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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume XIV., 1606-1609
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8. Item: That, if, by our care and diligence, we allure the chiefs of the Yogolotes together with the other chiefs by means of presents, kind words, and mild treatment, to descend to the plain, or to live quietly in settlements in their natural habitat, submissive to his Majesty, paying their tribute, and abandoning the barbarities that they have been wont to practice on their own children and those of the lowlands; and if they accept the faith and are quiet and pacified: we receive permission to distribute and apportion them in encomiendas—assigning one-third to the royal treasury, and another third to the soldiers engaged in the conquest, while we be awarded the remaining third as our exclusive property; for the Indians will be few, and reduced after many days and great toil.

9. Item: That we beseech his Majesty to concede this favor to us, that we pay the tenth of the gold obtained from the mines to be worked by our order, instead of the fifth. The same is to be understood in regard to the mines of silver, quicksilver, and lead that shall be discovered and worked by our order; and that in all mines we be excused from clause 31, law 5, title 13, book 6, of the Recopilacion, [57] so that we may have more than two mines in one vein, if there is only a slight space between the different mines, in order to keep the measure of one mine.

Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega

Additional conditions and notifications in regard to the conquest, pacification, and exploration of the province of Tuy and Ygolotes.

In the last or next to last of the former conditions we make two statements: one, that it is unnecessary to wait for advice or investigations from here, for the reasons and causes assigned in the condition; the second, that an answer must be given us as to the acceptance of our offer, in the same year when our despatches are received, and by the first advice-boat; and if this shall not be done immediately, then we shall be free from all obligations. It remains to answer the silent criticism that may be opposed to each statement: to the first, that it seems a senseless thing for us to proceed according to our own judgment, without ascertaining whether it is advisable or not and that there are others who may make a better contract; and to the second, that our offer may be solely to fulfil appearances and not real.

1. In regard to the first, we reply that it has already been determined to be advantageous to make the said conquest, pacification, and exploration, by what each of the governors, as declared in the relation, tried to do during his administration, and what was lastly and courageously determined by the great governor, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, to whom the Spaniards now living in these islands owe their lives. He undertook the exploration of the province of Tuy, and held the same in great esteem, since he entrusted it to no less than the person and valor of his only son, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, sending with him the best captains of this camp and Sargento-mayor Juan Xuares Gallinato. He was moved by the reasons given in the first chapter of the relation of this conquest, the literal copy of which accompanies these conditions, as it is believed that no advice can be given his Majesty or your Highness that will be as forcible as this. The importance of the matter is superlative; and it is all the more advisable to undertake it, as that was done by a most truthful knight and one most zealous for the service of God and of his Majesty. And it is quite well known, as is said unanimously by all this community, that it was seen and could well be believed that, had not death taken him so suddenly, he would have finished the conquest. Lastly, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, who became governor at his father's death, followed in his footsteps; and desiring to enjoy and attain what his father had himself begun to discover, sent Captain Miranda. Although the latter exerted himself, yet he did it without any system. If he had had the discernment and sound judgment necessary for the permanent pacification of the lands explored, he would have remained there with the soldiers working thus night and day and through rain and wind; but at the very best time, he had to abandon all. Then, touching the mines of the Ygolotes, this serves also as a good relation, for the news of them that both Don Gonzalo Ronquillo and Don Luis Dasmarinas had received obliged each one to make his greatest efforts; and the knowledge of those mines was widespread, both among barbarians and Spaniards.

As to the opinion that this should not be done at the cost of the royal treasury, as the former expeditions were made, we believe that it cannot be done more mildly and without prejudice to a third party, and it is better to do it at the expense of this commonwealth; for this year the community has allowed, without any remonstrance, the owner of a small vessel to lade, for the freight-charges, eighty toneladas for whomsoever he wished, besides the tonnage allotted to the citizens. Consequently it may be believed that the community will not object to applying the freight money to this conquest; but rather that it will be done to the great satisfaction of all the public, if no other burden is imposed, as in the past.

Then in regard to there being some person who would accomplish this enterprise more advantageously by loading upon his own shoulders a so heavy burden, there is the risk of his having to keep it for these four or five years without any greater profit than the ordinary pay.

The emoluments, gains, and advantages to be derived from the enterprise are very large. It seems very probable if it be not done in any other way, or through us, it can be done only by those occupying the positions that we now fill. For as regards the position of auditor, the person appointed to the charge of the mountains [montaraz] could serve in that capacity [i.e., as auditor], (although with great inconvenience), in the labors of both peace and war, and can remain quietly at home. But he cannot do that, except with great zeal for the service of both majesties. As for the position of captain of this camp, it can serve on this occasion, thus relieving the royal treasury of his pay and of that of all the company—which, agreeably to the stipulations, has to be paid from money received for the eighty toneladas. In regard to our persons we shall be ready for it, and trust that the divine Majesty, who placed this thought in our hearts, will give us the needful ability—to one to counsel, aid, and govern, since the pen never blunts the spear; and to the other to execute with valor and courage what is most fit for these states. And it is to be expected of him that he will do it well, since, before he was twenty years of age, God made him once alferez and twice captain, more by reason of his ability than of his being the son of his father. From the age of twenty-three he must have been very capable for any occasion. Hence, we believe, after considering these reasons thoroughly, that no further reports or relations are needed, and that we are not unreasonable in asking that answer be made to us without awaiting them—especially since they are so dangerous in this country, where the zeal for God's service and that of his Majesty and the public welfare is so lukewarm, and self-interest so strong. A further consideration is, that serious harm to the conversion of those people may result from delay; for those people are very indifferent, and the accursed sect of Mahoma is gaining a foothold among them. This sect is spreading throughout this archipelago like a pest, and once established, as it is so contagious, it will be, in order to eradicate it, more difficult to convert ten Moros than to reduce a thousand pagans. Likewise touching the service to be performed by Doctor de la Vega, ordering him to do it would result in loss, because from sixty years on, every man weighs more than he did before that age; and it is not good for him to ascend and descend mountains, even with the aid of another's feet.

