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The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
by Charles Hose and William McDougall
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[80] — The drawing is taken from a rubbing of a model carved by an Uma Lekan; this will account for the asymmetry noticeable every here and there throughout the design. A print from an actual tatu-block is shown in Pl. 139, Fig. 7; this would be repeated serially in rows down the front and sides of the thigh, so that absolute uniformity would be attained; the carver of the model, which was about one-sixth life size, has not been able to keep the elements of his design quite uniform.

[81] — For other examples of modified ASU designs employed by Kenyah tribes, see E. B. Haddon (4, pp. 117, 118).

[82] — By this name we denote those Kenyah tribes which stand nearest to the Klemantans and furthest from the Kayans in respect of customs. Cf. Chap. XXI.

[83] — The names of the designs are given in Kayan.

[84] — The same author states that "a sometime headman of Senendan had two square tattoo marks on his back. This was because he ran away in a fight, and showed his back to the enemy." This explanation seems to us most improbable.

[85] — As an instance of a quite opposite effect produced by a mark on the forehead, we may note here, that some Madangs who had crossed over from the Baram to the Rejang on a visit, appeared each with a cross marked in charcoal on his forehead; they supposed that by this means they were disguised beyond all recognition by evil spirits. The belief that such a trivial alteration of appearance is sufficient disguise is probably held by most tribes; Tama Bulan, a Kenyah chief, when on a visit to Kuching, discarded the leopard's teeth, which when at home he wore through the upper part of his ears, and the reason that he alleged was the same as that given by the Madang. These people believe not only that evil spirits may do them harm whilst they are on their travels, but also that, being encountered far from their homes, the spirits will take advantage of their absence to work some harm to their wives, children, or property.

[86] — Dr. Schmeltz has kindly furnished us with an advance sheet of his forthcoming catalogue of the Borneo collection in the Leyden Museum; he catalogues these drawings as tatu marks, but in a footnote records our opinion of them made by letter. Dr. Nieuwenhuis apparently adheres to the belief that they really are tatu marks.

[87] — Mr. E. B. Haddon (4, p. 124) writes: "The tattoo design used by the Kayans and Kenyahs ... has been copied and adopted by the Ibans in the same way as the Kalamantans have done, the main difference being, that the Ibans call the design a scorpion. FOR THIS REASON THE PATTERN TENDS TO BECOME MORE AND MORE LIKE THE SCORPION ... ." The italics are ours. Is not this "putting the cart before the horse"? It is only when the design resembles a scorpion that the term SCORPION is applied to it; all other modifications, even though tending towards the scorpion, are called DOG; PRAWN, or CRAB.

[88] — The following statement, which was written by us of the Kenyahs in a former publication, holds good also of the Kayans: "They may be said to attribute a soul or spirit to almost every natural agent and to all living things, and they pay especial regard those that seem most capable of affecting their welfare for good or ill. They feel themselves to be surrounded on every hand y spiritual powers, which appear to them to be concentrated in those objects to which their attention is directed by practical needs; adopting a mode of expression familiar to psychologists, we may say that they have differentiated from a 'continuum' of spiritual powers a number of spiritual agents with very various degrees of definiteness. Of these the less important are very vaguely conceived, but are regarded as being able to bring harm to men, who must therefore avoid giving offence to them, and must propitiate them if they should by ill-change have been offended. The more important, assuming individualised and anthromorphic forms and definite functions, receive proper names, are in some cases represented by rude images, and become the recipients of prayer and sacrifice" (JOURN. OF ANTHROP. INSTITUTE, vol. xxxi. p. 174).

[89] — If the dead man possessed no sufficiently presentable garments, these may be supplied by friends. This last act of respect and friendship has not infrequently been permitted to one of us.

[90] — See vol. ii. p. 29.

[91] — See vol. ii. p. 61.

[92] — See vol. ii., p. 137.

[93] — For the views of an individual Kayan on Laki Tenangan, see vol. ii., p. 74.

[94] — See vol. ii., p. 53.

[95] — See Chap. X.

[96] — The idea of giving up a valued possession to the god or spirit in order to appease or propitiate him seems to underlie a curious rite formerly practised by the JINGKANGS, a Klemantan sub-tribe living on the great Kapuas river. These people, like most of the peoples of Borneo, value their male children more highly than their female children. If a boy seems to be at the point of death, and if all other efforts to restore him have proved unavailing, the relatives would kill an infant sister of the boy, and would cause the boy to eat a small bit of the roasted flesh. The intention seems to be to appease some malevolent spirit that is causing the sickness; and the eating of the flesh seems to be considered necessary in order to connect the sacrifice clearly with the sick child.

[97] — Cf. vol. ii., p. 75, for the statement of a Kayan on this question.

[98] — See vol. ii., p. 138.

[99] — See vol. ii., p. 29, for usage of this word.

