Event is only a Liberty to lavish away Our Money, and turning Quick Stock into dead, unless you could be morally certain it would be worth while to get a small residence in the King of Chengenattys Countrey, where it is said the Dutch make great Investments of Peice Goods cheaper and better, than they used to do at Negapatam, and therefore have deserted it, We consider further, if such Goods as are proper for Our Europe Market were procurable, how comes it We have had none hitherto, It is true We have had Cloth from Anjengo good of the Sorts, but Invoiced so dear that We forbad sending more unless to be purchased at the prices We limited, since then We have heard no more about it, But we are told it is Traded in to Bombay to some profit, What profit will the putting the Christians between Edova and Brinjohn under Our Jurisdiction yeild to Us, and what Security can you have that the King of Chenganattys Guarranteeship will answer and give full satisfaction, These are what appear to Us worthy your serious and deliberate consideration to be well thought of before you come to a determination What Orders to give, We find by your Consultations in January 1722/23 You had sent down Treasure to Anjengo, to enable the Chief to levy Souldiers to revenge the Murder of the English, since you could not spare Forces which as there exprest is absolutely necessary, for else the Natives will have but contemptible thoughts of the English, who will then loose their Esteem, had We ever found a benefit by their Esteem, something might be said for it, But in the present Case We fear We shall buy Our Esteem at too dear a Rate, We should be extreamly glad to be mistaken and to find in effect what your 120th Paragraph says in words, that you hope to make it a Valuable Settlement."
We left Mrs. Gyfford flying from Anjengo in a small country ship, with two other English women and six children. The misery that the three poor widows must have endured for a month, crowded into a small country boat, without preparation or ordinary comforts, at the hottest time of the year, must have been extreme. On the 17th May, the fugitives landed at Madras. The Council there granted them a compassionate allowance, of which Mrs. Gyfford refused to avail herself. After a time she made her way to Calcutta and joined her father's family, leaving, with an agent in Madras, the Anjengo factory books, which, after repeated demands, were surrendered to the Madras Council. From Madras to Calcutta she was pursued by the demands of the Bombay Council. The books had been restored at Madras, and the Bengal Government extracted Rs.7312 from her; but, in reply to further demands, she would only answer that she was 'an unfortunate widow, struggling with adversity, whose husband had met his death serving our Honourable Masters,' and that it was shameful to demand money from her, when she herself was owed large sums by the Company. She could only refer them to her agents at Madras and Anjengo. Still, she was in a considerable dilemma, as she could not get out of the country without a full settlement of accounts, and, if resistance was carried too far, her father might be made to suffer.
At this juncture an unexpected way of escape presented itself. Twelve months before this, Commodore Matthews had arrived in Bombay with a squadron of the Royal Navy for the suppression of piracy. But Matthews was more bent on enriching himself by trade than on harrying pirates; and, as his own trading was inimical to the Company's interests and certain to set the Company's servants against him, he had from the first assumed a position of hostility to the Company. Every opportunity was seized of damaging the Company's interests and lowering the Company's authority. All who were in the Company's bad books found a patron and protector in Matthews; so, when in September, 1722, the flagship appeared in the Hooghly, Mrs. Gyfford was quick to grasp the opportunity, that presented itself, of bidding defiance to her pursuers. She at once opened communication with Matthews, and besought his protection. She was an unfortunate widow who had lost two husbands by violent deaths in the Company's service, and, now that she was unprotected, the Company was trying to wring from her the little money she had brought away from Anjengo, while she herself had large claims against the Company. This was quite enough for Matthews. Here was a young and pretty woman with a good sum of money, shamefully persecuted by the Company, to which he felt nothing but hostility. At one stroke he could gratify his dislike of the Company and succour a badly treated young woman, whose hard fate should arouse sympathy in every generous mind; so the Bengal Council were told that Mrs. Gyfford was now under the protection of the Crown, and was not to be molested.