2. Touching the second point, that reply must be made to us whether or not our offer be accepted, in the same year when the despatches are received, where we are not free. Replying to that, we may contradict the opinion that in requesting an answer to so serious a matter in so short a time, our offer is more apparent than real. We declare, Sir, that we are going on the supposition that the relations which were sent to his Majesty and to your Highness are truth itself, and were made by persons who have seen what they relate, according to the papers which have been found, the summary of which composes the relation which is being sent there. I believe that those of Gomez Perez and his son, and common tradition must be as fresh in the minds of people as if their expeditions were taking place, and that these were true reports of those former governors; and that they proceeded with so great zeal, that their zeal served to make us determine to thank them by responding. But this, forsooth, must furnish opportunity for entertaining so sinister a suspicion, that we are offering what we do not intend to fulfil in one, two, or three years, and what would be of most service to his Majesty—although it is of great importance to consider that any delay in the conversion of those souls means great loss, especially if meanwhile one should succeed in binding them more closely together.

3. Inasmuch as there might occur some uncertainty and strife among those encomenderos possessing encomiendas within the boundaries of La Pampanga, Canbales, Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, in order to avoid these it is advisable to state definitely the points where the province of Tui begins and ends, in every direction, that a specific declaration may be made of the boundaries; and in case that anyone should have been entered on the list without any warrant, or with a greater number of natives than had been assigned to him, or should he not have pacified or instructed the greater number of the natives that belong to him by his title, a statement of what he ought to do shall be made.

In respect to the first the province of Tuy commences, as the documents state, and as Gomez Perez Dasmarinas declares, as one goes from La Pampanga to the said province from the end of the Canbales to the beginning of the Tui River; thence following its course to the villages of Datan, Lamot, and Duli to the end of the province of Tui, and the commencement of that of Cagayan; and, cutting this line, by a cross-line from the end of the province of Pangasinan to the sea, on the coast opposite Manila.

As to the second, the encomiendas which shall be within the confines of the said province and shall have any part in the province of Tuy—that the encomenderos retain what they have thus far held and collected by the register, quietly and peacefully, without exceeding the number of natives assigned to them; and in such case they may remain in the province of Tuy and be distributed according to the conditions and agreements. In case that any one's concession and title indicate a greater number of natives than he possesses, he must keep only those whom he himself has conquered, pacified, and had instructed, and no more; for it is not right that he enjoy those who were hostile when the concession was given him, those conquered or instructed here later, if others have shed their blood in the conquest of these, and they have been won at his Majesty's expense.

4. Item: We believe that the condition stated in the first clause of the first [agreement] can be emended, granting that authority is to be given to Doctor de la Vega to be able to appoint the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of Cagayan, Ylocos, and Pangasinan, and take their residencias. This gave opportunity to the governor to complain that, inasmuch as none of this pertained to Doctor de la Vega, a part of his [the governor's] office was being taken from him. This was necessary for the proper accomplishment of his Majesty's service; but in order not to give any occasion for ill-feeling in the other affairs that will arise daily with the governor, it seems a sufficient remedy to give the said Doctor de la Vega commission, so that these alcaldes-mayor be subordinate to him, as all the justices in the adelantamientos [58] of Castilla [are subordinate]. Also the said Doctor de la Vega and his deputies should be authorized to try the causes, as stated in the first clause herein cited of the first conditions, leaving their appointment and the taking of their residencias to the governor, or to whom that may pertain; and the said Doctor de la Vega should have full power, in case that they do not exactly fulfil any orders sent them, to punish them, and to execute upon them the penalties to which he shall condemn them, even to suspension or exile. For if they know that that can be done, they will act more carefully, in order to give no occasion for such action.

By decree of his Majesty, it is ordained that the inhabitants of this city may export the products of the country without formal allotment in the lading. We beseech his Majesty to be pleased to allow the cakes of wax possessed by the volunteer soldiers who shall go to serve and who actually do serve in this expedition, to be exported; and that our certification and that of each one be sufficient for the official laders to stow it in the vessels as soon as they, or anyone in their name, may arrive, under severe penalties. The same we beseech for the piezas of the cargo which should be given to them, when it shall likewise appear, by certification, that they are engaged in this expedition.

Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega



Petition of a Filipino Chief for Redress

Sire:

In former years the archbishop of these Philipinas Islands, on petition of the natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near this city of Manila, wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of the Society of Jesus—under pretext that the former dean of this holy church of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop, [59] had sold them a garden lying back of our village—have been insinuating themselves more and more into our lands and taking more than what was assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely any land remaining in the village for our fields, and even for our houses. The petition begged your royal Majesty to remedy this and protect us under your royal clemency, since we are Indians, who cannot defend ourselves by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be a matter with a religious order. Your royal Majesty, as so Catholic and most Christian, sent a command to the royal Audiencia resident in these islands to gather information of the details of this matter, and to redress it, and not allow injuries to be inflicted on us. We have heard that the royal Audiencia has advised your Majesty; but we do not know what they have advised, for nothing was told us. Now this present year, I, who am the chief, and claim that the lands which are in dispute with the fathers are of greater extent, built a house in my fields. One of the fathers [i.e., Jesuits], named Brother Nieto, came with a numerous following of negroes and Indians, armed with halberds and catans; and of his own accord, and with absolute authority, razed my house to the ground. This caused great scandal to those who saw a religious armed for the purpose of destroying the house of a poor Indian—although, after seeing his intention to seize all my property and bind me, I did not raise my eyes to behold him angered, because of the respect that I know is due the ministers who teach us the law of God. Although the alcalde-mayor of our village (namely, the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves) was angry, as was proper, at the little attention they paid to the royal justice of your Majesty and of your servants; and went immediately on that same day to the destroyed house, and did not leave the village until he knew that another small house had been rebuilt for me in place of the one destroyed—yet, as all the fathers had threatened me that, as often as I should build a house there, they would return to raze or burn it (and this they have declared before the alcalde-mayor himself and the canon Talavera, our minister), and as I am a poor Indian, I fear the power of the said fathers. For I fear that I can find no one to aid me in the suits that the fathers are about to begin against me, or who will appear for my justice, since I have even been unable to find anyone who dared to write this letter for me. This letter is therefore written by my own hand and in my own composition, and in the style of an Indian not well versed in the Spanish language. But I confide my cause to your royal Majesty's great kindness, and, prostrate at your Majesty's royal feet, implore you to protect me with your royal protection, by ordering the royal Audiencia and the archbishop to inform your royal Majesty anew, and to summon me in order that I may inform them of my claims to justice. Also in the meanwhile will you order the fathers not to molest me in the ancient possession that I have inherited from my fathers and grandfathers, who were chiefs of the said village. I trust in the royal clemency and exceedingly great Christian spirit of your Majesty that I shall be protected and defended in what should have justice. This I petition from your royal person, whom may our Lord preserve during many happy years, for the protection of these poor Indians, your Majesty's loyal vassals, and for the increase of this new Christian community. From Quiapo; July 25, 1609.