[100] — This relation is illustrated by the fact that among the charms and objects of virtue which the Kenyahs hang beside the heads in the galleries of their houses, or over the fireplaces in their rooms, are to be found in many houses one or two specimens of stone axe-heads. The original use of these objects is not known to the great majority of their possessors, who regard them as teeth dropped from the jaw of the thunder-god, BALINGO. It is generally claimed that some ancestor found these stones and added them to the family treasures. A man who possesses such "teeth," carries them with him when he goes to war. The Madang chief TAMA KAJAN ODOH, mentioned in the following note as claiming descent from Balingo, possessed the unusual number of ten such teeth. The credit of having first obtained specimens of these stones from the houses belongs to Dr. A. C. Haddon, who discovered a specimen in a Klemantan house of the Baram basin in the year 1899. The existence of such Stones in native houses in Dutch Borneo had been reported by Schwaner many years before that date.

[101] — When questioned as to this claim, he gave us at once without hesitation the names in order of the ancestors of nineteen generations through whom he traces his descent from Balingo. It is perhaps worth while to transcribe the list as taken down from his lips in ascending order: — KAJAN, TAMA KAJAN ODOH, SIGO, APOI, BAUM ([ERROR: unhandled ♀]), ODOH SINAN ([female]), ALONG, APOI, LAKING, LAKING GILING, GILING SINJAN, SINJAN PUTOH, PUTOH ATI, ATI AIAI JALONG, BALARI, UMBONG DOH ([female]), KUSUN PATU BALINGO. This succession of names, it will be noticed, is consistent with the custom, common to the Kenyahs and Kayans, of naming the father after his eldest child.

[102] — There are four words used by the Kayans to express the notion of the forbidden act, MALAN, LALI, PARIT, and TULAH. All these are used as adjectives qualifying actions rather than things; but they are not strictly synonymous terms. MALAN and PARIT seem to be true Kayan words; LALI and TULAH to have been taken from the Malay, and to be used generally by Kayans in speaking with Kenyahs or men of other tribes to whom these words are more familiar than the Kayan terms.

MALAN applies rather to acts involving risks to the whole community, PARIT to those involving risk to the individual committing the forbidden act: thus, during harvest it is MALAN for any stranger to enter the house, and the whole house or village is said to be MALAN; but it is PARIT for a child to touch one of the images. Again, it is not MALAN for the proper persons to touch the dried heads on certain occasions, but it is always in some degree PARIT for the individual, and for this reason the task is generally assigned to an elderly man. LALI and TULAH seem to be the LINGUA FRANCA equivalents of MALAN and of PARIT respectively.

[103] — "The Relations between Men and Animals in Sarawak," J. ANTH. INST. vol. xxxi.

[104] — We are not aware that the "bull-roarer" is put to any other uses than this by any of the tribes.

[105] — See Chap. XIII.

[106] — Vol. ii., p. 120.

[107] — The word BALI is used on a great variety of occasions, generally as a form of address, being prefixed to the proper name or designation of the being addressed or spoken of. The being thus addressed is always one having special powers of the sort that we should call supernatural, and the prefix serves to mark this possession of power. It may be said to be an adjectival equivalent of the MANA of the Melanesians or of the WAKANDA or ORENDA of North American tribes, words which seem to connote all power other than the Purely mechanical. It seems not improbable that the word BALI has entered the Kayan language from a Sanskrit source; for in Sanskrit it was prefixed to the names of priests and heroes. The word is even more extensively used by the Kenyahs, who prefix it to the names of several of their gods; and the Klemantans use the word VALI in the same way.

[108] — This procedure seems to be one of the many varieties of "crystal gazing" that are practised among many peoples; and it seems probable that the DAYONG, in some cases at least, experiences hallucinatory visions of the scenes that he so vividly describes as he gazes on the polished metal. The sword so used becomes the property of the DAYANG.

[109] — These beads seem to be designed for use by the ghost in paying for its passage across the river of death.

[110] — Among some of the peoples it is customary to beat a big gong while this operation is in progress, or, in the case of a woman, a drum, in order to announce to the inhabitants of the other world the coming of the recently deceased. The beating of gongs is in general use for signalling from house to house.

[111] — Small articles specially valued by the deceased are enclosed in the coffin; thus, OYANG LUHAT, a Kayan PENGHULU (see Chap. XXII.), who bled slowly to death from an accidentally inflicted wound, gave strict instructions as he lay dying that his certificate of office bearing the Rajah's signature and his Sarawak flag, the public badge of his office, should be put in his coffin with his body; and there can be no reasonable doubt that he hoped to display them, or rather their ghostly replicas, in the other world. As a clear instance of such belief it seems worth while to mention the following case. One of us had given some coloured prints to a Kayan boy, an only son to whom his parents were much attached. On a subsequent visit he was told by the bereaved mother that the child had been very fond of the pictures, and that she had put them in his coffin because she knew that he would like to look at them in the other world.

[112] — Among Klemantans it is usual to spoil all articles hung upon a tomb; and they give the reason that in the other world everything is the opposite of what it is here: the spoilt shall be perfect, the new and unspoilt shall be old and damaged, and so on. It is probable that the real or original motive for this practice is the desire to avoid placing temptations to theft in the way of strangers.

[113] — Among some of the Klemantan tribes the opposite practice of shaving the whole scalp is observed in mourning.

[114] — In some of the remoter forts of the Sarawak government old heads that have been confiscated are kept, and are occasionally lent for the purpose of enabling a village to go out of mourning without shedding human blood.