In the hope of securing some portion of the money due to the Company, the Council attached the brigantine Thomas, commanded by Mrs. Gyfford's brother. A letter was at once forthcoming from Matthews to say that he had purchased Mrs. Gyfford's interest in the vessel. Finding themselves thus forestalled, the Council begged Matthews not to take her away from Calcutta till she had furnished security for the Company's claim of Rs.50,000, Matthews replied that he should take her to Bombay, where she would answer anything that might be alleged against her. As soon as he had completed his trading in Bengal, Mrs. Gyfford, with her effects, embarked on board the Lyon, and so returned to Bombay. There, in January, 1723, we find her living under Matthews' roof, much to the wrath of the Council and the scandal of her former acquaintances. By this time, the Council had received from Anjengo more precise details as to what was due to the Company from Gyfford's estate. All the cowries, pepper, and cloth that were said to belong to Gyfford had been bought with the Company's money, and the Company's claim against his estate was nearly L9000. A stringent order was sent to Mrs. Gyfford, forbidding her to leave Bombay till the claim was settled. Matthews at once put her on board the Lyon again, and there she remained; not venturing to set foot on shore, lest the Council should lay hands on her.
By the end of the year, Matthews was ready to return to England. Intent to the last on trade, he touched at Carwar, Tellicherry, and St. David's, and, in Mrs. Gyfford's interests, a visit was also paid Anjengo, to try and recover some of the property she claimed to have left there. She was not going to be put off with Lapthorne's 'two wiggs and a bolster.' In July (1724) the Lyon reached Portsmouth, and was put out of commission.
At first the Directors appear to have paid little attention to Mrs. Gyfford, perhaps not thinking her worth powder and shot. Their principal anger was directed against Matthews, against whom they obtained a decree in the Court of Chancery for unlawful trading. But Mrs. Gyfford would not keep silence. Perhaps she really believed in the justice of her claims. She bombarded the Directors with petitions, till at last, two years after her arrival in England, they tardily awoke to the fact that they themselves had substantial claims against her. They offered to submit the claims to arbitration, to which Mrs. Gyfford consented; but as she still refrained from coming to close quarters, they filed a suit against her in the Court of Chancery, nearly four years after her arrival in England. Mrs. Gyfford promptly replied with a counter-suit, in which, among other things, she claimed L10,000 for presents taken by Gyfford to the Rani of Attinga on that fatal 11th April, seven years before. Four years later, she was still deep in litigation, having quarrelled with her agent, Peter Lapthorne, among others. It is to be hoped, for her sake, that Chancery suits were cheaper than they are now. Here we may say good-bye to her. For those who are curious in such matters, a search among the Chancery records will probably reveal the result, but it is improbable that the Company reaped any benefit from their action. And so she passes from the scene, a curious example of the vicissitudes to which Englishwomen in India were exposed, two hundred years ago.
 They were issued at the rate of sixty-five for a rupee; before long, their value was reduced to seventy-two for a rupee, at which price they were much in request, and the Governor reported that he expected to coin sixteen tons of them yearly.
 In October, 1713, the Bombay Council decided that the Xeraphims, being much debased with copper and other alloy, their recognized value should in future be half a rupee, or two Laris and forty reis. The Xeraphim was a Goa coin, originally worth less than one and sixpence. The name, according to Yule, was a corruption of the Arabic ashrafi.
 The year before, the Godolphin had escaped from an Angrian fleet, after a two days' encounter within sight of Bombay.
 The records are silent as to the Defiance, but it is mentioned by Downing, who says that, instead of doing his duty, the captain made the best of his way to Bombay. The story seems to be borne out by a faded letter from the captain to the Directors, appealing against dismissal from the service.
 The name is now given to the group of islands to which Bourbon and Mauritius belong. At that time it generally applied to Bourbon, and especially to St. Paul's Bay, which was a favourite place of call for ships to water at.
 According to some accounts, the first settlement was a few years earlier, but the dates of the early travellers are very unreliable. Hamilton says that a present was sent in 1685 to the Queen; "A beautiful young English gentleman had the honour to present it to her black Majesty; and as soon as the Queen saw him, she fell in love with him, and next day made proposals of marriage to him, but he modestly refused so great an honour however, to please her Majesty, he staid at court a month or two and satisfied her so well that when he left her court she made him some presents."
 This is the reason given by Bruce for Brabourne leaving Anjengo, but the death of Brabourne's wife, in 1704, probably had a good deal to do with his leaving the place. Her tomb still exists.
 Tranqueira (Port.), a palisade.
 Meaning sequin: the origin of the modern Anglo-Indianism, chick.'
 The father of Robert Orme, the historian, who was born at Anjengo.