The useless slave of your royal Majesty,

Don Miguel Banal

[Endorsed: "Have the governor and the Audiencia investigate, and in the meanwhile provide suitable measures."]



Despatch of Missionaries to the Philippines

Information by father Fray Diego Aduarte, concerning the journey that he made in the year 1605 from Spana to the Philipinas, with 38 religious of his order; and, further, that made by father Fray Gabriel de San Antonio in the year 1008; and, further, what is necessary that there should not be failures in such journeys.

By command of Senor Don Luis de Belasco, viceroy of this country of Nueva Spana, in compliance with a clause of a letter from his Majesty—whereby he was commanded to advise his Majesty of the religious who, going under his orders to the Philipinas, have remained here, and what was the occasion of it; and in particular of those who remained of my company, two years ago—I, Diego Aduarte, declare as follows, having come as his vicar; and I call God to witness that in all I tell the truth.

In the month of July of 1605 I sailed from Spana, with thirty-eight religious of my order, whom I was empowered by his Majesty's decrees to convey thither; and none were lacking. Among these there were only four lay brethren; and of the rest, who were priests (they being the majority), all except one were preachers and confessors; and those who were not such had studied sufficiently to be ordained as priests for mass—as all of them now are, and actual ministers, who preach and hear confessions in various languages which they have learned, much to the service of God and the increase of His church. I arrived in this country of Nueva Spana with all the said thirty-eight religious, where two of my priests died. One of them was named Fray Dionisio de Rueda, who had come from Valencia, of which he was a native; the other, Fray Pablo Colmenero, who came from Salamanca, and was a native of Galicia. [60] Both of them were religious of excellent abilities. I embarked at the port of Acapulco for the Philipinas, with only twenty-eight. Although it is true that at the time of embarkation some nine were absent, who had not yet arrived at the port, yet even if they had arrived they could in no wise have been embarked; for the ship which was given me was very small, and had accommodations for no more than twelve friars at the most. So true is this, that the treasurer of his Majesty of this City Of Mexico, one Birbiesca, who was then at the port to despatch the ships by command of the Marques de Montesclaros, told me not to embark more than twelve. This I swear to be true in verbo sacerdotis. I left in that very port several religious, with permission and order to return to Mexico until they could go to the Philipinas; and I was many times sorry for those whom I had embarked, on account of the poor accommodations that we had. Four of them died at sea, between here and the Philipinas (three of these being priests, and the other not), all of them being friars from whom much was hoped. I have made information of all this before the notary of the ship itself (who was called Francisco de Vidaurre), with witnesses who were aboard—which, with the favor of God, I myself shall take to Espana, as I am now on the way there. This was in the year of 1606.

The very next year two religious of my company—priests, confessors, and preachers, Fray Jacinto Orfanel and Fray Joseph de San Jacinto—went to the Philipinas with Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, nephew of the marques, who was commander for two patajes; and this year, 608, I sent four others of the same qualifications with the lord governor, Don Rodrigo de Bibero.

Thus of all my company, except six who have died, only one has failed to go to the Philippinas. To this one, I confess, I gave permission to remain; and he is at present in the province of Oaxaca as minister and interpreter, and so has not been obtained for it unfairly, since religious go from Spana to this province also at the cost of the royal exchequer. It was at the time expedient and even necessary to give the permission; and if his Majesty should try to tie the hands of him who takes the religious in charge, in this matter, it would be the occasion of many grave injuries to his royal service, and still more to that of God, for the new church in the Philippinas can be entrusted only to ministers with the apostolic spirit. For, in order to persuade to the faith, the lack of miracles must be made good by the life of the minister, which, when apostolic, is so much the more a power, as the ability to work miracles is less; for the force of example, and that of miracles which the apostles had to convert the world then, must now be contained in the life of the minister. In truth this is more important for the heathen than are miracles, if it be what it ought. But it is impossible for the superior who takes them in his charge to become acquainted with them before he engages them, as there is no opportunity for that in Spana, or hardly even to know their names; for after procuring his decrees at court, almost all his time is necessary, up to the embarkation, to get his ship-supplies in Sevilla and set affairs in order there. And if he must go about seeking religious in one house and another, through all Castilla and Aragon, as far as Barcelona, how can he have time to become gradually acquainted with them, as he should do? Although it is true that, if he supplies religious to this country by his authority, when he has become acquainted with them, it is a loss to the royal exchequer, to the amount that he has spent for them without carrying out his Majesty's intentions; yet, if they should go on farther, that purpose would be much less successful, and the expenses would be greater. It is less harmful to spend some money ill, than a great deal to the loss, perhaps, of souls, whose welfare is the object of these expenditures. In the government of man, to attempt to flee from difficulties is the greatest hindrance of all; accordingly, the difficulties that may be encountered in this matter can best be avoided by not entrusting this work to anyone except some very trustworthy religious; then his Majesty, being thoroughly informed in regard to him, can place entire confidence in him. For as he must do this with men in his royal service, there is no reason why he should not do as much here, for his agent is a priest and a religious, with greater obligations to keep his conscience pure than has a secular minister; nor is he ignorant of the fidelity which he owes his king and lord, and how great a sin it would be against justice, and what obligation there would be for restitution of money ill spent. The truth is that anyone to whom his Majesty entrusts this could, if he did not proceed with great exactness, very legitimately excuse himself by saying that what was ordered to be given him for the despatch is not enough, by far, and so he is spending on a few what is given him for the many; since it is hardly enough for even the few—having recourse, for the external forum, to equivocal answers. It is actually true, that the provision that his Majesty orders to be given, in Sevilla and in Mexico, for supplies on the two seas, and for the support of the religious in these two cities, is extremely scanty; and if his Majesty does not increase it he can have no just complaint against the religious who may act thus. In Sevilla he orders that two reals be given for each religious, every day; but three are necessary, at the least. In Mexico, he orders that four be given; but it is certain that six to each man would be little for their food, clothing, and shoes, and for the ordinary expenses of a house. In Sevilla there is assigned, for the supplies of each religious on the voyage, 22 ducats; whereas 40 at least are necessary, and, if it be a year of high prices, 50. In Mexico, for supplies on the other sea, and to pay the charges to the muleteers who transport the goods to Acapulco, and the expenses of the journey to that point with the religious, there is given for each one 150 pesos; but 200 are needed, and even that does not suffice. The reason for all this is, that these rates were set a long time ago, when things were much cheaper than at present; for goods could be bought for these sums to a much greater amount. This would be cause for the religious to plead that the [actual] expenses incurred for him should be allowed; and there is no other way [in which this difficulty can be settled].