[115] — When pressed in private after a ceremony of this kind, a certain DAYONG admitted to us that perhaps, if we should look into the house, we should see the food apparently untouched; but he maintained that nevertheless all the strength or essence of the food would have been consumed, the husks merely being left.

[116] — Apparently it is not that the DAYONG claims to be "possessed" by the soul of the dead man; for from time to time he inclines his ear again to the soul-house to catch the faint voice of the ghost. We know of no cases in which it is claimed that the body of a living man is "possessed" by a departed soul.

[117] — Cases occur among the Kayans, though but rarely. The method most employed is to stab a knife into the throat.

[118] — In one such case the body was laid out in the gallery of the house and preparations for the funeral were far advanced, when one of us (C. H.) arrived. On glancing at the alleged corpse he suspected that life was not extinct, and succeeded, by the application of ammonia to the nostrils, in restoring the entranced Kayan to animation, and shortly to a normal condition of health.

[119] — The man mentioned in the foregoing footnote had given to a DAYONG (no doubt in response to leading questions) a circumstantial account of adventures of this kind, before we had an opportunity of questioning him after an interval of some ten days. He then admitted that he could remember nothing clearly.

[120] — The cry of this species is peculiar; it terminates with an interrupted series of cries that sound like mocking laughter.

[121] — See below, vol. ii. p. 130.

[122] — The incident was reported by Dr. Hose to the British Consul at Bruni, who entered an effective warning against repetitions of such acts.

[123] — A dangerous madman is generally kept shut up in a large strong cage in the gallery of the house.

[124] — It is believed that the tatuing on the woman's hands and forearms illuminates for the ghost dark places traversed on the journey to the other world.

[125] — Coco-nuts are commonly opened by two blows with a sword struck upon opposite sides, and it seems probable that the method of splitting the jar was suggested by this practice.

[126] — In this chapter we have departed from our rule of describing first and most fully the facts and beliefs of the Kayan people, because before planning this book we had paid special attention to this topic, and had obtained fuller information in regard to the Kenyahs than to other peoples, and had published this in the form of a paper in the JOURNAL OF THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE ("The Relations between Men and Animals in Sarawak," J. ANTH. INSTIT. vol. xxxi.). This paper, modified and corrected in detail, forms the substance of this chapter. We wish to epxress our thanks to the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for permission to make use of this paper.

[127] — We find that the practices of these people in connection with omens or auspices so closely resemble those of the early Romans that it seems worth while to draw attention to these resemblances, and we therefore quote in footnotes some passages from Dr. Smith's DICTIONARY OF CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES, referring to the practice of the Romans: "In the most ancient times no transaction, whether private or public, was performed without consulting the auspices, and hence arose the distinction of AUSPICIA PRIVATA and AUSPICIA PUBLICA."

[128] — See Chap. XXII.

[129] — "No one but a patrician could take the auspices."

[130] — "Romulus is represented to have been the best of augurs, and from him all succeeding augurs received the chief mark of their office."

[131] — "Hence devices were adopted so that no ill-omened sound should be heard, such as blowing a trumpet during the sacrifice."

[132] — "The person who has to take them (the auspices) first marked out with a wand ... a division of the heavens called 'templum,' ... within which he intended to make his observations."

[133] — "It was from Jupiter mainly that the future was learnt, and the birds were regarded as his messengers."

[134] — "The Roman auspices were essentially of a practical nature; they gave no information respecting the course of future events, they did not inform men what was to happen, but simply taught them whether they were to do or not to do the matter purposed; they assigned no reason for the decision of Jupiter, they simply announced — Yes or No."

[135] — "It was only a few birds which could give auguries among the Romans. They were divided into two classes: Oscines, those which gave auguries by singing or their voice; and Alites, those which gave auguries by their flight." "There were considerable varieties of omen according to the note of the Oscines or the place from which they uttered the note; and similarly among the Alites, according to the nature of their flight."

[136] — "They endeavoured to learn the future, especially in war, by consulting the entrails of victims."

[137] — This phrase as commonly used implies the exchange of greetings.

[138] — See Chap. XII.

[139] — Of the Romans it is said: "When a fox, a wolf, a serpent, a horse, a dog, or any other kind of quadruped, ran across a person's path or appeared in an unusual place, it formed an augury."

[140] — JOURN. OF STRAITS ASIATIC SOCIETY, Nos. 8, 10, and 14.

[141] — See Chap. XXII.

[142] — See Chap. XVII.

[143] — In the paper from which the greater part of this chapter is extracted this word was spelt NYARONG. It is now clear to us that it should be spelt as above, with the initial NG, a common initial sound in the Sea Dayak language. The most literal translation of the word is, the thing that is secret, or simply, the secret, or my secret.

[144] — Almost every Iban possesses and constantly carries with him a bundle of such objects; they are regarded as charms and are called PENGAROH; but few probably claim to enjoy the protection of a secret helper.

[145] — INTRODUCTION TO COMPARATIVE PSYCHOLOGY, and elsewhere.

[146] — Now that the sacrifice of human victims is forbidden, Kenyahs and Klemantans sometimes carve a human figure upon the first of the main piles of a new house to be put into the ground.

[147] — See vol. ii., p. 4.