 Letter from Court of Directors to Bombay, 25th March, 1724.
Abdul Guffoor, his ship seized off Surat; his ship, Futteh Mahmood, taken by Every; incites the natives of Surat against the English. Adams, Mr., sends relief to Anjengo. Addison, the, East Indiaman, commanded by Boone, against Kennery; consultation on board. Adventure galley, the, fitted out as a privateer; commanded by Kidd; size and defence of; anchors off Johanna; anchors at Perim; flies English colours at Carwar; sails to Calicut; chased by two Portuguese vessels; chases the Sedgwick; her crew divide the spoil of the Quedah Merchant; becomes unseaworthy; her owners not inculpated by Kidd. Advice, the, King's ship, under Warren. Affleck, Mr., owner of the London. Aislabie, William, President of Bombay, his negotiations with Angria; sails for England; begins building the church at Bombay; his armed yacht taken by Angria. Algerine, the. See Soldado, the. Alibagh fort, unsuccessfully assaulted by the English and Portuguese; taken by Sumbhajee Angria. Anglesea the, man-of-war. Anglesea the, French man-of-war, attacks the Anson; Angria, Conajee (Kanhojee), pirate, rise of the power of; succeeds to the command of the Mahratta navy; styled Darya-S ranga; destroys the Bombay frigate; fortifies Kennery; attacks the Godolphin; concludes a treaty with the Mahrattas; becomes an independent chief; captures the Anne ketch; his ships attack the Somers and Grantham; captures a Portuguese 'armado,'; opens negotiations with the English; articles of agreement delivered to, by Lieutenant Mackintosh; his territory a refuge for desperadoes; defies Governor Boone; fruitless attack made on his fort at Gheriah; offers terms to Governor Boone; negotiates with the English through Sahoojee; his ships burnt in Gheriah harbour; makes a treaty with the Portuguese; fits out an expedition against Carwar; his commodore killed and ship taken; his power weakened; his treatment of Curgenven; his death. Angria, Mannajee, illegitimate son of Conajee Angria; quarrels with Sumbhajee; takes Colaba; imprisons Yessajee; his relations with the English; captures Caranjah; seizes Bombay ships; Captain Inchbird sent to punish; his territories attacked by Sumbhajee; increase of power of. Angria, Sakhajee, son of Conajee Angria; establishes himself at Colaba; dies. Angria, Sumbhajee, son of Conajee Angria; quarrels with Mannajee; his gallivata captured; captures the Derby; opens negotiations with Bombay; his fleet chased by Bagwell; takes the Jupiter; attacks Mannajee's territories; his camp bombarded by Inchbird; retreats from Colaba; makes overtures of peace to Bombay; captures the Salamander; dies. Angria, Toolajee, illegitimate son of Conajee Angria; taken prisoner by Mahrattas; succeeds Sumbhajee; captures the Princess Augusta; sacks Mangalore and Honore; captures the Restoration; captures trading boats; chases the Tartar; attacks the Ruby; takes the Swallow; proposes terms to the Bombay Council; the English co-operate with the Peishwa against; his fleet chased by James; his fort at Severndroog bombarded; the Council's orders as to terms of capitulation with; leaves Gheriah and treats with the Mahrattas; warns his brother-in-law against surrendering Gheriah; his person demanded from the Mahrattas; his fleet destroyed at Gheriah; imprisoned for life by the Mahrattas; escape of his sons from captivity. Angria, Yessajee, illegitimate son of Conajee Angria; imprisoned by Mannajee. Anjediva, island, part of Brown's fleet finds refuge at; Portuguese fort on. Anjengo, the Dutch oust the Portuguese from; English factory and fort at; unrest at; massacre of the English at; state of the garrison at; fort at, besieged; the Company's goods at, plundered; monopoly of pepper trade at, secured to the Company; the Company's remarks on trade at. Anne, the, grab, taken by Toolajee Angria. Anne, ketch, the, sails for Bombay; how protected; attacked and captured by Angrian ships; recovered from Angria; taken by Sumbhajee Angria. Annesley, Daniel, President of Surat, imprisoned Anselme, Captain, commander of the Derby, purposely delays his ship; surrenders the Derby to Angria. Anson, the, East Indiaman, attacked by French man-of-war. Antelope, the, taken by the Coolee rovers. Apollo, the, French man-of-war, attacks the Anson. Arabs, the, of Muscat, pirates; attack the Company's ship President; ravage Salsette. Armenian merchants, their complaints of pirates. Armenian ships, plundered by pirates. Ashure, Rani of Attinga, the English settle in her territory; dies. Attinga, monopoly of the pepper trade at, granted to the English; internal divisions in; massacre of the English from Anjengo at. Attinga, Rani of, the, blockades the English at Anjengo; makes peace with the English; yearly presents to; sends food to the besieged at Anjengo; disclaims participation in the massacre of the English; requests Orme to be chief at Anjengo; to compensate for attack on Anjengo. See also s.v. Ashure. Augusta, the, taken by Toolajee Angria. Aungier, Gerald, President of; Bombay, quells mutiny among the soldiers. Aurungzeeb, Mogul Emperor; his ship, Gunj Suwaie, taken by Every; story of the capture of his granddaughter; his order to imprison the English in Surat and Bombay; holds the English responsible for loss of the Quedah Merchant; reverses his order to stop European trade; death of.
