The Northmen, Columbus and Cabot, 985-1503
Author: Various
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Of the other [matter] that I refrain from saying, I have already said why I kept silent. I do not speak so, neither [do I say] that I make a threefold affirmation in all that I have ever said or written nor that I am at the source.[412-2] The Genoese, Venetians and all other nations that possess pearls, precious stones, and other articles of value, take them to the ends of the world to exchange them for gold. Gold is most excellent; gold is treasure, and he who possesses it does all he wishes to in this world, and succeeds in helping souls into paradise. They say that when one of the lords of the country of Veragua dies, they bury all the gold he possessed with his body. There were brought to Solomon at one journey[412-3] six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what the merchants and sailors brought, and that which was paid in Arabia. Of this gold he made two hundred lances[412-4] and three hundred shields, and the flooring[412-5] which was to be above them was also of gold, and ornamented with precious stones; many other things he made likewise of gold, and a great number of vessels of great size, which he enriched with precious stones. This is related by Josephus in his Chronicle De Antiquitatibus; mention is also made of it in the Chronicles and in the Book of Kings.[413-1] Josephus thinks that this gold was found in the Aurea;[413-2] if it were so, I contend that these mines of the Aurea are identical with those of Veragua, which, as I have said before, extends westward twenty days' journey, and they are at an equal distance from the Pole and the Line.[413-3] Solomon bought all of it,—gold, precious stones, and silver,—but your Majesties need only send to seek them to have them at your pleasure. David, in his will, left three thousand quintals of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building the Temple; and, according to Josephus, it came from these lands.[413-4] Jerusalem and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Christians, who it is to be God told by the mouth of His prophet in the fourteenth Psalm.[413-5] The Abbot Joaquim said that he who should do this was to come from Spain;[414-1] Saint Jerome showed the holy woman the way to accomplish it;[414-2] and the emperor of Cathay, a long time ago, sent for wise men to instruct him in the faith of Christ.[414-3] Who will offer himself for this work?[414-4] Should any one do so, I pledge myself, in the name of God, to convey him safely thither, provided the Lord permits me to return to Spain.

The people who have sailed with me have passed through incredible toil and danger, and I beseech your Highnesses, since they are poor, to pay them promptly, and to be gracious to each of them according to their respective merits; for I can safely assert, that to my belief they are the bearers of the best news that ever was carried to Spain. With respect to the gold which belongs to the Quibian of Veragua, and other chiefs in the neighboring country, although it appears by the accounts we have received of it to be very abundant, I do not think it would be well or desirable, on the part of your Highnesses, to take possession of it in the way of plunder; by fair dealing, scandal and disrepute will be avoided, and all the gold will thus reach your Highnesses' treasury without the loss of a grain.

With one month of fair weather I shall complete my voyage. As I was deficient in ships, I did not persist in delaying my course; but in everything that concerns your Highnesses' service, I trust in Him who made me, and I hope also that my health will be re-established. I think your Highnesses will remember that I had intended to build some ships in a new manner, but the shortness of the time did not permit it. I had certainly foreseen how things would be. I think more of this opening for commerce, and of the lordship over such extensive mines, than of all that has been done in the Indies.[415-1] This is not a child to be left to the care of a stepmother.

I never think of Espanola, and Paria, and the other countries, without shedding tears. I thought that what had occurred there would have been an example for others; on the contrary, these settlements are now in a languid state, although not dead, and the malady is incurable, or at least very extensive. Let him who brought the evil come now and cure it, if he knows the remedy, or how to apply it; but when a disturbance is on foot, every one is ready to take the lead. It used to be the custom to give thanks and promotion to him who placed his person in jeopardy; but there is no justice in allowing the man who opposed this undertaking, to enjoy the fruits of it with his children. Those who left the Indies, avoiding the toils consequent upon the enterprise, and speaking evil of it and me, have since returned with official appointments,—such is the case now in Veragua: it is an evil example, and profitless both as regards the business in which we are embarked, and as respects the general maintenance of justice. The fear of this, with other sufficient considerations, which I clearly foresaw, caused me to beg your Highnesses, previously to my coming to discover these islands and mainland, to grant me permission to govern in your royal name. Your Highnesses granted my request; and it was a privilege and treaty granted under the royal seal and oath, by which I was nominated viceroy, and admiral, and governor-general of all: and your Highnesses limited the extent of my government to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and Cape Verde islands, by a line passing from one pole to the other, and gave me ample power over all that I might discover beyond this line; all which is more fully described in the official document.[416-1]

But the most important affair of all, and that which cries most loudly for redress, remains inexplicable to this moment. For seven years was I at your royal court, where every one to whom the enterprise was mentioned treated it as ridiculous; but now there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer. There is reason to believe, that they make the voyage only for plunder, and that they are permitted to do so, to the great disparagement of my honor, and the detriment of the undertaking itself.[416-2] It is right to give God His own,—and to Caesar[416-3] that which belongs to him.[416-4] This is a just sentiment, and proceeds from just feelings. The lands in this part of the world, which are now under your Highnesses' sway, are richer and more extensive than those of any other Christian power, and yet, after that I had, by the Divine will, placed them under your high and royal sovereignty, and was on the point of bringing your majesties into the receipt of a very great and unexpected revenue; and while I was waiting for ships, to convey me in safety, and with a heart full of joy, to your royal presence, victoriously to announce the news of the gold that I had discovered, I was arrested and thrown, with my two brothers, loaded with irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill-treated, without being allowed any appeal to justice.[417-1]

Who could believe, that a poor foreigner would have risen against your Highnesses, in such a place, without any motive or argument on his side; without even the assistance of any other prince upon which to rely; but on the contrary, amongst your own vassals and natural subjects, and with my sons staying at your royal court? I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your Highnesses' service,[417-2] and now I have not a hair upon me that is not gray; my body is infirm, and all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonor. I cannot but believe that this was done without your royal permission. The restitution of my honor, the reparation of my losses, and the punishment of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the honor of your royal character; a similar punishment also is due to those who plundered me of my pearls, and who have brought a disparagement upon the privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled will be the glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you do this; and the memory of your Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a bright example to Spain in future ages. The honest devotedness I have always shown to your Majesties' service, and the so unmerited outrage with which it has been repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence, however much I may wish it: I implore your Highnesses to forgive my complaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition as I have related; hitherto I have wept over others;—may Heaven now have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep for me. With regard to temporal things, I have not even a blanca,[418-1] for an offering; and in spiritual things, I have ceased here in the Indies from observing the prescribed forms of religion. Solitary in my trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of death, surrounded by a million of hostile savages full of cruelty, and thus separated from the blessed sacraments of our holy Church, how will my soul be forgotten if it be separated from the body in this foreign land? Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice! I did not come out on this voyage to gain to myself honor or wealth; this is a certain fact, for at that time all hope of such a thing was dead. I do not lie when I say, that I went to your Highnesses with honest purpose of heart, and sincere zeal in your cause. I humbly beseech your Highnesses, that if it please God to rescue me from this place, you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage to Rome and other holy places. May the Holy Trinity protect your Highnesses' lives, and add to the prosperity of your exalted position.

Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on the seventh of July, in the year one thousand five hundred and three.