[148] — Quoted in Mr. Frazer's TOTEMISM, 1st ed., 1887, p. 8.

[149] — Aban Jau possessed a large curiously shaped pig's tusk which he wore on his person in the belief that any firearm fired at it would not go off. It is probable that his belief in this charm was connected with his belief in the dream-pig. The belief was very genuine, until in a moment of excessive confidence he hanged the tusk upon a tree and invited one of us to fire at it. The tusk was shattered. Aban Jau said nothing; but presumably a process of disintegration began in his mind; for after some hours he remarked that his charm had lost its power.

[150] — Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the totems of the Indians of British Columbia have been developed from the personal MANITOU, the guardian animals acquired by youths in dreams. Miss A. C. Fletcher is led to a similar conclusion by a study of the totems of the Omaha tribe of Indians (IMPORT OF THE TOTEM, Salem, Mass., 1897). The facts described above in connection with the NGARONG of the Ibans and similar allied institutions among other tribes of Sarawak would seem, then, to support the views of these authors as to the origin of totemism.

[151] — Sixteen different methods, most of which combine the notion of soul-catching with that of exorcism, are enumerated and described by Mr. E. H. Gomes in his recent work, SEVENTEEN YEARS AMONGST THE DAYAKS OF BORNEO.

[152] — In a recent note in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Jan. 1911, Mr. W. Howell states that the power of TAU TEPANG is supposed to be transmitted in certain families from generation to generation; that the head of a TAU TEPANG man leaves his body at night and goes about doing harm, especially to the crops; that the power is passed on to a child of a TAU TEPANG family by the mother, who touches the cut edge of the child's tongue with her spittle.

[153] — Cf. BAWANG DAHA, the lake of blood of the Kayan Hades, vol. ii., p. 40.

[154] — The people are naturally reticent about this rite. The facts were brought to our knowledge by a case which is instructive in several ways. A Sebop had murdered a Chinese trader and taken his head. He was ordered to surrender himself for trial at the fort within the space of one month, and informed that he would be taken alive or dead if he failed to present himself. He refused and took to the jungle. Upon which one of the up-country chiefs (Tama Bulan) was commissioned to arrest him. The murderer was found in the jungle and called on to surrender, but refused, and died fighting. At this his brother was enraged against the chief and made the TEGULUN against him; and being at a distance from his victim, the man was at no pains to keep the matter secret, and it came to the ears of the chief. He, although the most enlightened native in the country, felt uneasy under this terrific malediction and complained to the Resident, who insisted on a public taking back or taking off of the curse.

[155] — A free translation runs: —

"O holy DAYONG; thou who lovest mankind, Bring back thy servant from Leman, The region between the lands of life and death, O holy DAYONG."



[156] — See vol. ii., p. 11.

[157] — Although breach of custom and of LALI by any individual may bring misfortune on the whole household, the offending individual is regarded as specially liable to wasting sickness with diarrhoea and spitting of blood.

[158] — We have a wooden image of this being. It is rudely anthropomorphic, and is covered with fish-like scales. Its sex is indeterminate. He is supposed to ascend the river from the sea, kneeling on the back of a sting-ray.

[159] — The sword handle is sometimes made of hard wood, but generally of deer's horn, very elaborately carved (see Pl. 129). It seems possible that this elaborate carving which, in spite of many minor variations, is of only two fundamental types, is or was at one time connected with this myth. But we have not been able to get any statement to this effect.

[160] — The creeper is here regarded as the male partner.

[161] — Cf. an Iban story given in Perham's "Sea-Dayak Gods," J.S.B.R.A. SOC. ix. 236.

[162] — This greeting of the passer-by and the charging him with some commission is very characteristic of the Ibans.

[163] — A form of trial by ordeal occasionally practised by Ibans and other tribes.

[164] — This refers to the difference of colour between the carapace and the plastron.

[165] — Refers to the flat under surface contrasting with the rounded back.

[166] — See vol. i. p. 139.

[167] — This is the only mention of rain-making that has come to our notice among any of the Borneans.

[168] — This notion of an atmosphere or "odour" of virtue attaching to material objects pervades the thought and practice of Kayans. As another illustration of it, we may remark that a Kayan will wear for a long time, and will often refuse to wash, a garment which has been worn and afterwards given to him by a European whom he respects.

[169] — We give the original and translation of one such lullaby: —

"Megiong ujong bayoh Mansip anak yap — cheep, cheep. Lematei telayap, Telayap abing, Lematei Laki Laying oban, Lematei Laki Punan oban."

The translation runs: —

"The branches of the bayoh tree are swaying With the sound of little chicks-cheep, cheep, The lizards are dead, There are no lizards any more, Gray-haired Laki Laying is dead, The old jungle man is dead."

The reference to the Punan in this lullaby may be explained by saying that the children are frightened sometimes by being told that the jungle man will take them.

[170] — The PENGHULU is the leading chief of a district; cf. Chap. XXII.

[171] — Even when in tatuing blood is drawn, as almost inevitably occurs, beads are given the tatuer to indemnify her and make it clear that the deed was not intended.

[172] — It came into use, no doubt, through the hospitable offering of cigarettes by the women of the household.