Babington, Philip, Irish pirate; commands the Charming Mary. Bab's Key See PERIM. Bagwell, Commodore; chases Sumbhajee Angria's fleet into Rajapore river. Bahama Islands, the; a haunt of pirates. Ballajee Bajee Rao, the Peishwa's son; attacks Sumbhajee Angria's camp; his alliance with the English. Ballajee Rao. See PEISHWA, THE. Bandara, shelled by the English. Bankote to be made over to the English; surrender of, to the Mahrattas; surrender of, to the English. Bassein besieged by the Mahrattas. Bellamont, Lady; Kidd's present to. Bellamont, Lord; supports syndicate to send out a privateer against French commerce; appointed Governor of New York; obtains a commission for Kidd; arrests Kidd; said by Kidd to have French passes of captured ships; accused of complicity in Kidd's piracies. Bellamy, Lieutenant; killed before Alibagh. Bengal galley, the; engages Portuguese grabs; attacked off Colaba and boarded by Angrian ships. Benjamin yacht, the; unmolested by pirates. Benjimolly the; taken by Toolajee Angria. Berkeley, Lieutenant; fights a duel with Lieutenant Stepney. Berlew (? Bellew), Captain; directs attack on Gheriah; Beyt, pirates from. Bhyroo Punt. See PEISHWA, THE. Blackbeard. See TEACH, EDWARD. Bomanjee, a Parsee broker; arrest of, for fraud; his cause espoused by Matthews. Bombay, its defenceless position; seized by Keigwin for the King; surrendered to Grantham; Boone builds a wall round; conditions imposed by the Portuguese at the cession of; increased reputation of the English at; council-of-war held at; freed from the pirates; state kept up by the Company's servants at. Bombay Council, conclude a six months' truce with Sumbhajee Angria; send warning to merchantmen of French man-of-war; their reply to Toolajee Angria's overtures; co-operate with the Peishwa against Toolajee Angria; terms of agreement between the Mahrattas and; their instructions to Olive and Hough; proceed against Mrs. Gyfford. Bombay frigate, the, destroyed by Angria's vessels. Bombay galley, the, engages Portuguese grabs; attacked off Colaba by Angrian ships; sent against the Angrian fleet. Bombay Marine Battalion, formation of. Bonnell and Kynaston, partners of Porter; action brought against, by the East India Company. Boone, Charles, President of Bombay; his character and capacity; fleet organized by; failure of his attempt on Vingorla; sends an expedition to Gheriah; plans an attack on Kennery; his opinion of the Company's military; rejects Angria's terms; builds the Phram, a floating battery; builds a wall round Bombay; his trouble with the Portuguese; plans a second expedition against Gheriah; orders Brown to engage the Madagascar pirates; plans a fresh attack on Angria; his disappointment at failure of the expedition against Colaba; intrigues against; embarks for England; attacked on his homeward journey by Angria; rescues a ship from the Kempsant's grabs; succeeded by William Phipps; abolishes the public table at Bombay. Boscawen, Admiral, leaves four ships to protect the coast of India. Bourbon, Isle of, the Nostra Senhorade Cabo taken by pirates at; governor of, compelled to countenance pirates; Matthews trades at. Bourchier, Richard, President of Bombay, strengthens alliance with the Peishwa. Bowen,—, pirate, commands the Speedy Return. Brabourne, John, procures grant of Anjengo for the English; completes the fort at Anjengo; leaves Anjengo. Braddyll, Mr., member of Bombay Council, intrigues against Boone; is protected by Matthews. Braddyll, Mrs., taken to Surat by Matthews. Brathwaite, Lieutenant, of the Lyon leads the assault on Alibagh; made captain of the Exeter. Bridgewater, the, blockades Gheriah. Bridgman, Henry. See EVERY, HENRY. Brinjone. See VILLANJUEN. Bristol, the, taken to