[389-1] The punctuation of this first paragraph has been changed in the light of the contemporary Italian translation known as the Lettera Rarissima, which is given in facsimile and English translation in Thacher's Christopher Columbus, II. 671 et seqq.

[389-2] June 29. Las Casas, III. 29.

[390-1] By the letter of the King and Queen, March 14, 1502, Columbus had been forbidden to call at Espanola on the outward voyage. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, III. 26.

[390-2] The new governor, Ovando, who had been sent out to supersede Bobadilla, had reached Santo Domingo in April of this year, 1502.

[390-3] Columbus was accompanied by his younger son Ferdinand and his elder brother Bartholomew. Las Casas, III. 25.

[390-4] The translation here follows Lollis's emendation of the text which changed the printed text, "habia, echado a la mar, por escapar, fasta la isola la Gallega; perdio la barca," etc., to "habia echado a la mar, por escapar fasta la isla; la Gallega perdio la barca." One of the ships was named La Gallega, and there is no island of that name in that region.

[391-1] Columbus set forth from the harbor of Santo Domingo in the storm, Friday, July 1. The ships found refuge in the harbor of Azua on the following Sunday, July 3. (Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie, ed. 1867, pp. 286-287.) Azua is about 50 miles west of Santo Domingo in a straight line, but much farther by water. After a rest and repairs the Admiral sailed to Yaquimo, the present Jacmel in the territory of Hayti, into which port he went to escape another storm. He left Yaquimo, July 14. (Las Casas, III. 108; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 289.) He then passed south of Jamaica, and was carried by the currents northwest till he reached the Queen's Garden, a group of many small islands south of Cuba and east of the Isle of Pines, so named by him in 1494 on his exploration of the coast of Cuba.

[391-2] From the Queen's Garden he sailed south July 27 (the Porras narrative of this voyage, Navarrete, II. 283; in English in Thacher, Columbus, II. 640 et seqq.), and after a passage of ninety leagues sighted an island Saturday, July 30. (Porras in Thacher, II. 643.) This was the island of Guanaja about twelve leagues north of Trujillo, Honduras. (Las Casas, III. 109.) Here a landing was made and a canoe was encountered which was covered with an awning and contained Indians well clothed and a load of merchandise. Notwithstanding these indications of a more advanced culture than had hitherto been found, the Admiral decided not to explore the country of these Indians, which would have led him into Yucatan and possibly Mexico, but to search for the strait which he supposed separated Asia from the continental mass he had discovered on his third voyage (Paria, South America). He struck the mainland near Trujillo, naming the point Caxinas. At or near this place they landed Sunday, August 14, to say mass. (Las Casas, III. 112; Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, p. 295.) From this point he coasted very slowly, sailing in sight of land by day and anchoring at night, distressed by storms and headwinds, some days losing as much ground as could be gained in two, till September 12, when he reached Cape Gracias a Dios. (Las Casas, III. 113; Historie, p. 297; Porras narrative in Thacher, Columbus, II. 644.) It will be seen from this collation of the sources that the statements in our text are far from exact, that they are in fact a very general and greatly exaggerated recollection of a most trying experience. It will be remembered that Ferdinand was on this voyage, but his narrative says nothing of any storm between July 14 when he left the Queen's Gardens and the arrival at Guanaja, a passage which Porras says took three days. This passage, however, Las Casas describes apparently on the basis of this letter as having taken sixty days (Historia, III. 108). Next the text of the Historie presents a difficulty, for it places the tedious stormy voyage of sixty leagues and seventy days between Caxinas (Trujillo) and Cape Gracias a Dios (Historie, p. 296), although in another place it gives the beginning of this coasting as after August 14 and the date of arrival at the Cape as September 12. This last chronological difficulty may perhaps be accounted for in this way: The original manuscript of the Historie may have had "XXX dias," which a copyist or the Italian translator may have taken for "LXX dias."

[392-1] A review of the chronology of the voyage in the preceding note will show that no such storm of eighty-eight days' duration could have occurred in the first part of this voyage. Columbus was only seventy-four days in going from Santo Domingo to Cabo Gracias a Dios. Either the text is wrong or his memory was at fault. The most probable conclusion is that in copying either LXXXVIII got substituted for XXVIII or Ochenta y ocho for Veinte y ocho. In that case we should have almost exactly the time spent in going from Trujillo to Cape Gracias a Dios, August 14 to September 12, and exact agreement between our text, the Historie, and the Porras narrative.

[393-1] Twenty years, speaking approximately. This letter was written in 1503, and Columbus entered the service of Spain in 1485.

[393-2] Diego was the heir of his father's titles. He was appointed governor of the Indies in 1508, but a prolonged lawsuit was necessary to establish his claims to inherit his father's rights.

[393-3] Their course was down the Mosquito coast. Cariay was near the mouth of the San Juan River of Nicaragua. Las Casas gives the date of the arrival at Cariari, as he gives the name, as September 17 (III. 114). The Historie gives the date as September 5 and the name as Cariai (p. 297).

[393-4] Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis (ed. 1574), p. 239, says that Columbus called Ciamba the region which the inhabitants called Quiriquetana, a name which it would seem still survives in Chiriqui Lagoon just east of Almirante Bay. The name "Ciamba" appears on Martin Behaim's globe, 1492, as a province corresponding to Cochin-China. It is described in Marco Polo under the name "Chamba"; see Yule's Marco Polo, II. 248-252 (bk. III., ch. V.).

[393-5] Carambaru is the present Almirante Bay, about on the border between Costa Rica and Panama. Las Casas describes the bay as six leagues long and over three broad with many islands and coves. He gives the name as Caravaro (III. 118). Ferdinand Columbus's account is practically identical.

[394-1] Veragua in this letter includes practically all of the present republic of Panama. The western quarter of it was granted to Luis Colon, the Admiral's grandson, in 1537, as a dukedom in partial compensation for his renouncing his hereditary rights. Hence the title Dukes of Veragua borne by the Admiral's descendants. The name still survives in geography in that of the little island Escudo de Veragua, which lies off the northern coast.

[394-2] The eve or vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude is October 27. According to the narrative in the Historie, on October 7, they went ashore at the channel of Cerabora (Carambaru). A few days later they went on to Aburema. October 17 they left Aburema and went twelve leagues to Guaigo, where they landed. Thence they went to Cateva (Catiba, Las Casas) and cast anchor in a large river (the Chagres). Thence easterly to Cobrava; thence to five towns, among which was Beragua (Veragua); the next day to Cubiga. The distance from Cerabora to Cubiga was fifty leagues. Without landing, the Admiral went on to Belporto (Puerto Bello), which he so named. ("Puerto Bello, which was a matter of six leagues from what we now call El Nombre de Dios." Las Casas, III. 121.) He arrived at Puerto Bello November 2, and remained there seven days on account of the rains and bad weather. (Historie, pp. 302-306.) Apparently Columbus put this period of bad weather a few days too early in his recollection of it.

[394-3] Ciguare. An outlying province of the Mayas lying on the Pacific side of southern Costa Rica. Peter Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 240, says, "In this great tract (i.e., where the Admiral was) are two districts, the near one called Taia, and the further one Maia."

[395-1] See p. 311, note 5.