[173] — The omen birds are not consulted in the hope of obtaining favourable omens; but rather special events are regarded as of evil omen; such are any outbreak of fire in the house, any fatal accident to any member of the house, the repeated crying of the muntjac (the barking deer) about the house. In one instance known to us the attractive daughter of a Kenyah chief had three times been compelled by series of bad omens to break off the betrothals.

[174] — Some few communities of Punans live in the large caves of the limestone mountains; it seems possible that this is a survival of a very ancient custom that preceded the making of shelters, however rude; but we know of no facts which can be regarded as supporting this view, save that we have found human bones of uncertain age in several caves. Some of these caves have undoubtedly been used as burial-places, possibly during epidemics of cholera or smallpox.

[175] — See Chap. XXI.

[176] — Perhaps the most commonly used is a double-ended spatula. With this the head of the family stirs the boiled sago, and then conveys it to his own mouth on one end and to his wife's mouth on the other.

[177] — Formerly, they say, they cooked in green bamboos; and this is still done occasionally. They also occasionally boil their sago in the large cups of the pitcher-plant (NEPENTHES).

[178] — This occurrence of incest between couples brought up in the same household is, of course, difficult to reconcile with Prof. Westermarck's well-known theory of the ground of the almost universal feeling against incest, namely that it depends upon sexual aversion or indifference engendered by close proximity during childhood. But medical men who have experience of slum practice in European towns can supply similar evidence in large quantity. And the medical psychologists of the school of Freud could cite much evidence against this theory.

We cannot refrain from throwing out here a speculative suggestion towards the explanation of the feeling against incest which seems to find support in certain of the facts of this area. It seems to us that the feeling with which incest is regarded is an example of a feeling or sentiment engendered in each generation by law and tradition, rather than a spontaneous reaction of individuals, based on some special instinct or innate tendency. The occurrence of incest between brothers and sisters, and the strong feeling of the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are members of distinct communities), are facts which seem to us fatal to Prof. Westermarck's theory, as well as to point strongly to the view that the sentiment has a purely conventional or customary source. Now, if we accept some such view of the constitution of primitive society as has been suggested by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang (PRIMAL LAW), namely, that the social group consisted of a single patriarch and a group of wives and daughters, over all of whom he exercised unrestricted power or rights; we shall see that the first step towards the constitution of a higher form of society must have been the strict limitation of his rights over certain of the women, in order that younger males might be incorporated in the society and enjoy the undisputed possession of them. The patriarch, having accepted this limitation of his rights over his daughters for the sake of the greater security and strength of the band given by the inclusion of a certain number of young males, would enforce all the more strictly upon them his prohibition against any tampering with the females of the senior generation. Thus very strict prohibitions and severe penalties against the consorting of the patriarch with the younger generation of females, I.E. his daughters, and against intercourse between the young males admitted to membership of the group and the wives of the patriarch, would be the essential conditions of advance of social organisation. The enforcement of these penalties would engender a traditional sentiment against such unions, and these would be the unions primitively regarded as incestuous. The persistence of the tendency of the patriarch's jealousy to drive his sons out of the family group as they attained puberty would render the extension of this sentiment to brother-and-sister unions easy and almost inevitable. For the young male admitted to the group would be one who came with a price in his hand to offer in return for the bride he sought. Such a price could only be exacted by the patriarch on the condition that he maintained an absolute prohibition on sexual relations between his offspring so long as the young sons remained under his roof.

It is not impossible that a trace of the primitive state of society imagined by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang survives in the fact that a Kayan chief may, if he is so inclined, temporarily possess himself of the wife of any of his men without raising the strong resentment and incurring the penalties which would attend adultery on the part of any other man of the house; but the law against incest with his daughters, whether natural or adopted, would be enforced against him by the co-operation of the chiefs of neighbouring houses and villages.

[179] — A limestone cliff whose foot is washed by the Baram river and which contains a number of caves (known as Batu Gading, or the ivory rock) is said by a Kayan legend to have been formed by a Kayan house being turned into Stone owing to incestuous conduct within it.

[180] — This would not be always true of similar cases among Sea Dayaks.

[181] — See vol. ii. p. 296 for a striking example of self-control displayed by this great man under most trying circumstances.

[182] — Only one evil effect of the success of these efforts for the spread of peace has come under our notice, namely, a tendency in some communities to economise labour by building flimsy houses in place of the massive and roomy structures which were fortresses as well as dwelling-places.

[183] — The desire of the people inhabiting a branch of the river to shut themselves off from all intercourse with the areas in which an epidemic disease is raging, is sometimes disregarded by Malay or Chinese traders; such disregard has sometimes led to trouble.

This desire for seclusion as a safeguard against epidemics is by no means peculiar to the tribes of the interior of Borneo, but seems to be shared by many savage and barbarous peoples. It is one that ought to be strictly respected by all travellers; and we have no doubt that the disregard of this desire by European explorers, ignorant, no doubt, of its existence or of the practical and rational grounds on which it is based, has been the cause in many cases of their hostile reception by native tribes and potentates, and has led to bloodshed and punitive expeditions which might have been wholly avoided if the explorers had been equipped with some general knowledge of, and some respect for, the principles of conduct of savage peoples.