Of both things we have illustration enough in this journey which was begun by father Fray Gabriel de San Antonio (whom may God keep in heaven), for, on account of the scanty aid that was given him at Sevilla, he left there a debt of one thousand two hundred ducados; and if his Majesty does not pay this, I know not whence his creditors will procure it. Then, as he had not the necessary freedom to dispose of his friars, seeing that there was no fleet that year, which is a second instance, he did what he should not have done—namely, among twenty-four religious whom he embarked with him, he took seven laymen, and, of the rest, one was insufficiently educated, and others were ill suited for the work in the Philipinas; so that counting those who were well fitted to go, they would not number twelve. It seems that he wished only to make it appear to the Council that he was embarking with friars, since this was commanded so insistently. He had, as I have been told, thirty religious quite suitable for the journey, ready to embark in the fleet; but as there was no fleet, and they saw that according to the orders of the Council they must embark in the heart of winter, and in weak craft, they, being discreet, returned to the houses from which they had come; and father Fray Gabriel, to comply with his orders, sought others in their places, most of whom did not fill the places of the others, or come near doing so. From this resulted many expenses that might have been avoided; for if those who returned had been left in the convents of Andalucia, to come over in the fleet this year, all the expenses that were incurred would be obviated, and they would arrive at the proper time to go to the Philippinas, as they would come in the patages. Even if not all came, most of them could come, and none of these would have to be refused, as we have to do now—for, if the lord viceroy does not give permission to leave some, there is no use to consider sending religious there. Then I, who am going to seek them in Espana, for the second time, with so many labors and dangers, would find them half way, without the least cost to myself. Supplicate and beg this from his Excellency, by the bowels of Christ. The objection raised is that it will not be expedient for them to go; but I hope through God that it will be so, and that it will be explained to his Majesty that it is very important for his service. This is the truth, which I am bound to tell my king and lord, as his faithful vassal and servant, which I am.

Fray Diego Aduarte



Jesus, Mary

Father Fray Antonio de Santo Angel, procurator-general of the order of the discalced friars of our father St. Augustine, declares that in the year 1608 your Majesty gave permission to father Fray Pedro de San Fulgencio, of the said order, to return to the Philipinas Islands, taking with him thirty religious of his order, and six servants for their service. In the said year he was obliged to go to Rome to secure some favors and jubilees from his Holiness; but an illness attacked him, and our Lord saw fit to take him unto Himself. For this reason his embarkation for the Philipinas did not take place, as he died on the way; and the funds that were given him for the purpose were lost. Since it has pleased the divine Majesty that the discalced Augustinian religious who are in those parts [61] should succeed in so satisfactory and exemplary a manner, preaching the holy gospel and giving the light of our holy Catholic faith, and so earnestly striving for its increase—as your Majesty is informed by the archbishop of Manila, and the city and cabildo, and the bishop of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus. For all point out to your Majesty the great importance of sending religious of this holy order to the Philipinas; and that it is better to maintain there those who have been discalced, than those who enter from among the calced and are not instructed in the austerity to which the discalced are obliged. For this reason our very holy father, Paul V, separated and divided us from the calced fathers; and accordingly our father-general sent them a notification that his Holiness had separated them, and had sent an order that they should form a chapter and appoint a provincial—as will appear from the papers which I present, and from the letters of the archbishop of Manila, and from the bishop of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus, and from the letter from the city of Manila. From the letters of the religious it will be plain to your Majesty how important it is for the service of our Lord to have a head and superior of the same penitent mode of life, so that this reformation may be preserved, and they may with fervor continue to gain souls for heaven and the increase of our holy Catholic faith. I therefore beg your Majesty to grant us the same despatches that were given to us for the said voyage, so that we may receive the favor of it. I likewise present the letter written by the Audiencia of Manila, in which your Audiencia states what are its intentions when anything is asked on the part of the Recollects.



Bibliographical Data

All the documents contained in this volume are obtained from original MSS. in various foreign archives—excepting only that the Relation of Maldonado (1606) is from a printed pamphlet. Most of them are from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, their pressmarks as follows.

1. Complaints against the archbishop.—(a) Letters from Acuna and the Augustinians: "Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1600 a 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." (b) Letter from the Audiencia: "Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1600 a 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19."

2. Relations with the Chinese.—(a) Memorials by archbishop: "Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1579 a 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." (b). Letter to viceroy of Ucheo: the same as No. 1 (a). (c) Chinese immigration restricted: the same as No. 1 (b).

3. Letters from Acuna.—(a) Letters of July 1 and 8: the same as No. 1 (a). (b) Letter of July 15: the same as No. 1 (b).

4. Dominican mission of 1606.—"Simancas—Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros en Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1569 a 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37."