[395-2] Probably casas, houses, should be the reading here. In the corresponding passage of the contemporary Italian version the word is "houses." This information, mixed as it is with Columbus's misinterpretations of the Indian signs and distorted by his preconceptions, was first made public in the Italian translation of this letter in 1505 and then gave Europe its first intimations of the culture of the Mayas.

[395-3] I.e., in being on either side of a peninsula, Tortosa and Fontarabia being on opposite sides of the narrowest part of the Spanish peninsula.

[395-4] See p. 300, note 1.

[396-1] The Spanish reads, "Lo que yo se es que el ano de noventa y cuatro en veinte y cuatros grados al Poniente en termino de nueve horas." The translation in the text and that in Thacher (II. 687) of the Italian makes nonsense. The translation should be "what I know is that in the year '94 (1494) I sailed westward on the 24th parallel (lit. on 24 degrees) a total of nine hours (lit. to a limit of nine hours)." That is, he reckoned that he had gone 9/24 round the world on the 24th parallel, and he knew it because there was an eclipse by which he found out the difference in time between Europe and where he was. The "termino" of nine hours refers to the western limit of his exploration of the southern coast of Cuba when he concluded it was a projection of the mainland of Asia. After reaching the conclusion that this is the correct interpretation of this passage, I discovered that it had been given by Humboldt in his Kritische Untersuchungen ueber die historische Entwickelung der geographischen Kenntnisse von der Neuen Welt, I. 553, and by Peschel in his Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 97, note 2. It may be objected to this explanation that in reality Columbus had only gone about 75 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. The accurate calculation of longitude at that time, however, was impossible, and as will be seen in the following note Columbus's calculation was biassed by powerful preconceptions.

[396-2] In his Libro de Profecias Columbus recorded the data of this eclipse which took place February 29, 1494, from which he drew the conclusion, "The difference between the middle of the island Jamaica in the Indies and the island of Cadiz in Spain is seven hours and fifteen minutes." Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

[396-3] Reading remendiado or remendado instead of remedado.

[396-4] Catigara was in China on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin.

[396-5] Marinus of Tyre divided the earth into 24 meridians, 15 degrees or one hour apart. His first meridian passed the Fortunate Isles, which he supposed to be 2-1/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent, and his fifteenth through Catigara, southeastern China. The inhabited world embraced fifteen of these lines, 225 degrees, and the unknown portion east of India and west of Spain, nine lines, or hours, or 135 degrees. Cf. Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 74; Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 519 et seqq. Columbus, therefore, according to his calculations, had in 1494 completely covered this unknown section and reached India (or China), and so had demonstrated the correctness of Marinus's views. In reality his strong preconceptions as to where he was distorted his calculations of the longitude. Ptolemy corrected Marinus's estimate of 225 degrees from Cape St. Vincent to Sera in China, and, as noted in Columbus's letter, placed Catigara in China (on the east side of the Gulf of Tonquin) at twelve lines or 180 degrees west of his meridian (2-1/2 degrees west of Cape St. Vincent). If Ptolemy was right, Columbus had not reached India (or more exactly China) or come, on his own calculation, within 45 degrees or 2700 geographical miles of it measured on the equator. The outline reproduction of the map of Bartholomew Columbus made after his return from this voyage given in Channing's Student's History of the United States, p. 27 (photographic reproduction in Bourne, Spain in America, p. 96) illustrates the Admiral's ideas and conclusions. This region (i.e., Costa Rica and Panama) is a southern extension of Cochin-China and Cambodia and is connected with Mondo Novo, i.e., South America.

[397-1] The translation here adopts the emended text of Lollis, substituting "ali[e]nde" for "al Indo" in the sentence "Marino en Ethiopia escribe al Indo la linea equinocial." Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 184. The translation of the unamended text as printed by Major was "the same author describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than four and twenty degrees from the equinoctial line." Apparently the 24 should be 44. With these changes the statements in the text agree with Columbus's marginalia to the Imago Mundi, where he notes that the Cape of Good Hope is Agesinba and that Bartholomew Diaz found it to be 45 degrees south of the equator. "This," he goes on, "agrees with the dictum of Marinus, whom Ptolemy corrects, in regard to the expedition to the Garamantes, who said it traversed 27,500 stadia beyond the equinoctial." Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 377. On Marinus's exaggerated estimate of the distance covered by the Romans in tropical Africa, see Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 524.

[397-2] This is unintelligible. The Spanish is, "Tolomeo diz que la tierra mas austral es el plazo primero." The meaning of plazo is not "boundary" but "term" (allotted time). The reading should be: "la tierra mas austral es el praso promontorio," and the translation should be, "Ptolemy says that the most southern land is the promontory of Prasum," etc. Prasum promontorium was Ptolemy's southern limit of the world. He placed it at about 16 degrees south latitude. See Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, II. 572, and Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. "Prasum Promontorium"; also Ptolemy's Geography, bk. IV., ch. IX., the descriptive matter relating to Map 4 on Africa.

[398-1] II. Esdras, VI. 42, see p. 358, note 1.

[398-2] See the Letter of Columbus on his Third Voyage. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. 141.

[398-3] Ptolemy reckoned the length of the degree on the equator at 62-1/2 miles. The shorter measurement of 56-2/3 was the estimate adopted by the Arab astronomer Alfragan in the ninth century and known to Columbus through Cardinal d'Ailly's Imago Mundi, the source of much if not most of his information on the geographical knowledge and opinions of former times. Cardinal d'Ailly's source of information about Alfragan was Roger Bacon's Opus Majus. Columbus was deeply impressed with Alfragan's estimate of the length of the degree and annotated the passages in the Imago Mundi. Cf. Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., pp. 378, 407, and frequently. See this whole question in Vignaud, Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 79 et seqq.

[398-4] In Puerto Bello. See p. 394, note 2. Porto Bello, to use the Anglicized form, became the great shipping port on the north side of the isthmus for the trade with Peru. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, p. 292.

[399-1] Columbus left Porto Bello November 9 and went eight leagues, but the next day he turned back four and took refuge at what is now Nombre de Dios. From the abundance of maize fields he named it Port of Provisions (Puerto de Bastimentos). Historie, p. 306.

[399-2] Me reposo atras il viento, etc. For reposo the text apparently should be either repuso, "put back," or rempujo, "drove back," and the translation is based on this supposition.

[399-3] They remained at Bastimentos till November 23, when they went on to Guiga, but did not tarry but pushed on to a little harbor (November 26), which the Admiral called Retrete (Closet) because it was so small that it could hold only five or six vessels and the entrance was only fifteen or twenty paces wide. Historie, p. 306.

[399-4] That is, Columbus turns back to explore the mines on account of the violence of the east and northeast winds. This was December 5. Historie, p. 309.

[400-1] Not mentioned in the Historie by name. It was the place where they stayed from December 26 to January 3 to repair the ship Gallega as appears in the Probanzas del Almirante. Navarrete, Viages, III. 600. It was between Rio de los Lagartos and Puerto Bello. Lollis, Raccolta Colombiana, Parte I., tomo II., p. 187.

[400-2] Adopting de Lollis's text and punctuation.

[400-3] La oposicion de Saturno con Marte tan desvaratado en costa brava, adopting de Lollis's text following the suggestion of the contemporary Italian translation. According to the doctrines of astrology the influence of Saturn was malign. "When Saturn is in the first degree of Aries, and any other Planet in the first degree of Libra, they being now an hundred and eighty degrees each from other, are said to be in Opposition: A bad Aspect." William Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647), p. 27.