Sumatra on a piratical cruise. Britannia, the, Company's armed ship, built at Carwar, by Boone's orders; sent to attack Vingorla; takes part in the attack on Kennery; sent in search of pirates. Brown, Walter, factor, commands Company's troops; serves on the Addison against Kennery; commands the expedition against Gheriah; cowardice and incompetency; plans a night surprise on Gheriah; abandons the attack on Gheriah and Deoghur; his fleet chased by the pirates; orders the Phram to be burned; sent in search of pirates; chases the Cassandra and Victory; sent to Anjengo to accommodate matters. Buchanan, Captain, holds Gheriah after its capture. Burton, Mrs., escapes from Anjengo. Byng; Sir George, First Lieutenant of the Phoenix.
Caesar, the, engages with pirates. Calicut, Kidd's letter of protest to the factory at; relief sent to Anjengo from. Carolina, North, pirates off the coasts of; governor of, intimidated by Teach; planters at, seek assistance from Virginia. Carpenter's Bay, Mauritius, message from the pirates found at. Carwar, Kidd's visit to; factory at, besieged by the Sunda Rajah; part of Brown's fleet escapes to; threatened by Angria's forces; Captain Hudson entertained at; Hamilton's account of. Cassandra, the, Company's ship (later a Madagascar pirate ship), her fight with pirates; taken by England; falls in with Brown's fleet; chases the English fleet to Goa; spoil from, presented to the daughter of the Governor of Cochin; chased by Brown and Macrae; with the Victory, takes the Nostra Senhora de Cabo; takes an Ostend ship; Macrae's defence of; booty acquired by the crew of. Catherine, the, trades to Mocha. Ceres, the, Company's ship, attacked by Angrian pirates. Chalmers, Lieut.-Colonel, commands troops at Gheriah. Chandos, the, employed in the attack on Gheriah; fired on by the Cassandra; sent with Brown in search of pirates. Charles the Second, the, seized by Every and mutineers; renamed the Fancy. Charlotte, the, Madras ship, taken by Angria's fleet. Charming Mary, the, a pirate ship. Charnock's Point, St. Mary's Island, a pirate settlement; wrecks of merchant ships at; Matthews takes booty at. Chaul, the rendezvous for the Colaba expedition; Mannajee Angria escapes to; attacked by Sumbhajee Angria; made over to the Peishwa; James joined by the Mahratta fleet at. Cheyne, Captain, commands the Protector Child, Sir John, President of Surat attempts to pacify the native governor; compared with Governor Boone; his intrigues at Surat; endeavours to re-establish the Company's authority at Bombay. Child, Sir Josiah. Chimnajee Appa, the Peishwa's brother, his aid invoked against Mannajee Angria. Chinganatta, the Rajah of, guarantees the treaty at Anjengo. Chivers, a Dutchman, commands the Soldado or Algerine; captures and releases the Sedgwick; promises submission to Warren. Chown, Catherine (nee Cooke), sails for Bombay on the Anne; her second husband killed; is captured by Angrian pirates; taken prisoner to Colaba; a ransom demanded for; birth of her son; marries William Gyfford. See also s.v. COOKE, CATHERINE; GYFFORD, CATHERINE; HARVEY, CATHERINE. Chown, Thomas, supercargo of the Godolphin; wrecked; goes to Carwar as factor; marries Catherine Harvey; sails for Bombay to prosecute his wife's claims; killed in action with Angria's fleet. Clive, Robert (Lord); commands land forces against Gheriah; Bombay Council's instructions to; dispute as to his share of spoil at Gheriah; his capacity as a soldier. Cobb, Captain, commands the Samaritan and Roebuck; captures two Mogul vessels. Cockburn, Captain, commander of the Salisbury, Matthews' letter to; Matthews quarrels with; assists the Council at Bombay; placed under arrest by Matthews; transferred to the Exeter. Coins, multiplicity