[184] — In view of the valuable properties now attributed to spermin in some scientific quarters, it would be rash to assert that this treatment can have no therapeutic value. It is of interest to note that prolonged working of camphor in the jungle is said to produce impotence and that, in order to avoid this, the workers make frequent breaks and will not prolong a camphor-gathering expedition beyond a limited period. For impotence is regarded by a young Kayan as a very great calamity.

[185] — It seems possible that the Punans acquire some degree of immunity to the effects of the IPOH poison through constantly handling it and applying it in the ways mentioned above. The only evidence in support of this that we can offer is the fact that the Punans handle their poisoned darts much more recklessly than the other peoples.

[186] — There is current among the Klemantans a larger number of such myths than among the Kayans.

[187] — The second occurred during the residence of one of us (C. H.) in the Baram, and the alarm of the people was largely prevented by the issue to all the chiefs of TEBUKU (tallies) foretelling the date of its incidence. Nevertheless one woman, at least, was so much frightened by the spectacle that she ran into her house and dropped down dead.

[188] — See vol. ii. p. 272.

[189] — The horn of the small and rare Bornean rhinoceros is the most highly valued of the various substances out of which the sword hilts are carved.

[190] — Although it is impossible to form any estimate of the numbers of such imported slaves of negroid type, it is, we assert, a fact that some have been imported. We have trustworthy information of the possession of two Abyssinian slaves in recent times by a Malay noble.

[191] — In the course of measuring and observing the physical characters of some 350 individuals of the various tribes, we recorded in each case the eye characters. Of a group of 80 subjects made up of Kenyahs, Klemantans, and Punans (who in this respect do not differ appreciably from one another), we noted a moderately marked Mongolian fold in 14 subjects, the rest having in equal numbers either no fold or but a slight trace of it. As regards obliquity of the aperture, in rather more than half it was recorded as slight, in one quarter as lacking, and in the rest as moderate. As regards the size of palpebral apertures, half were noted as medium, and about one quarter as small, and the remaining quarter as large. In the main, obliquity and smallness of aperture go with the presence of the Mongolian fold. The most common form of eye in this group may therefore be described as very slightly oblique, moderately large, and having a slight trace of the Mongolian fold.

[192] — THE RACES OF MAN, p. 486, London, 1900.

[193] — OP. CIT. p. 392.

[194] — MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899, pp. 562 and 143.

[195] — Prof. A. H. Keane (MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, p. 206), after citing the statements of various observers to the effect that persons of almost purely Caucasic or European type are not infrequently encountered among several of the tribes of Upper Burma, Tonking, and Assam, notably the Shans, and the allied peoples known as Chins, Karens, Kyens, and Kakhyens, writes: "Thus is again confirmed by the latest investigations, and by the conclusions of some of the leading members of the French school of anthropology, the view first advanced by me in 1879, that peoples of the Caucasic (here called 'Aryan') division had already spread to the utmost confines of south-east Asia in remote prehistoric times, and had in this region even preceded the first waves of Mongolic migration radiating from their cradleland on the Tibetian plateau." While we accept this view, so ably maintained by Keane, it is only fair to point out that J. R. Logan, in a paper published in 1850, had maintained that a Gangetic people (by WHICH HE meant a people formed in the Gangetic plain by the blending of Caucasic and Mongoloid stocks) bad wandered at a remote epoch into the area that is now Burma, following the shore of the Indo-Malayan sea; and that he recognised the Karens and Kakhyens as the modern representatives of this people of partially Caucasic origin ("The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," THE JOURNAL OF THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO, vol. iv. p. 481, 1850).

[196] — Nieuwenhuis publishes a photograph of such carvings found in the Mahakan or Upper Kotei river. They included fragments of a cylindrical column and what seems to be a caparisoned kneeling elephant. QUER DURCH BORNEO, vol. ii. p. 116.

[197] — "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO, vol. iv. p. 478.

[198] — We have not been able to find any full and satisfactory description of the Karens, but we have brought together whatever statements about them and the tribes most nearly related to them seem significant for our purpose from the following sources. The figures in brackets in the text refer to this list.

(1) J. R. Logan, "The Ethnology of Eastern Asia," LOC. CIT. (2) Lieut.-Col. James Low on "The Karean Tribes of Martaban and Javai," JOURN. OF INDIAN ARCH., vol. iv. (3) A. R. McMahon, THE KARENS OF THE GOLDEN CHERSONESE, London, 1876. (4) E. B. Cross, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE AMER. ORIENTAL SOC., 1854. (5) T. Mason, "The Karens," JOURN. OF THE ASIATIC SOC., 1866, part ii. (6) D. M. Smeaton, THE LOYAL KARENS OF BURMA, London, 1887. (7) J. Anderson, FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. (8) Lieut.-Col. Waddell, "Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley," JOURN. OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOC., 1900. (9) A. R. Colquhoun, AMONG THE SHANS, London, 1885. (10) T. C. Hodson, NAGA TRIBES OF MANIPUR, London, 1911. (11) T.C. Hodson, "The Assam Hills, " a paper read before the Geographical Society of Liverpool in 1905. (12) Sir J. G. Scott, BURMA. (13) A. H. Keane, MAN, PAST AND PRESENT, London, 1899. (14) J. Deniker, THE RACES OF MAN, London, 1900.