[400-4] Epiphany, January 6. It will be remembered that Columbus had passed Veragua the previous October when working eastward. See p. 394, note 2. He now found he could enter the river of Veragua, but found another near by called by the Indians Yebra, but which Columbus named Belem in memory of the coming of the three kings (the wise men of the East) to Bethlehem. (Las Casas, III. 128; Porras in Thacher, II. 645.) The name is still preserved attached to the river.

[401-1] Proeses. In nautical Spanish prois or proiza is a breastfast or headfast, that is a large cable for fastening a ship to a wharf or another ship. In Portuguese proiz is a stone or tree on shore to which the hawsers are fastened. Major interpreted it in this sense, translating the words las amarras y proeses, "the cables and the supports to which they were fastened." The interpretation given first seems to me the correct one, especially as Ferdinand says that the flood came so suddenly that they could not get the cables on land. Historie, p. 315.

[402-1] Quibian is a title, as indicated a few lines further on, and not a proper name as Major, Irving, Markham, and others following Las Casas have taken it to be. The Spanish is uniformly "El Quibian." Peter Martyr says: "They call a kinglet (regulus) Cacicus, as we have said elsewhere, in other places Quebi, in some places also Tiba. A chief, in some places Sacchus, in others Jura." De Rebus Oceanicis, p. 241.

[402-2] "Una mozada de oro." Mozada is not given in any of the Spanish dictionaries I have consulted. The Academy dictionary gives mojoda as a square measure, deriving it from the low Latin modiata from modius. Perhaps one should read mojada instead of mozada and give it a meaning similar to that of modius or about a peck. Major's translation follows the explanation of De Verneuil, who says: "Mozada signifie la mesure que peut porter un jeune garcon."

[403-1] The mouth of the river was closed by sand thrown up by the violent storms outside. Historie, p. 321.

[403-2] The teredo.

[403-3] During the weeks that he was shut in the River Belem Columbus had his brother explore the country. The prospects for a successful colony led him to build a small settlement and to plan to return to Spain for re-enforcements and supplies. The story is told in detail in the Historie and by Irving, Columbus, II. 425-450, and more briefly by Markham, Columbus, pp. 259-207. This was the first settlement projected on the American Continent. The hostility of the Indians culminating in this attack rendered the execution of the project impracticable. In the manuscript copy of Las Casas's Historia de las Indias Las Casas noted on the margin of the passage containing the account of this incident, "This was the first settlement that the Spaniards made on the mainland, although in a short time it came to naught." See Thacher, Columbus, II. 608.

[404-1] De Lollis points out that these striking words are a paraphrase of the famous lines in Seneca's Medea, Chorus, Act II.:—

Venient annis saecula seris Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, Tethysque novos detegat orbes Nec sit terris ultima Thule.

Columbus copied these verses into his Libro de las Profecias and translated them. Navarrete, Viages, II. 272.

[404-2] Accepting de Lollis's emended text.

[405-1] "Quando se aia de proveer de socorro, se proveera de todo."

[405-2] April 16, 1503.

[405-3] Cuba. According to Ferdinand Columbus the course was as follows: The Admiral followed the coast of the isthmus eastward beyond El Retrete to a place he named Marmoro (near Punto de Mosquitos) somewhat west of the entrance to the Gulf of Darien; then May 1 in response to the urgency of the pilots he turned north. May 10 they sighted two little islands, Caymanos Chicos, and the 12th they reached the Queen's Garden just south of Cuba (see p. 301, note 1). The next day they landed in Cuba and secured supplies. It is significant of the tenacity of Columbus's conviction that Cuba was a part of the mainland of Asia that he here calls it Mago (i.e., Mango). June 12, 1494, when he had explored the southern coast of Cuba, he reached this conviction and compelled his officers and crew to take oath that "it (i.e., Cuba) is mainland and in particular the province of Mango." Navarrete, Viages, II. 144. (The affidavits are translated in Thacher, Columbus, II. 327.) Mangi (southern China) is described by Marco Polo at great length. In the second Toscanelli letter Quinsay is said to be "in the province of Mangi, i.e., near the province of Cathay." It is noted several times in Columbus's marginalia to Marco Polo.

[406-1] Alli me torne a reposar atras la fortuna. De Lollis, following the Italian translation, reads: Alli me torne a reposar atras la fortuna, etc. "There the storm returned to drive me back; I stopped in the same island in a safer port." As this gives an unknown meaning to reposar, he suggests that Columbus may have written repujar, "to drive."

[406-2] June 23. Historie, p. 334.

[407-1] On the contrary the narrative of Diego de Porras, which he prepared after his return to Spain in November, 1504, is a much clearer account of the voyage in most respects than this letter of Columbus's. For it, see Thacher, Columbus, II. 640-646. Porras relates that during this voyage the Admiral took all the charts away that the seamen had had. Thacher, Columbus, II. 646.

[407-2] "El puerto de Jaquimo [Jacmel], which he called the port of Brasil." Las Casas, Historia, III. 108.

[408-1] Cuba.

[408-2] The pilots thought that they were east of Espanola when Columbus turned north, and consequently thought that Cuba (Mango) was Porto Rico (San Juan). Cf. Historie, p. 333.

[408-3] I.e., in that it is clear to one who understands it, and blind to one who does not.

[408-4] Las naos de las Indias, i.e., the large ships for the Indies, i.e., Espanola.

[408-5] Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of the principal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so unfavorable that the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled to the wind. (Major.)

[409-1] I.e., rigged with lateen sails in the Portuguese fashion.

[409-2] Columbus, in his marginal notes to his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini; Venice, 1477), summarized the description of the Massagetae in ch. XII. in part as follows: they "use golden girths and golden bridles and silver breast-pieces and have no iron but plenty of copper and gold." Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 300. This description of the Massagetae goes back to Herodotus. While some habits ascribed to the Massagetae were like what Columbus observed in Veragua, their home was nowhere near eastern China.

[409-3] See p. 393, note 3.

[409-4] The account in the Historie is radically at variance with this. The girls were brought on board and "showed themselves very brave since although the Christians in looks, acts, and race were very strange, they gave no signs of distress or sadness, but maintained a cheerful and modest (honesto) bearing, wherefore they were very well treated by the Admiral who gave them clothes and something to eat and then sent them back." Historie, p. 299. Ferdinand gives the ages as eight and fourteen and says nothing of witchcraft except that the Indians were frightened and thought they were being bewitched when Bartholomew the next day ordered the ships' clerks to write down the replies he got to his questions; ibid.

[410-1] A specimen of the Maya sculptures, of which such imposing remains are found in Yucatan. The translation follows Lollis's emendation, which substitutes mirrado for mirando.

[410-2] Gato paulo. On this name, see p. 341, note 3. Ferdinand, in the Historie, relates this incident in more detail, from which it is clear that the pigs were peccaries which had been captured by the men. On the other hand, Ulloa, the Italian translator of the Historie, mistranslated gato paulo by "gatto," "cat."

[410-3] Begare. Columbus in recollecting this incident transferred to the monkey the Indian name of the wild pigs. The begare is the "peccary," a native of America. Oviedo, lib. XII., cap. XX, gives baquira as the name of wild pigs in Nicaragua, and baquira and begare are obviously identical.