5. Dutch factory at Tidore.—The same as No. 1 (b).

6. Letter from the Audiencia, 1606.—The same as No. 1 (b).

7. Letter from the fiscal.—The same as No. 1 (b).

8. Chinese immigration.—(a) Report of ships: the same as No. 1 (b). (b) Letters from Felipe III: "Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."

9. Petition for grant to seminary.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha Audiencia; anos de 1586 a 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

10. Artillery at Manila.—The same as No. 1 (b).

11. Confraternity of La Misericordia.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 20."

12. Receipts and expenditures of Philippine government.—The same as No. 1 (a).

13. Decrees regarding way-station for vessels, 1608-09.—The same as No. 8 (b).

14. Letters to Silva.—The same as No. 8 (b).

15. Expeditions to Tuy.—The same as No. 1 (a).

16. Petition of Filipino chief.—"Simancas—Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1607 a 1613; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 36."

17. Despatch of missionaries.—The same as No. 4. The following is from the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid:

18. Relation by Maldonado, 1606.—"Papeles jesuitas, tomo 92, num. 40." (A printed pamphlet.)

The following is from the British Museum, London:

19. Decree regarding way-station for vessels, 1606.—"Papeles varios de Indias; Mus. Brit, jure emptionis; 13,976 Plut. CXC.D; folios 469-472a."

The following is from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

20. Letter to Acuna, 1606.—"Cedulario Indico, t. 38, fol. 114, no. 89."

The following are from the Archivo general, Simancas:

21. Terrenate expedition.—"Secretario de Estado, legajo 205."

22. Trade with Mexico.—"Secretario de Estado, leg. 2637."

23. Passage of missionaries.—The same as No. 22.



NOTES

[1] The sense is here somewhat incomplete; there may be some omission in the text.

[2] Fuerza: injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge; see Vol. v, p. 292.

[3] Apparently a reference to the organization of "el Nuevo Reino ['the new kingdom'] de Granada," afterward known as Nueva (or New) Granada; a name applied in the nineteenth century to the country now known as United States of Colombia. This region was conquered by Gonzalo Jiminez Quesada in 1537, its capital (established August 6, 1538) being Santa Fe de Bogota.

[4] In the original there is a brief summary at the head of each paragraph, for the convenience of the council in considering the document.

[5] The botanical name of the clove is Caryophyllus aromaticus. See Crawfurd's excellent account, both descriptive and historical, of this valued product, in his Dict. of Indian Islands, pp. 101-105. Cf. the account by Duarte Barbosa, in East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Soc. publications No. 35, London, 1866), pp. 201, 219, 227; he says, among other things: "And the trees from which they do not gather it for three years after that become wild, so that their cloves are worth nothing." Crawfurd says: "It is only in its native localities, the five small islets [Moluccas] on the western coast of the large island of Gilolo, that it is easily grown, and attains the highest perfection. There, it bears in its seventh or eighth year, and lives to the age of 130 or 150." He also states that the Dutch, in their attempt to secure the monopoly of the clove trade, exterminated the clove trees from the Moluccas, and endeavored to limit their growth to the five Amboyna islands, in which they had introduced the clove.

[6] Referring to the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, to which Acuna belonged.

[7] The Spanish form of the name of Mechlin, an important city of Belgium, between Antwerp and Brussels. The reference in the text is probably to some law enacted by the emperor Charles V while holding his court at Mechlin, during his long stay in the Netherlands.

[8] Diego Aduarte was born at Zaragoza, about 1570, and at the age of sixteen entered a Dominican convent at Alcala de Henares. In 1594 he joined the mission to the Philippines, arriving at Manila June 12, 1595. In the following January Aduarte accompanied the expedition sent by Luis Dasmarinas to Cambodia (see Vol. IX, pp. 161-180, 265, 277); the result of this was disastrous, and after many dangers and hardships, and a long illness, he returned to Manila on June 24, 1597. Two years later he went to China, to rescue Dasmarinas (stranded there after another unsuccessful expedition to Cambodia), and remained until February, 1600. Soon afterward he went to Spain on business of his order, arriving there in September, 1603. There he obtained a reenforcement of missionaries for the Philippines, arriving at the islands in August, 1606. He was again despatched to Spain (July, 1607), where he remained until 1628; he then returned to the Philippines with another missionary band. He was seen afterward elected prior of the convent at Manila, and later became bishop of Nueva Segovia; but exercised the latter office only a year and a half, dying in the summer of 1636. Aduarte's Historia de la provincia del Sancto Rosario (Manila, 1640) is his chief work; we shall present it in later volumes of this series. See biography of Aduarte in Resena biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santisimo Rosario de Filipinas (Manila, 1891), pp. 148-172.

[9] Master (Latin magister, Spanish maestro): a title of honor given to religious of venerable age or distinguished services; see Du Cange, s.vv. dominus ordinis, magister ordinis.

[10] So in the MS., but apparently an error of cuatro for cinco ("five"), as the evidence of this and the other documents of this group indicates that this warrant was given in 1605, not 1604.

[11] The garment placed by the tribunal of the Inquisition upon persons who, after trial, became penitent and were reconciled to the church.

[12] San Juan de Ulua (or Lua, also Ulloa), in Mexico, was thus named (1518) for St. John and in honor of Juan Grijalva, one of Cortes's officers, who in that year discovered Yucatan. In the summer of the following year, Cortes founded, not far from this place, the city of Vera Cruz.

[13] In our copy of this document (the official transcript) the text reads que son 80 pesos; but as in half a year but two of these tri-yearly payments would be made, it seems more probable that this was intended for 20 pesos.

[14] Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio came to the Philippines in 1595, and was assigned to the mission among the Chinese in Binondo; but he could not learn their language, and, becoming discouraged thereat, returned to Spain. Finally, being troubled by his conscience for having abandoned his post, he obtained permission from his superiors to conduct a band of new missionaries to the islands. Embarking with them, he was overcome by sickness and the hardships of the voyage, and died before reaching Mexico (1608). He was appointed (apparently after his departure on this journey) bishop of Nueva Caceres.