of, at Bombay. Colaba, granted to Conajee Angria by treaty; Lieutenant Mackintosh goes to, with articles of treaty; fired on by the English; English and Portuguese make an unsuccessful attack on; appropriated by Sakhajee Angria; taken by Mannajee Angria; attacked by Sumbhajee Angria; engagement between Angrian ships and Bombay gallivats off. Conajee Angria. See ANGRIA, CONAJEE. Concan, the coast of, harried by Sivajee's fleet; the Peishwa becomes master of. Conden (Congdon, Condent), pirate, his headquarters, Madagascar; commands the Flying Dragon. Cong, plundered by pirates. Cooke, Catherine, daughter of Captain Cooke, gunner; marries John Harvey. See also s.v. CHOWN, CATHERINE; GYFFORD, CATHERINE; HARVEY, CATHERINE. Cooke, Captain Gerrard, gunner at Fort William; made engineer and captain; father of Catherine Gyfford; marries his daughter to Harvey. Cooke, Thomas, Gyfford's brother-in-law, commands the Thomas; his ship attached by the Bengal Council. Coolee rovers, the. Coorla, River, defences of; forced by the English and; Dutch. Corlem, Portuguese fort at, destroyed by the English. Courten, Sir William, his attempt to establish a separate trade in the East Indies. Cowan, Robert, factor, commands Company's troops; negotiates treaty between English and Portuguese at Goa; his services recognized; made a general in the expedition against Colaba; his military incapacity. Cowse, Mrs., escapes from Anjengo. Cowse, Simon, Anjengo left in charge of, by Brabourne; deposed by Kyffin; resumes business as private merchant; his advice to Gyfford; killed in escaping to Anjengo; the enemy occupy his house at Anjengo. Coxsidge, Captain, takes part in the attack on Kennery. Cruffe, James, armourer, recaptures the Josiah ketch. Cuddalore, establishment of a factory at. Culliford, ——, mutineer and pirate, succeeds Stent as commander of the Defence; renames her the Resolution; attacks the Dorrill, 50; promises submission to Warren; Kidd's dealings with; trial, condemnation and respite of. Curgenven, Mr., private merchant, sails for China on the Charlotte; captured by Angria's fleet; a prisoner for ten years.
Dabul, the Ockham attacked off, by Angrian pirates; the Mahrattas offer James a reward to attack. Dadaboy, the, taken by Toolajee Angria. Dalrymple, Mr., killed in a duel with Mr. Sutherland. Danes, the, their supposed piratical outrages; implicated in the capture of Abdul Guffoor's ship. Dartmouth, the, East Indiaman, takes part in the attack on Kennery. Darya—S ranga. See ANGRIA, CONAJEE. Davis, Thomas, besieged in Anjengo; dies at Anjengo. Deccanees, tin coins, value of. Defence, the (formerly the Mocha frigate, q.v.), becomes a pirate; renamed the Resolution. Defiance grab, the, present at the attacks on Kennery; present at Gheriah; engages the Victory, pirate ship. Defiance, the, frigate, attacked by Angria's ships. Derby, the, Company's ship, taken by Toolajee Angria. Deoghur (or Tamana), granted to Conajee Angria by treaty; Angria's southernmost stronghold; attack on, abandoned. Derby, the, East Indiaman, taken by Sumbhajee Angria's ships. Desforges, M., Governor of Bourbon. Diego Suarez, pirate settlement of Libertatia at. Doddington, the, East Indiaman, wrecked. Dorrill, the, Company's ship, attacked by the Resolution. Dove the, Company's grab, captured by Mahratta fleet. Downing, Clement, takes part in the attack on Kennery. Dutch, the, torture and execute Captain Towerson; obstruct the English at Surat; protect pirates at the Cape; entertain England and Taylor at Cochin; unite with the English against Coolee rovers; their disastrous engagement with Toolajee Angria; their hostility to the English at Anjengo; their investments in Chinganatta. Dwarka, pirates at.