[410-4] For the word barra no explanation can be offered except what is derived from the context. As the Italian has diverse malattie, "divers diseases," de Lollis suggests that barra should be varias and that maladias was somehow dropped from the text.

[410-5] Leones. The American lion or puma.

[411-1] A misunderstanding. The Mayas made no metal tools. Brinton, The American Race, p. 156.

[411-2] Possibly Columbus may have seen some Maya codices, of which such remarkable specimens have been preserved.

[412-1] Considering Columbus's experience at Veragua this account exhibits boundless optimism. Still it is not to be forgotten that through the conquest of Mexico to the north this prediction was rather strikingly fulfilled.

[412-2] It is not clear to what Columbus refers in this sentence.

[412-3] De un camino. The texts to which Columbus refers just below show that this should read de un ano, in one year.

[412-4] In the Latin version of Josephus used by Columbus the Greek thyreos, a target, was rendered lancea. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., p. 367.

[412-5] Tablado. In the Italian translation tavolato, a "partition wall," "wainscoting," also "floor." Tablado also means "scaffold" and "stage" or "staging." We have here a curious series of mistakes. The Greek text of Josephus has ekpomata, "cups." The old Latin translator, perhaps having a defective text, took ekpomata apparently to be equivalent to pomata, which has as its secondary meaning, "lids," and translated it by the uncommon word coopercula, "lids" (cf. Georges, Lateinischdeutsches Handwoerterbuch, sub voce cooperculum). The meaning of this word Columbus guessed at, not having the text before him to see the connection, and from its derivation from cooperio, "to cover," took it to be a "covering" in the sense of flooring, or perhaps ceiling, above where the shields were hung "in the house of the forest of Lebanon," and rendered it tablado. The whole passage from the old Latin version (published in 1470 and frequently later), Columbus copied into a fly-leaf of his copy of the Historia Rerum ubique Gestarum of Pope Pius II. See Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 366-367.

[413-1] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, bk. VIII., ch. VII., sect. 4; I. Kings, X. 14, 15; II. Chronicles, IX. 13, 14.

[413-2] The Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy, or the Malay Peninsula.

[413-3] That is, Veragua and the Golden Chersonese are in the same latitude.

[413-4] Josephus wrote that the gold came from the "Land of Gold," "a terra que vocatur aurea," as the passage in the Latin version reads. The Greek is, apo tes chryses kaloumenes ges. Josephus gives no further identification of the location.

[413-5] I have not been able to verify this reference. There is nothing in the fourteenth Psalm relating to this matter, nor is the fourteenth Psalm mentioned among the many citations from the Psalms in the Libro de las Profecias.

[414-1] In his Libro de las Profecias Columbus wrote, "El abad Johachin, calabres, diso que habia de salir de Espana quien havia de redificar la Casa del Monte Sion." "The abbot Joachim, the Calabrian, said that he who was destined to rebuild the House of Mount Sion was to come from Spain." Lollis remarks that Columbus interpreted in his own way the "Oraculum Turcicum," which concludes the thirty prophecies of Joachim of Flora in regard to the popes. In the edition (Venice, 1589) which Lollis had seen, this prophecy was interpreted to mean Charles VIII. of France. Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 83.

[414-2] The reference to St. Jerome I have not found in Columbus's marginalia.

[414-3] The father and uncle of Marco Polo had been given this mission by Cublay Kaan. See Marco Polo, bk. I., ch. VII. Opposite the passage in his copy of the Latin Marco Polo which he had, Columbus wrote, "magnus kam misit legatos ad pontificem." Raccolta Colombiana, parte II., tomo II., p. 446.

[414-4] The recovery of the Holy Sepulchre had been long a cherished object with Columbus. See the Journal of the First Voyage, December 26; the letter to Pope Alexander VI., February, 1502 (Navarrete, Viages, II. 280), and his Libra de Profecias, a collection of Scripture texts compiled under his supervision relating to the restoration of Zion, etc. Raccolta Colombiana, parte I., tomo II., pp. 77-160.

[415-1] An opinion abundantly justified through the conquest of Mexico and the establishment of the kingdom of New Spain.

[416-1] See the Capitulation, pp. 77, 78 above. The limit mentioned was fixed by the Papal Demarcation line; the limit agreed upon by Spain and Portugal was 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands.

[416-2] A reference to such voyages as those of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, Hojeda, Diego de Lepe, and Rodrigo de Bastidas which occurred in 1499-1502. Cf. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 67-71, and for details Irving, Columbus, III. 15-62.

[416-3] Accepting de Lollis's emendation a Cesar instead of the MS. reading acetar which Navarrete printed aceptar. The Italian has a Cesaro.

[416-4] "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto God, the things which are God's." Matthew, XXII. 21.

[417-1] At Espanola in 1500 by Bobadilla. Cf. the letter to the nurse above, p. 380.

[417-2] This is one of the most important passages bearing upon the age of Columbus. As he came to Spain at the end of 1484 according to Ferdinand Columbus, Historie, ch. XII., Peschel fixed his birth in 1456, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 76. The majority of modern critics, however, have agreed upon the basis of notarial documents in Genoa that 1446 was the date of his birth and propose therefore to emend the text here by substituting "treinta y ocho" for "veinte y ocho." On the various dates set for his birth see Vignaud, The Real Birth-date of Christopher Columbus. Vignaud fixes upon 1451.

[418-1] Blanca, a copper coin worth about one-third of a cent.



John Cabot, the Venetian sailor who took the first English ship across the Atlantic, was not a writer like Columbus, and consequently our knowledge of his projects and his achievements is limited to what is derived from the reports of other men who knew him or his son and from certain official documents. In general our material may be classified into: (a) English official documents, (b) reports derived from John Cabot himself, and (c) reports or records derived more or less directly from Sebastian Cabot. The materials in a and b are harmonious; those in classes b and c, on the other hand, are practically irreconcilable. The result of this conflict of testimony has been to discredit Sebastian Cabot and to lead many scholars to believe that he tried to ascribe to himself what his father did. Other critics reluctant to bring so serious a charge against a man who held honorable positions in Spain and later in England believe that the material in class c relates to the second voyage—that of 1498, and that by a mistake it was in the minds of the narrators confused with the voyage of 1497. For a presentation of all the original material the reader may be referred to H. Harrisse, John Cabot the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian his Son (London, 1896), and to G.E. Weare, Cabot's Discovery of North America (London, 1897). G.P. Winship, Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900), gives a complete guide to the Cabot literature. For a brief account of the voyages and of the Cabot question see E.G. Bourne, Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 54-63. The most important recent monograph is H.P. Biggar, The Voyages of the Cabots and of the Corte-Reals, in Revue Hispanique, tome X. (Paris, 1903).

The material presented here consists of the private letters of two Italians sojourning in London in 1497-1498, and the official despatch of the junior Spanish ambassador at the English court.




The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from Bristol to find new islands, has returned, and says that 700 leagues hence he discovered mainland, the territory of the Grand Cham (Gram Cam).[423-2] He coasted for 300 leagues and landed; he did not see any person, but he has brought hither to the King certain snares which had been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets; he also found some cut trees, wherefore he supposed there were inhabitants. Being in doubt he returned to his ship.