[15] The word "factory," as here used, refers to the place where the factors, or agents, of a commercial company reside and transact the business entrusted to them.

[16] These names are merely phonetic renderings of the names of certain Dutch cities. Absterdaem and Ambstradama are for Amsterdam; Yncussa (and probably Cuyssem), for Enkhuysen (or Enchuysen); Campem, for Campen; Amberes, for Antwerp; Millburg, for Middleburg; Horrem, for Hoorn. Olanda and Gelanda are for Holland and Zeeland.

[17] That is: Achin (or Acheen), in Sumatra; Pajang, a province in Java; and Bengal, in India.

[18] At the end of this pamphlet is the imprint, showing that permission to print it was given to Clemente Hidalgo on May 9, 1606; and that it was printed by him in the same year, at Sevilla. It was sold at the establishments of Melchor Goncalez and Rafael Charte.

[19] In the margin: "The Parian, establishment and residence of the Sangleys, on the other side of the Manila River."

[20] The leaves of a species of palm (Nipa fruticans), used as thatch to cover houses.

[21] Probably a misprint for Moros.

[22] Cf. La Concepcion's account of this insurrection, in Hist. de Philippinas, iv, pp. 52-64.

[23] At this point, in the printed original, follow the words tribuleco llamadotin—evidently some typographical error.

[24] This letter will be found in Vol. XIII, pp. 287-291; Morga also gives it in his Sucesos (which will be presented in our Vols. XV and XVI).

[25] Korea had been conquered by the Japanese in 1592, but soon afterward was partially regained by the Chinese (Vol. VIII, pp. 260-262; IX, pp. 36, 44, 46). The death of the Japanese ruler Hideyoshi (1598), and the consequent recall of the Japanese troops, left affairs between the three countries unsettled; finally Iyeyasu, ruler of Japan, made peace with Korea and China, in 1605.

[26] Another account of this insurrection is given by Gregorio Lopez, S.J., in a letter dated April, 1604; it is substantially the same as those already presented in this series, but Lopez relates in much fuller detail the final pursuit of the Sangleys. He also states that the Chinese Juan Bautista de Bera (Vera), whose heathen name was Hincan, had lived in Manila since the time of Limahon; and that in the conflict there were twenty stalwart Sangleys to each Spaniard. He enumerates the Spanish citizens slain by the Sangleys, mentioning the place where each died. A copy of this letter is contained in the Ventura del Acro MSS. (Ayer library)—for account of which collection see Vol. VI, pp. 231, 232—in vol. i, pp. 121-272; it is accompanied by the statement that the original MS. is in the Real Academia de lit Historia, Madrid—its pressmark, "Jesuitas, Filipinas; legajo no. 7."

[27] Recopilacion de leyes, lib. vi, tit. vi, ley viii, contains the following law in regard to the appointment of the protector of the Indians; "The bishops of Filipinas were charged by us with the protection and defense of those Indians. Having seen that they cannot attend to the importunity, and judicial acts and investigations, which require personal presence, we order the president-governors to appoint a protector and defender, and to assign him a competent salary from the taxes of the Indians, proportioned among those which shall be assigned to our royal crown and to private persons, without touching our royal treasury, which proceeds from other kinds [of taxes]. We declare that it is not our intention by this to deprive the bishops of their superintendence and protection of the Indians in general." (Felipe II, Madrid, January 17, 1593, in a clause of a letter).

[28] The hospital order of St John of God was originally founded by a Portuguese soldier (named Joan), who at the age of forty years devoted himself, as a religious duty, to the care of sick persons. He began a hospital in his own house at Granada (1540), and his bishop permitted him and his associates to wear a habit. After his death (1550) similar hospitals were formed in Spain, and even spread to Italy. In 1585 all these were organized into an order, with constitutions, under the papal sanction; this order is still in existence, and has establishments in many countries. It did not reach the Philippines until 1649.

[29] Fray Diego Aduarte, Bishop of Nueva Segovia, wrote to the king (July 7, 1606), as follows: "Your Majesty possesses here a royal hospital which is one of the most necessary and useful things in this country for the welfare and care of the poor soldiers and others who serve your Majesty. Although the income which it has is small, it would be sufficient aid, with the many alms given by the citizens who are well to do, if there were some one who could distribute it well and take it in charge as his own affair. It is a most necessary thing for its good government and maintenance that your Majesty should send four or five brethren of the order called Juan de Dios, with the authority of your Majesty and his Holiness, and with power to receive others. For the institution is already founded and everything necessary supplied; and these brethren might come with the religious whom your Majesty sends here, either Franciscan or Dominican; or you might command that some of the excellent hospitallers who are settled in Nueva Espana should come to these islands, which would economize in expense and hasten their coming, and make it more certain." [Endorsed: "September 24, 1607. Have the four brethren whom he mentions sent, and entrust the matter to Senor Don Francisco de Tejada, that he may arrange it with the elder brother of Anton Martin. Have a copy sent to Senor Don Francisco."]

[30] Evidently referring to Antonio, prior of Crato, pretender to the crown of Portugal (see Vol. I, p. 355). He died at Paris, August 25, 1595; and left six (illegitimate) children whom he commended to the care of Henri IV of France. It is probable that the son mentioned in our text was Cristoval, his second son (born in 1564); he assumed the title of king of Portugal, and with this pretension might easily undertake to fight against Spain (as usurper of that crown), in aid of the Dutch. Cristoval died at Paris June 3, 1638.

[31] Lancha: a small vessel navigated with sails and oars; cf. English "launch." Barcoluengo: an oblong boat with a long bow, its only mast being in the center.