[199] — The cross-bow is used as a toy by Kayan boys only.

[200] — Cp. the Kayan APO LEGGAN, vol. ii. p. 40.

[201] — This, however, is a statement which perhaps might loosely be made of the Kayans. Cp. vol. ii. p. 34.

[202] — [The Kuki's are normally not considered Nagas. They live in the same area, but are far more recent immigrants from Burma, and differ considerably from the Nagas. — J.H.]

[203] — It is worthy of note that the Kayans have long used and highly prize for the decoration of their swords the hair of the Tibetan goat dyed a dark red, and have continued to obtain this hair at a great price from Malay and Chinese traders. The wild tribes of the Chin hills, said to be closely akin to the Kukis, adorn their shields with tassels of goat's hair dyed red (see THE CHIN HILLS, by B. S. Carey and H. N. Tuck, Rangoon, 1896). According to the same authorities, these Chins are inveterate head-hunters. They read omens in the livers of pigs and other beasts, and in the cries of birds; they wear a loincloth like the Kayan Bah; they scare pests from their PADI fields by means of an apparatus like that used by Kayans (vol. i. p. 102); they floor their houses with huge planks hewn out with an adze very similar to the Kayan adze.

[204] — Some communities of Malanaus never plant rice, but rely for their principal food supply upon the numerous sago-palms which they have planted round about their villages. It is doubtful whether these have ever cultivated PADI on any considerable scale.

[205] — Deniker (RACES OF MAN, p. 392) describes, under the name MOIS, an aboriginal tribe of Annam in terms which show that they present many points of similarity with the Muruts.

[206] — The Malay does not, like the Iban, make use of the various animal designs, but confines himself to simple geometrical patterns — but this difference is probably a result of the adoption of the Moslem religion.

[207] — Most Ibans now procure the PARANG ILANG of the Kayans and copy their wooden shields.

[208] — The fire-piston is found also in North Borneo, but with this exception is peculiar to the Ibans among the pagan tribes. It has been widely used by the Malays of the peninsula and those of Menangkaban in Sumatra (see H. Balfour, "The Fire Piston," in volume of essays in honour of E. B. Tylor).

[209] — The general use of this mat is common to the Kenyahs, Punans, and most of the Klemantans, but it is comparatively rare among the Kayans; this is a significant fact, for such a mat is more needed by a jungle dweller than by one whose home is a well-built house. We have not met with any mention of such a mat among the tribes of the mainland.

[210] — See the vocabularies of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Kalabit (Murut) languages recently published by Mr. R. S. Douglas, Resident of the Baram district, in the JOURNAL OF THE SARAWAK MUSEUM, Feb. 1911.

[211] — This is clearly shown in the article "BALI" of Monier Williams's SANSKRIT DICTIONARY.

[212] — For a full account of these transactions and for the later history of Sarawak in general the reader may be referred to the recently published SARAWAK UNDER TWO WHITE RAJAHS, by Messrs. Bampfylde and Baring-Gould, London, 1909.

[213] — The principles according to which the government has been conducted cannot be better expressed than in the following words of H. H. Sir Charles Brooke, the present Rajah. Writing in the SARAWAK GAZETTE of September 2, 1872, he observed that a government such as that of Sarawak may "start from things as we find them, putting its veto on what is dangerous or unjust and supporting what is fair and equitable in the usages of the natives, and letting system and legislation wait upon occasion. When new wants are felt it examines and provides for them by measures rather made on the spot than imported from abroad; and, to ensure that these shall not be contrary to native customs, the consent of the people is gained for them before they are put in force. The white man's so-called privilege of class is made little of and the rules of government are framed with greater care for the interests of the majority who are not European than for those of the minority of superior race."

[214] — See pp. 417 — 420 of Messrs. Bampfylde and Baring Gould's TWO WHITE RAJAHS.

[215] — These three masks were afterwards given to the Resident, and are now in the British Museum.

[216] — "A Savage Peace-Conference," by W. McDougall, THE EAGLE, the magazine of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1900.

[217] — The dollar is the Straits Settlements dollar; its value in English money is two shillings and fourpence.

[218] — This Company has enjoyed, for more than half a century, the right to work minerals in Sarawak, paying royalty to the government; it has been and is the principal channel through which the natural products of the country have been brought into the world's markets. It has always worked in harmony with the government, and to the judicious conduct of its affairs the present material prosperity of the country is largely due. An important development of the Company's activity in recent years has been the planting of large areas with the Para rubber-plant.

[219] — The beneficent and active interest taken by the Rajah in the prosperity of the natives, and the paternal character of his government, are well illustrated by a recently issued order. It is within the memory of all that in the years 1910 and 1911 occurred the great rubber "boom" in the markets of Europe. With the hope of vast profits, speculators hurried to every region where rubber was known to grow. The seeds of the Para rubber-plant had been introduced to Sarawak many years before; the suitability of the soil and climate for the production of the best quality of Para rubber had been abundantly demonstrated and the natives had been encouraged to plant for their own profit the seeds and young plants which were distributed to them from the government stations, so that when the boom came many of them possessed small plantations of the trees that "lay the golden eggs." The speculators were everywhere seeking to buy these plantations at prices which, though they seemed handsome to the natives, were low enough to provide a very large profit to the buyers. The Rajah caused warnings to be published and brought to the notice of the natives, and informed them that they were at full liberty to appropriate jungle. land for the formation of rubber plantations, and that their tenure of such lands would be secured to them so long as they cared for the trees and worked the rubber properly. He further ordered that no sales of rubber plantations should be effected without the knowledge and approval of the government.