He was three months on the voyage, and this is certain, and on his return he saw two islands[423-3] but would not land, so as not to lose time, as he was short of provisions. The King is much pleased with this. He says that the tides are slack and do not flow as they do here.

The King has promised that in the spring our countryman shall have ten ships, armed to his order, and at his request has conceded him all the prisoners, except traitors, to go with him as he has requested. The King has also given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then,[424-1] and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is also Venetian, and with his sons; his name is Zuam Talbot,[424-2] and he is styled the great admiral. Vast honor is paid him; he dresses in silk, and these English run after him like mad people, so that he can enlist as many of them as he pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides.

The discoverer of these things planted on his new-found land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of St. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian, so that our banner has floated very far afield.

London, 23 August 1497.


... Also some months ago his Majesty sent out a Venetian, who is a very good mariner, and has good skill in discovering new islands, and he has returned safe, and has found two very large and fertile new islands; having likewise discovered the Seven Cities,[425-1] 400 leagues from England, on the western passage. This next spring his Majesty means to send him with fifteen or twenty ships.


Most Illustrious and Excellent My Lord:—

Perhaps among your Excellency's many occupations, it may not displease you to learn how his Majesty here has won a part of Asia without a stroke of the sword. There is in this kingdom a Venetian fellow, Master John Caboto by name, of fine mind, greatly skilled in navigation, who seeing that those most serene kings, first he of Portugal, and then the one of Spain, have occupied unknown islands, determined to make a like acquisition for his Majesty aforesaid.[425-3] And having obtained royal grants that he should have the usufruct of all that he should discover, provided that the ownership of the same is reserved to the crown, with a small ship and eighteen persons he committed himself to fortune; and having set out from Bristol, a western port of this kingdom, and passed the western limits of Ireland, and then standing to the northward he began to sail toward the Oriental regions, leaving (after a few days) the North Star on his right hand; and, having wandered about considerably, at last he struck mainland, where, having planted the royal banner and taken possession on behalf of this King, and taken certain tokens, he has returned thence. The said Master John, as being foreign-born and poor, would not be believed if his comrades, who are almost all Englishmen and from Bristol, did not testify that what he says is true. This Master John has the description of the world in a chart, and also in a solid globe which he has made, and he shows where he landed, and that going toward the east he passed considerably beyond the country of the Tanais.[426-1] And they say that it is a very good and temperate country, and they think that Brazil-wood[426-2] and silk grow there; and they affirm that that sea is covered with fishes, which are caught not only with the net but with baskets, a stone being tied to them in order that the baskets may sink in the water. And this I heard the said Master John relate.

And the aforesaid Englishmen, his comrades, say that they will bring so many fishes that this kingdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country there comes a very great store of fish which are called stock-fish.[427-1] But Master John has set his mind on something greater; for he expects to go farther on toward the East[427-2] from that place already occupied, constantly hugging the shore, until he shall be over against an island, by him called Cipango, situated in the equinoctial region, where he thinks all the spices of the world, and also the precious stones, originate;[427-3] and he says that in former times he was at Mecca, whither spices are brought by caravans from distant countries,[427-4] and that those who brought them, on being asked where the said spices grow, answered that they do not know, but that other caravans come to their homes with this merchandise from distant countries, and these [caravans] again say that they are brought to them from other remote regions. And he argues thus,—that if the Orientals affirmed to the Southerners that these things come from a distance from them, and so from hand to hand, presupposing the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones get them at the North toward the West;[428-1] and he said it in such a way, that, having nothing to gain or lose by it, I too believe it: and what is more, the King here, who is wise and not lavish, likewise puts some faith in him; for (ever) since his return he has made good provision for him, as the same Master John tells me. And it is said that, in the spring, his Majesty aforenamed will fit out some ships, and will besides give him all the convicts, and they will go to that country to make a colony, by means of which they hope to establish in London a greater emporium of spices than there is in Alexandria; and the chief men of the enterprise are of Bristol, great sailors, who, now that they know where to go, say that it is not a voyage of more than fifteen days, nor do they ever have storms after they get away from Hibernia. I have also talked with a Burgundian, a comrade of Master John's, who confirms everything, and wishes to return thither because the Admiral (for so Master John already entitles himself)[428-2] has given him an island; and he has given another one to a barber of his from Castiglione-of-Genoa, and both of them regard themselves as Counts, nor does my Lord the Admiral esteem himself anything less than a Prince. I think that with this expedition there will go several poor Italian monks, who have all been promised bishoprics. And, as I have become a friend of the Admiral's, if I wished to go thither I should get an archbishopric. But I have thought that the benefices which your Excellency has in store for me are a surer thing; and therefore I beg that if these should fall vacant in my absence, you will cause possession to be given to me, taking measures to do this rather where it is needed, in order that they be not taken from me by others, who because they are present can be more diligent than I, who in this country have been brought to the pass of eating ten or twelve dishes at every meal, and sitting at table three hours at a time twice a day,[429-1] for the sake of your Excellency, to whom I humbly commend myself.

Your Excellency's Very humble servant, RAIMONDO.

London, Dec. 18, 1497.


I think your Majesties have already heard that the King of England has equipped a fleet in order to discover certain islands and mainland which he was informed some people from Bristol, who manned a few ships[430-1] for the same purpose last year, had found. I have seen the map which the discoverer has made, who is another Genoese, like Colon [and?][430-2] who has been in Seville and in Lisbon, asking assistance for this discovery. The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years, sent out every year two, three, or four light ships (caravelas), in search of the island of Brazil and the seven cities,[430-3] according to the fancy of this Genoese. The King determined to send out [ships], because, the year before, they brought certain news that they had found land. The fleet consisted of five vessels, which carried provisions for one year. It is said that one of them, in which another Fai [Friar?] Buil[430-4] went, has returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being much damaged. The Genoese continued his voyage. I, having seen the route which they took, and the distance they sailed, find that what they have found, or what they are in search of, is what your Highnesses already possess since it is, in fine, what fell to your Highnesses by the treaty with Portugal.[430-5] It is expected that they will be back in the month of September. I inform your Highnesses in regard to it. The king of England has often spoken to me on this subject. He hoped to derive great advantage from it. I think it is not further distant than four hundred leagues. I told him that, in my opinion, the land was already in the possession of your Majesties; but, though I gave him my reasons, he did not like it. Because I believe that your Highnesses will presently receive information in regard to all this matter, and the chart or map which this man has made, I do not now send it; it is here and it, according to my opinion, is false, in order to make it appear that they are not the said islands.


[423-1] This letter was received in Venice on September 23, 1497, and a copy of it was incorporated by Marino Sanuto in his diary. It was first brought to light by Rawdon Brown in his Ragguagli sulla Vita e sulle Opere di Marin Sanuto, etc. (Venezia, 1837). It was published in English in a generally accessible form in 1864 in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 262, edited by Rawdon Brown. The translation here given is a revision of Brown's version. Another translation is printed in Markham, The Journal of Columbus (London, 1893).

[423-2] This reference to the Grand Cham probably indicates familiarity with Columbus's views of what he had discovered as expressed in his letters to Santangel and to Sanchez; see above, p. 268.