[32] The capture of the "Santa Ana" by Cavendish in 1588, and the difficulties and risks of the long Pacific voyage for the richly-laden galleons from Manila, made it evident that some halting-place for them should be provided on the California coast. The vessel "San Agustin" was despatched from Manila in 1595 to search for such a place, but was wrecked in the present Drake Bay. In the preceding year Velasco had made a contract with Sebastian Vizcaino for the exploration and occupation for Spain of California; but he did not begin his task until 1597, when he was sent out by Monterey. This expedition accomplished little; but Vizcaino was selected to command the one mentioned in our text, which had the same object as that for which the "San Agustin" was sent, and the pilot of that vessel accompanied Vizcaino. There appear to have been four vessels in this expedition, which carried nearly two hundred men: there were also three Carmelite friars, one of whom, Antonio de la Ascension, kept a diary of the voyage, and assisted the cosmographer, Geronimo Martin Palacios. They returned to Acapulco in March, 1603, having explored and mapped the coast of California beyond Cape Mendocino, and discovered the bays of Todos Santos, San Diego, and Monterey. Vizcaino made another voyage (1611-14), which was originally intended for the establishment and equipment of the port of Monterey as a station for the Philippine vessels, but was diverted to the Pacific Ocean and Japan. See Bancroft's account of these explorations—with abundant citations of sources, and reduced copy of Vizcaino's map—in his History of North Mexican States (San Francisco, 1886), i, pp. 147-163.

[33] See Vol. XIII, p. 228, note 31.

[34] This admiral was Toribio Gomez de Corvan.

[35] The route of vessels to and from the Philippines is described by Morga at the end of his Sucesos (Vols. XV and XVI of this series).

[36] This total is as found in the MS., but is inaccurate. The correct total is 6,533.

[37] Also written "pederero"—from Old Spanish pedra, "a stone;" so named because of the use of stone for balls, before iron balls were invented; a swivel-gun. For descriptions and illustrations of various kinds of artillery, see Demmin's Arms and Armor (London, 1877).

[38] Cf. "Foundation of the Audiencia," Vol. VI, p. 37, sec. 295.

[39] Referring to the famous hot springs and health resort of Los Banos, situated on the southern coast of Laguna de Bay, thirty-five miles from Manila, at the foot of the volcanic mountains Maquiling and Los Banos. See Chirino's account of these springs, in chap. X of his Relacion (Vol. XII of this series). Cf. the more detailed accounts by La Concepcion (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 134-151), Zuniga (Estadismo, i, pp. 180-185), and Buzeta and Bravo (Diccionario, ii, pp. 168-179). The virtues of these waters were first made known by St. Pedro Bautista, the noted Franciscan martyr (Vol. VIII, p. 233), in the year 1590; and he undertook to found there a hospital, but for lack of means this project languished until 1604, when it was duly organized, under the charge of a Franciscan lay brother, Fray Diego de Santa Maria. Various grants were made to this institution, at different times, by colonial and local authorities; and in 1671 large and suitable buildings of stone were erected—which, however, were destroyed by fire in 1727. The hospital seems to have retrograded, in extent and management, early in its history; Zuniga found it in very poor condition, at the end of the eighteenth century. See chapter on "Minero-medicinal waters" of the islands in U.S. Philippine Commission's Report, 1900, iii, pp. 217-227.

[40] The name applied to any knight of a military order who received one of die ecclesiastical benefices called encomiendas. These were suitably-endowed dignities conferred on knights of those orders.

[41] After Acuna's death, Rodrigo de Vivero was sent from Nueva Espana to govern the Philippines ad interim, where he arrived June 15, 1608. He remained less than one year in this poet, and was then made governor of Panama. In April, 1609, arrived his successor, Juan de Silva, a member of the Order of Santiago; and distinguished by military service in Flanders. He governed the Philippines for seven years, and died at Malaca, on his way with an expedition to the Spice Islands, on April 19, 1616.

[42] Situado is used here to mean the extra income from the encomiendas which is obtained by increasing the tribute from eight reals to ten. This was done at the time when Gomez Perez Dasmarinas was sent to govern the Philippines; see his instructions (Vol. VII, pp. 145, 146), and cf. Morga's Sucesos, chap. viii (Vol. XVI of this series; and Hakluyt Society's trans., pp. 325, 326). The two reals thus gained were to be thus applied: one-half real, to pay the obligations of the tithes; one and one-half reals, for the pay of soldiers, etc.

Prof. E.G. Bourne says: "Many of the Spanish colonies received regular situados from the crown to make up their annual deficits. The word may mean subsidy, appropriation, rent, or income, according to the context." Humboldt mentions—in New Spain (Black's trans.), iv, pp. 228, 229—the situados, "remittances of specie annually, made to other Spanish colonies" from the treasury of Mexico, which in 1803 amounted to 3,500,000 piastres. These remittances from Mexico of course ceased when that colony revolted from Spain and became a republic (1823).

Still another meaning of situado is given by Bowring (Philippine Islands, pp. 98, 99): "As it is, the Philippines have made, and continue to make, large contributions to the mother country, generally in excess of the stipulated amount which is called the situado."

[43] The husk surrounding the cocoanut; it is used for making cordage and calking vessels.

[44] A prebendary who enjoys the benefice called racion.

[45] The prebendary immediately subordinate to the racionero.

[46] Barrachel: the alguacil-mayor. This word is now obsolete.

[47] He had filled this post before, during 1590-95 (Vol. VII, p. 230); he succeeded Montesclaros on July 2, 1607, and governed Nueva Espana until June 12, 1611, when he returned to Spain as president of the Council of the Indias. Already aged, he did not long survive this promotion. He established many reforms in Nueva Espana, and showed great humanity in his treatment of the Indians.

[48] That is, "rich in gold," and "rich in silver;" two mythical islands, often mentioned in documents of that time; thus named, according to Gemelli Careri, because some earth taken from them, accidentally heated on a ship, was found to contain grains of precious metal. There is an interesting mention of these islands on La Frechette's "Chart of the Indian Ocean" (published by W. Faden, London, 1803). They are placed thereon in 32 deg. and 34 deg., N. lat., and in 160 deg. and 164 deg. E. long., respectively, with the following legend: "Kin-sima, la Rica de Oro, or Gold Island. Gin-sima, la Rica de Plata, or Silver Island. These Two Islands, which are Known to the Japanese, are laid down according to the report of the former Spanish Navigators; they did imagine till the middle of the last century, that Gin-sima and Kin-sima were the Land of Ophir, since it could not be found in the Isles of Solomon."