Eagle galley, the, attacked by Angria's grabs; takes refuge in Saragon harbour. Easthope, Captain Jeremiah, dies of fever, before Gheriah. East India Company, the, their servants at Surat imprisoned; bring an action against Bonnell and Kynaston; grant commissions to seize interlopers and pirates; offer a reward for Every's apprehension; untrustworthiness of their crews; petition the Admiralty for a ship to deal with pirates; their trade in India ruined by pirates; character and pay of their servants; incompetence of their military; send out a guardship to Bombay; their action with regard to Matthews; build the Guardian and Protector for protection of coast trade; complicated accounts of; in India; state kept up by their servants at Bombay; their remarks on the treaty with the Rani of Attinga; file a suit against Mrs. Gyfford. East India Merchant, the, Company's ship. Edawa. Eden,—, Governor of North Carolina, suspected of complicity with Teach. Edgar, the, Every serves in. Edgecombe, Captain, commander of the Mocha frigate; his crew mutiny; stabbed. Egmont, Earl of, his estimation of the Company's military officers. Elephanta, island, Portuguese village on, burned; Mannajee Angria hoists his flag on. Elizabeth, the, private ship, plundered by the Sunda Rajah; taken by pirates off Honore. England, Edward, pirate; his headquarters, Madagascar; commands the Victory; his engagement with the Cassandra; entertains Macrae on board the Cassandra; engages Brown's fleet and chases it to Goa; entertained at Cochin by the Dutch; his crew incensed against Macrae; marooned at Mauritius; goes to St. Mary's. English, the, in ill-odour at Surat; blamed for piracy of other nations. suffer for Every's seizure of the Gunj Suwaie. Ericeira, Conde de, ex-Viceroy of Goa, his ship boarded by pirates; forced to ransom himself. Every, Henry, alias Bridgman, his career as a pirate; parentage of; seizes the Charles the Second and renames her; his piratical outrages on the Guinea Coast; his friendly warning to the English; establishes himself at Madagascar; takes the Futteh Mahmood; takes the Gunj Suwaie; his reported abduction of Aurungzeeb's granddaughter; captures the Rampura; retires to England; reward for his apprehension offered; his reported flight, to Ireland, and death in Devonshire; compared with Kidd. Every, John. See EVERY, HENRY. Execution Dock, Kidd hanged at; Exeter, the, King's ship, sent out against pirates; dismasted; her captains; takes part in the expedition against the Portuguese; goes to the defence of Carwar.
Fake, Corporal, mutinies, and is shot. Fame, the, Company's armed ship; built at Surat by Boone's orders; sent to attack Vingorla; takes part in the attack on Kennery. Fancy, the pirate ship, commanded by Taylor; her engagement with the Cassandra; given to Macrae. Fancy, the (formerly the Charles the Second, q.v.), pirate ship; commanded by Every; takes the Futteh Mahmood; takes the Gunj Suwaie. Farrell, Captain, pirate. Fleetwood, Miles, succeeds Mence as chief at Carwar. Flying Dragon, the, pirate ship. Forbes, Lieutenant, communicates with the besieged in Carwar factory; holds Gheriah after its capture. Fort St. George, the, galley, engages Portuguese grabs. Foulis, Captain, commander of the Anson; his bravery against the French. French, the, at Surat; their men-of-war menace the Company's ships; their defeat in the Carnatic; take the New George; East Indiaman. Futteh Dowlet grab, the; sent by Bombay Council to assist Mannajee Angria; taken by Toolajee Angria. Futteh Droog, Angrian fort, bombarded by James. Futtehghur, granted to Conajee Angria by treaty. Futteh Mahmood, the, taken by Every.