The landfall of John Cabot has been the subject of prolonged discussion. Labrador, Newfoundland, and Cape Breton are the principal places advocated. Of late years, owing to the vigorous and learned arguments of Dr. S.E. Dawson there has been an increasing disposition to accept Cape Breton on Cape Breton Island as the most probable location. See Winship, Cabot Bibliography, for the literature.

[423-3] The words "to starboard" have been inserted at this point in all English translations. Biggar has pointed out that the words al dreto so translated are Venetian dialect for addietro, which is an alternate form for the more common indietro, back. The earlier translators thought al dreto equivalent to al dritto, on the right. Al tornar al dreto means simply "in going back."

[424-1] "August 10, 1497: To hym that founde the New Isle, 10L." British Museum, Add. MSS. No. 7099, 12 Henry VII., fol. 41. From Weare, Cabot's Discovery of North America, 124.

[424-2] So in Sanuto's text. This form indicates perhaps that Pasqualigo had only heard the name and not seen it written.

[424-3] This letter was found in the archives of the Sforza family in Milan. The manuscript is apparently no longer extant. There are two somewhat divergent texts. The one translated here is the one sent by Rawdon Brown to the Public Record Office in London. Both are printed in Weare, Cabot's Discovery, pp. 142-143. The translation given here is by Rawdon Brown as printed in the Calendar of State Papers, Venetian Series, I. 259-260.

[425-1] The Seven Cities was a legendary island in the Atlantic. They are all placed and named on the legendary island of Antilia on the map of Grazioso Benincasa in 1482. See E.G. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 6 and 7, and Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, Atlas, plate 4. Columbus reported in Portugal that he had discovered Antilia (see p. 225, note 1); hence the deduction either of John Cabot or of Raimondo that the region explored by Cabot, being far to the west in the ocean, was the same as that visited by Columbus. Cf. also art. "Brazil, Island of," Encyclopaedia Britannica.

[425-2] This letter is preserved in the Archivio di Stato in Milan. It was first published in the Annuario Scientifico del 1865 (Milan, 1866). It was first printed in English in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 54-55 (Boston, 1884), in the chapter by Charles Deane, entitled "The Voyages of the Cabots." This translation was revised by Professor B.H. Nash of Harvard University and is given here with only one or two slight changes.

[425-3] In this passage Cabot's immediate impulse is attributed to the voyages of Columbus and their results.

[426-1] No satisfactory explanation of this can be given. Bellemo, in the Raccolta Colombiana, pt. III., vol. I., p. 197, interprets this sentence to mean that Cabot showed on the globe the place he had reached on the voyage and then to that statement the remark is added, referring to earlier journeys, "and going toward the east he has passed considerably beyond the land of the Tanais." Tanais is the Latin name for the Don, and at the mouth of the Don was the important Venetian trading station of La Tana. Cf. Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 33-34, note. Biggar dissents from this interpretation. I would offer the conjecture that "the land of the Tanais" stands for the land of Tana. In Marco Polo the kingdom of Tana, on the western side of India, is described as powerful and having an extensive commerce. See Marco Polo, pt. III., ch. XXX. Raimondo, if unfamiliar with Marco Polo, would understand La Tana by Tana and then naturally assume that "the country of Tana" was a slip for "country of the Tanais." Cabot on the other hand might have heard of Tana when in Mecca without getting any very definite idea of its location except that it was far to the East in India. The phrase "toward the East," like the one earlier in the letter "toward the Oriental regions," is used of the ultimate destination, not the direction, and of the destination as a known spot always thought of in Europe as "the East."

[426-2] El brasilio for el legno brasilio. Brazil wood was an East Indian red wood imported into Europe. It is the Caesalpina sappan. Its bright color led to its being compared to glowing coals, brazia, brascia, etc., Eng. brazier, and then to its being called, as it were, "glowing coals wood," lignum brasile, lignum brasilium, etc., and in Italian most commonly brasile and verzino, a popular corruption. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 587. On the transference of the name of this wood to a mythical island in the Atlantic and then, after the discoveries, to the present country of Brazil which produced dye-woods similar to Brasilio, see Yule's art. "Brazil, Island of," Encyclopaedia Britannica, and Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, I. 49-51.

[427-1] Stochfissi. The English word "stockfish" Italianized. Of the English fish trade with Iceland, Biggar gives a full account, Voyages of the Cabots, pp. 53-62, making frequent citations from G.W. Dasent, Icelandic Annals, IV. 427-437. He quotes also a passage from the Libell of English Policy, 1436, beginning:

"Of Yseland to wryte is lytille nede Save of stokfische;" etc.

[427-2] El Levante, here again as a known place, oriented from Europe. His destination, not the direction of his route.

[427-3] In Cabot's mind the Cipango of Marco Polo is confused with the Spice Islands. Marco Polo says nothing of the production of spices in his account of Cipango. The confusion is probably to be traced to Columbus's reports that he had discovered Cipango and that the islands he had discovered produced spices.

[427-4] From 1425 Jiddah on the east shore of the Red Sea rapidly displaced Aden as an emporium of the spice trade where the cargoes were transshipped from Indian to Egyptian vessels. Jiddah is the port of entry for Mecca, distant about forty-five miles, and Mecca became a great spice market. See Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age, II. 445 et seqq., and Biggar, Voyages of the Cabots and Corte-Reals, pp. 31-36. Biggar quotes interesting passages on the Mecca trade from The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema, Hakluyt Society (London, 1863).

[428-1] I.e., a place far enough east from Arabia to be thought of as west from Europe. After making all due allowances one may be excused for feeling some misgiving whether John Cabot actually ever was in Mecca. While some of the spices and eastern commodities were brought overland by caravan from Ormuz or Bassora, the greater part came by water to Jiddah. At Jiddah he could hardly have failed to get fairly accurate information as to where the spices came from. That one who had seen that great commerce should have remained so much in the dark as to conclude that spices came from northeastern Asia is strange enough.

[428-2] In imitation of Columbus.

[429-1] English social joys in the fifteenth century did not appeal to the more refined Italians. An interesting parallel to this comment of Raimondo de Soncino is to be found in Vespasiano's life of Poggio. "Pope Martin sent him with letters to England. He strongly condemned their life, consuming the time in eating and drinking. He was used to say in pleasantry that oftentimes being invited by those prelates or English gentlemen to dinner or to supper and staying four hours at the table he must needs rise from the table many times to wash his eyes with cold water so as not to fall asleep." Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite di Uomini Illustri del Secolo XV. (Florence, 1859), p. 420.

[429-2] The original is in the archives at Simancas partly in cipher. It was discovered and deciphered by Bergenroth and published in the Calendar of State Papers, Spanish Series, I., pp. 176-177. The Spanish text was published by Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, pp. 329-330, and in Weare, Cabot's Discovery, pp. 160-161. Bergenroth's translation is given here, carefully revised. The contents of this letter were briefly summarized in a despatch to the Catholic sovereigns by Dr. Puebla, their senior ambassador, which was transmitted at or about the same time with that of Ayala. The Puebla despatch, which contains nothing not in the Ayala despatch, can be seen in Weare, p. 159.

[430-1] In this Ayala would seem to have been misinformed. Cf. pp. 423, 425.

[430-2] The "and" is not in the original, but is supplied by all the editors. It is not absolutely certain that it belongs there. If it does, the passage implies that Cabot had recently been in Seville and Lisbon to enlist interest in his second voyage.