[49] Referring to the archbishop Benavides; he bequeathed his library and the sum of one thousand pesos for the foundation of the college of Santo Tomas at Manila.

[50] The route of this expedition was evidently up the Rio Grande de Pampanga, northward through the present provinces of Pampanga and Nueva Ecija; the headwaters of this stream are separated by the ridge of Caraballo Sur from those of the Rio Grande de Cagayan. Crossing these mountains, the Spaniards found themselves, at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya, at the sources of one of the two great branches of the latter river, the Magat River—the one which is named Tuy in our text. It joins the main stream of the Rio Grande de Cagayan, a few miles above Ilagan, in the province of Isabela, and the united streams flow northward through the entire length of that province and of Cagayan, falling into the sea below Aparri, on the northern coast of Luzon. See the short account of this expedition given in Vol. VIII, pp. 250, 251.

[51] A species of orange-colored agate, of great beauty.

[52] This city is no longer in existence; it has been replaced by the town of Lallo, formerly only a district of that city.

[53] In the MS., cabra; but this may be only a copyist's conjecture for an illegible word.

[54] The Igorrotes first appear under the name Ygolot, which was applied to the inhabitants of Benguet; and those people probably represent the original tribe. The name was later applied to all the head-hunters of northern Luzon, then collectively to all in the Philippine Islands, and is now almost synonymous with "wild." The district assigned to the real Igorrotes is a matter of controversy among various authors, as are also their various characteristics, and their origin. Certain characteristics point to infusions of Chinese and Japanese blood. Comparatively few of them have embraced Christianity. They live in villages of three or four hundred, with a chief in each, who is usually the richest man, and whose lands the common people cultivate. They are generally monogamous, and respect the marriage tie highly. They believe in a supreme being whom they call Apo or Lu-ma-oig; his wife Bangan; his daughter Bugan; and his son Ubban. There are two inferior gods Cabigat and Suyan. Their priests are called Maubunung and they heal sickness with charms and incantations. They believe in two places of abode after death: one pleasant and cheerful, for those who die a natural death; the other a real heaven, for warriors killed in battle and women who die in childbirth. They bury their dead in coffins in a sitting position, in clefts or caves, and often dry the corpse over a fire. Ancestor-worship is prevalent. They are an agricultural people, but do not breed cattle. They have worked the copper mines of their districts and extracted gold from the earliest times. As yet, however, exact and scientific knowledge regarding them is slight, as is true of many other Filipino tribes, owing to the confused state of Philippine ethnology. See Smithsonian Report, 1899, p. 538, "List of native tribes of Philippines" by Ferdinand Blumentritt (translated by Dr. O.T. Malon); Blumentritt's "Ueber den Namen der Igorroten" in Ausland, no. 1, p. 17 (Stuttgart, 1882); Sawyer's Inhabitants of the Philippines (New York, 1900); pp. 254-267; and Foreman's Philippine Islands (London, 1890), pp. 212-215.

[55] The city of Potosi in Bolivia is situated on the slope of the Cerro Gordo de Potosi, a mountain 16,152 feet high, which contains silver mines of a richness that has become proverbial; they were discovered in 1545, by an Indian. It is estimated that the silver obtained from this mountain, up to the middle of the nineteenth century, amounted to $1,600,000,000. Humboldt gives the figures for its yield, from 1566 to 1789, amounting to 60,864,359 pounds troy; see his New Spain (Black's trans., London, 1811), iii, pp. 171, 172. He also endeavors to estimate (pp. 353-379) the value of the total yield from its discovery to 1789, which he places at 5,750,000,000 of livres tournois (L234,693,840 sterling). The mines now are almost abandoned, and the annual yield is about $800,000.

[56] Referring to the allotment of space for freight in the regular trading fleet sent yearly to Mexico. As has been shown in preceding documents, this privilege, as the source of much profit, was restricted by the government to the citizens of the islands, among certain of whom the space was duly allotted by toneladas, each shipping goods to that extent—although many frauds were practiced, often by royal officials themselves. The stipulation in our text secured, to persons having the right to a share in this trade, the exercise of that right while absent on the Tuy expedition, the same as if they were present in Manila when the ships were laden. The pieza mentioned in this paragraph was the bale used as the unit of capacity in lading the vessel (see Bourne's introduction to this series, Vol. I, p. 63). A letter from Andres de Alcaraz to the king (August 10, 1617), which will be presented in Vol. XVII, gives further information regarding the pieza. From this document it appears that the tonelada was reckoned at eight piezas; the pieza would then be estimated at ten arrobas, or two hundred and fifty libras.

[57] Evidently a reference to a compilation of Spanish laws. There is nothing in the Recopilacion de las leyes de Indias answering to this.

[58] The district of the governor formerly called adelantado.

[59] Archbishop Benavides died on July 26, 1605, and was succeeded by Diego Vazquez de Mercado—although the latter did not take possession of the see until June, 1610. He was a native of Arevalo, Castilla, and a relative of Gonzalo Ronquillo, fourth governor of the Philippines. He was the first dean of the Manila cathedral, serving therein for sixteen years; then went to Nueva Espana, and, having obtained a doctor's degree from the University of Mexico, held a benefice at Acapulco. He was appointed bishop of Yucatan, but was transferred to the archbishopric of Manila; this post he held until his death, in 1618. He completed the cathedral edince, applying to that work much of his patrimony.

[60] Rueda's name alone is contained in the list furnished by Aduarte in 1605 (see "Dominican mission of 1606," ante). The names of those Dominicans who actually reached the Philippines in 1606, twenty-six in number, are found (with biographical information) in Resena biog. Sant. Rosario, i, pp. 328-333; but the list of those who died on the way (including Rueda and Colmenero) is on p. 335.

[61] Also known as Recollects (see Vol. XIII, p. 246 and note). When they arrived in the Philippines (1606), they established themselves in a suburb of Manila called Bagumbayan. See the detailed account of the circumstances attending the despatch of friars thither from this order, and of the beginning of their work in the islands, in La Concepcion's Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 189-265.

THE END

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