Gallivats, large rowing boats. Gayer, Sir John, President of Surat, receives news of Every; delivers French pirates to the Governor of Surat; offers to convoy the Red Sea fleet; harassed by untrustworthiness of English crews; disclaims responsibility with regard to the _Quedah Merchant_; hands over to the Portuguese their ship taken by pirates; Harland and Richards quarrel with; compared with Governor Boone; killed in action on the _New George_; annuls a marriage. Gheriah or Viziadroog, granted to Conajee Angria by treaty; account of attack on; Angria's fleet from; menaces Bombay; second expedition against; its fate settled; attacked by a Dutch squadron; capture of; attacked by allied forces; reported impregnability of; blockaded by James; division of spoil taken at; European slaves at; surrendered to the Mahrattas. Gilliam, James, pirate, seized and imprisoned at Mungrole; sent to Aurungzeeb's camp. Goa, proclamation issued from, to the Portuguese at Bombay; Viceroys of. _Godolphin_, the, attacked by Angria's ships_; wrecked outside Bombay. Gordon, Captain, takes reinforcements to Carwar; is wounded; his fruitless action at Gheriah. Goring, Mr., his visit to Oarwar, dies at sea. Gova, fort, bombarded by James; governor of; escapes to Severndroog. Grabs, two-masted ships, description of. _Grantham_, the, East Indiaman, attacked by Angria's ships; placed under Matthews' orders against pirates. Grantham, Sir Thomas; Keigwin surrenders Bombay to. Green,—, pirate, takes the _Speedy Return_; hanged. _Greenwich_, the, Company's ship, leaves the _Cassandra_ in her contest with pirates; sent in search of pirates. _Guardian_, sloop, the, man-of-war, built to protect the Malabar coast; commanded by James; takes part in the combined attack on Gheriah. Giuliam,—, pirate, hanged; _Gunj Suwaie_ (Exceeding Treasure), the; taken by Every. Guzerat, coast of; infested by Coolee rovers. Gyfford, Captain, commander of the _Sidney_; distrusts Kidd. Gyfford; Catherine _(nee_ Cooke), a third of Harvey's estate paid to; her third husband killed at Anjengo; escapes from Anjengo; carries off factory records from Anjengo; appoints Lapthorne her agent; lands at Madras; goes to Calcutta; declines to satisfy claims against her husband; Matthews espouses her quarrel with the Bengal Council; is carried off to Bombay by Matthews; attempts to secure her effects at Anjengo; is brought to England by Matthews; petitions the Directors for redress; files a suit against the Company; quarrels with Lapthorne. _See also s.v._ CHOWN, CATHERINE; COOKE, CATHERINE; HARVEY, CATHERINE. Gyfford, William, factor at Bombay, marries Catherine Chown; appointed supercargo of the _Catherine_; chief of Anjengo factory; his dishonesty; insults Mahommedan traders; his private trade; goes to Attinga with presents for the Rani; is inveigled into an ambush and tortured to death; his estate a debtor to the Company.
Halifax, the, Company's ship, attacked by Angrian pirates. Halifax, the, country ship, sent to assist Mannajee Angria. Halsey,—, pirate. Hamilton, Alexander, his defence of Littleton; his account of the engagement between the Phoenix and a Sanganian pirate; commands the Morning Star; is attacked by pirates; made commander-in-chief of the Company's frigates; sent to relieve Carwar factory; resigns his post as commander-in-chief; brings charges against Taylor; his account of Carwar. Hand, John, master of the Bristol, interloper. Hands, Israel, wounded by Teach. Harland, Captain, quarrels with Sir John Gayer; succeeds Richards as commander of the Severn and the Scarborough. Harrington, the, Company's ship, engages pirate ships. Harris, President at Surat, declines to interfere to procure Gilliam's release. Harvey, Catherine (nee Cooke), goes to Bombay; returns to Carwar; asserts her claim, to Harvey's estate; marries Thomas Chown; sails for Bombay. See also s.v. CHOWN, CATHERINE; COOKE, CATHERINE; GYFFORD, CATHERINE. Harvey, John, chief of Carwar factory, demands the surrender of Parker by Kidd; entertains Captain Hudson; marries Catherine Cooke; his deformity; resigns the Company's service; goes to Bombay to wind up his affairs; returns to Carwar; dies. Harwich, the, man-of-war, under Warren, attacked by a pirate vessel. Hastings, the, man-of-war, under Warren, Hewitt, Lieutenant, sent to reconnoitre at Gheriah. Hill, Serjeant, wounded in the attack on Carwar. Himmutghur, to be made over to the English. Honore, seizure of a pirate ship at; pirates provision their ships at; attacked by Arab pirates; sacked by Toolajee Angria, Houblon, Sir James, his ships hired by the Spanish Government. Hough, Commodore, drives Angrian grabs to Severndroog; his ability, present at the attack on Gheriah. Hudson, Captain, commands the Loyall Bliss. Hunter, the, reinforces the Revenge; takes part in the attack on Kennery; present at Gheriah; attacked by Angria's grabs.