[220] — The Rajahs of Sarawak have personally chosen and appointed their white officers with the greatest care; and their good judgment has secured for, their country the services of a number of Englishmen of high abilities and sterling moral quality. Of those members of the Sarawak service who have passed away, the following have pre-eminent claims to be gratefully remembered by the people of the country: James Brooke Brooke (nephew of the first Rajah), W. Brereton, A. C. Crookshank, J. B. Cruickshank, C. C. de Crespigny, A. H. Everett, H. Brooke Low, C. S. Pearse, and, above all, F. R. O. Maxwell.

[221] — Crawford, a leading authority on the history of the East Indian Islands, wrote of the Dutch in Borneo of the early times — "Their sole object, according to the commercial principles of the time, was to obtain, through arrangements with the native prince, the staple products of the country at prices below their natural cost, and to sell them above it... . The result of these (arrangements) was the decline of the trade of Banjermasin; its staple product, pepper, which had at one time been considerable, having become nearly extinct" (DICTIONARY OF THE INDIAN ISLANDS, Lond., 1865, p. 65).

[222] — 'QUER DURCH BORNEO,' by A. W. Nieuwenhuis.

[223] — Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, "Anthropometrische Untersuchungen bei den Dajak." Bearbeitet durch Dr. J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, MITT. AUS DEM NIEDERL. REICHSMUS. FUR VOLKERK. ser. ii. No. 5, Haarlem, 1903. Owing to the inaccessibility of this memoir, I have incorporated his more important observations in this essay.

[224] — Swaving, G., NATUURK. TIJDSCHR. V. NED. IND., xxiii., 1861, xxiv., 1862.

Hoeven, J. van der, CATALOGUS CRANIORUM DIVERSARUM GENTIUM.

Virchow, R., Z.F.E., xvii., 1885, p. (270), in which he states that of 47 "Dayak" skulls in the museums of Paris, Amsterdam, and the Royal College of Surgeons, London, 20 were dolichocephalic, 12 mesaticephalic, and 15 brachycephalic. Cf. also Z.F.E., xxiv., 1892, p. (435).

Hagen, B., VERH. D. KON. AKAD. D. WETENSCH. NATUURKUND, xxviii., Amsterdam, 1890.

Waldeyer, W., Z.F.E., xxvi., 1894, p. (383).

Zuckerkandl, E., MITT. D. ANTHROP. GESELL. WIEN, xxiv., 1894, p. 254.

Kohlbrugge, J. H. F., L'ANTHROPOLOGIE, ix., 1898, p. 1.

Volz, W., ARCH. F. ANTHROP., xxvi., 1900, p. 719.

Haddon, A. C., ARCHIV. PER L' ANT. E L' ETNOL., xxxi., 1901, p. 341.

[225] — Nieuwenhuis usually speaks of these as Ulu Ajar Dajak. I have more than once deprecated this use of the term "Dayak" as it has simply come to mean a non-Malayan inhabitant of Borneo, for example, we find "Kenjah Dajak" on his map. In Sarawak this term is confined to the Sea Dayaks and Land Dayaks, for the former I have suggested that the native name Iban be adopted, but I have not been able to find a suitable native name for the Land Dayaks of Sarawak who are probably allied to the Ulu Ayars.

[226] — The foregoing statement is taken from Nieuwenhuis, but Dr. Hose sends me the following remarks:

"PARI is the word for PADI in both Kayan and Kenyah language.

"The Uma Timi and Uma Klap of the Upper Rejang are possibly Bahautribes but the four Kayan tribes of the Upper Rejang, the Uma Bawang, Uma Naving, Uma Daro and Uma Lesong say that they came from Usun Apo or Apo Kayan as Nieuwenhuis calls it.

"The Kayans in the Kapuas are the Uma Ging, and the only Kayans that I know of in the Bulungan river are the Uma Lekans: there are no Kayans or Kenyahs in the Limbang river.

"Apo Kayan or Usun Apo is the country from which the Batang Kayan river or Bulungan, the Kotei, and their great tributaries rise on the one side, and the tributaries of the Rejang and Baram on the other. It extends from the Bahau river in the north to the Mahakam in the south. The Kenyahs of the Baram are spoken of by the people of the Batang Kayan as Kenyah Bau."

[227] — In order to make Kohlbrugge's data comparable with ours I have in all cases grouped his youths and girls over 16 with the adults, and have left those younger out of reckoning.

[228] — I.E. having an index of 77.9 and under.

[229] — This was drawn up by Dr. Hose from his general knowledge of the people of Sarawak, and it will be found to agree very closely with the anthropometric data, thus we may regard it as expressing the present state of our knowledge of the affinities of the several tribes.

THE END

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