[430-3] This information is not elsewhere confirmed. On Brazil and the Seven Cities, see p. 426, note 2, and p. 425, note 1.

[430-4] One Friar Buil went with Columbus on his second voyage.

[430-5] The treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494; see p. 323, note 3.


Aburema, 394 n.

Acul, Bay of, 188 n., 197, 198 n.

Adam of Bremen, and reliability of Vinland tradition, 13; Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis, extract, 67-68.

Aden, decline of spice trade, 427 n.

Admiral, office of, 78 n., 79.

Affonso, Rodrigo, and Columbus, 324.

Agesinba, identified by Columbus with Cape of Good Hope, 397 n.

Aguado, Juan, 377, 379.

Aguja, Point of, 344, 345.

Alcacovas, Treaty of, 254 n.

Alexander VI., pope, letter concerning projected voyage of newly appointed Bishop of Gardar, 73-74.

Almirante Bay, 393 n.

Alonso, Roderigo, see Affonso, Rodrigo.

"Alto de Juan Danue," 133 n.

Alto Velo, mountain, 365.

Alto y Bajo, Cabo, 188.

America and Vinland voyages, 7-13; and Asia, 126, 131, 134, 135, 136, 145, 157, 174, 268; mainland discovered by John Cabot, 423; mainland discovered by Columbus, 333.

Amianus, see Arrianus.

Amiga, La, island, 198, 199, 208.

Angel, Cabo del, 220.

Antilia, legendary island, 101 n., 425 n.

Arana, Diego de, 183 n.; sent ashore, 200; remains in Espanola, 209-210; mentioned, 321.

Arana, Pedro de, despatched to Espanola, 321.

Arena, Las Islas de, 130.

Arenal, Punta del, 334.

Arnarstapi, Gudrid in, 18.

Arnlaug, settles in Greenland, 47.

Arnold, Bishop of Greenland, 69 n.

Arrianus, history of India, 329 n.

Asia, Columbus believes Cuba to be part of, 396 n.; and John Cabot's landfall, 425.

Aslak of Langadal, 16.

Asuncion, Isla de la, 356.

Aud the Wealthy, 14; in Iceland, 15.

Avalldamon, reported to be a king of the Skrellings, 41.

Ayala, Pedro de, despatch to Ferdinand and Isabella, 429-430.

Ayay, see Guadeloupe.

Azores, reports of land to westward, 93; mentioned, 236, 237, 329; Columbus at, 243-249; and Demarcation Line, 323, 326, 416.

Azua, Columbus in, 391 n.

Azules, Punta de los, 166 n.

Babeque, Columbus sails towards, 143, 147; reports of gold, 181, 184, 214-215; sighted, 150-151; Martin Alonso Pinzon seeks, 152, 214-215; Columbus seeks, 167, 179; described by Indians, 174.

Babueca, island, 346.

Bafan, 136.

Ballena, Gulf of, 334, 339, 345, 349, 355.

Baneque, see Babeque.

Banes, Puerto de, 132 n.

Baracoa, Puerto de, 131 n.-133 n.; Columbus enters, 158 n.-159; inland explorations, 161-162; Columbus sets up cross, 162; Columbus sails from, 166.

Bardsen, Ivar, account of Greenland, 11, 71 n.

Bassora, spice caravans, 428 n.

Bastidas, Rodrigo de, voyage, 416 n.

Bastimentos, harbor of, Columbus in, 398-399.

Becerro, Cabo del, 213.

Behechio, an Indian ruler, 345.

Belem, river, 401 n.; settlement near, 403 n.

Belprado, Cape, 220.

Belpuerto, 394 n., 399 n., 405.

Beothuk Indians, 41 n.

Biarney, 32.

Biarni, Grimolf's son, 30; accompanies expedition to Vinland, 31-32, 35; fate, 39, 42-43.

Biarni Herjulfson, and discovery of America, 8-9, 12; voyage, 48-50.

Blacksark, discovered, 17, 46.

Boavista, Columbus at, 324-325.

Bobadilla, Francisco de, 375; governor, 376; and Columbus, 376-383, 417 n.; proclaims immunities, 376; takes Columbus prisoner, 380; distributes gold, 380; appropriates Columbus's house, 383.

Bohio, 126, 146, 147; inhabitants, 153, 156, 167; sighted, 167; size, 174; reports of gold, 202; Columbus in, 295.

Boma, Rio, 166 n.

Boto, Cape, 340, 353, 354.

Brand of Alptafirth, sons of, 45.

Brand, Bishop, the Elder, and chronology of Vinland voyages, 6-7, 43 n.

Brattahlid, Eric in, 23, 27, 46, 48, 50; Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 30-31; Leif arrives, 54; Gudrid comes to, 59.

Brazil, discovery, 326 n.

Brazil, mythical island, 426 n., 430.

Brazil, port of, Espanola, 407.

Breidabolstad, 16.

Breidafirth, Eric goes to, 17, 45, 46.

Bristol, and expedition of John Cabot, 423, 425, 428, 430; and search for the Seven Cities, 430.

Brokey, Eric takes possession, 16.

Buen Tiempo, Cabo del, 220.

Buil, Friar, 430.

Burenquen, 294-295. See also Porto Rico.

Cabanas, Puerto de las, 353.

Cabanas, Punta de, 132 n.

Cabo Rico, 356.

Cabo Santo, 211, 212.

Cabot, John, sources of information, 421-422; letter of Lorenzo Pasqualigo, 423-424; voyage of 1497, 423-424; landfall, 423 n., 426; reception, 424, 428; new voyage proposed, 428; and title admiral, 428; map, 426, 430.

Cabot, Sebastian, and father's voyages, 421.

Cabra, 213 n., 296 n.

Cabral, route of, 326 n.

Cabron, Cabo, 221 n.

Cadiz, and proposed inspection of ships from Indies, 277; Columbus's departure, 283.

Caithness, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.

Cambodia, supposed connection of Costa Rica and Panama with, 397 n.

Campana, Cabo de, Columbus approaches, 156-158.

Canaries, Columbus at, 92-94, 283-284, 320-323; French ship at, 320; pearls, 364.

Caonabo, King, and fate of first settlement in Espanola, 300, 303, 304, 307; mentioned, 312.

Cape Breton Island, and Karlsefni's voyages, 40 n.; and landfall of John Cabot, 423 n.

Cape Verde Islands, 103; and Hesperides, 322; and Demarcation Line, 323, 326, 416; Columbus at, 324-326.

Carabelas grandes, Boca de, 134 n.

Caracol, Bay of, Columbus anchors in, 299 n.

Caracol, El, island, 340, 353.

Carambaru, 393, 394 n.

Cariay, 393; Indians of, 409.

Carib, island of, 223, 225, 226, 229, 230. See also Porto Rico.

Caribata, Cabo de, 188.

Caribata, Monte, described, 188; mentioned, 196, 199.

Caribs, 203; houses, 286, 289; reported cannibalism, 286, 288-290; industry, 289; appearance, 289, 293; treatment of captives, 290-291; several captured, 292, 293; fight with Spaniards, 293; and natives of Porto Rico, 294; mentioned, 322, 330, 348, 359.

Caritaba, province of, reports of gold, 202.

Carvajal, Alonso Sanchez de, despatched to Espanola, 321.

Cascaes, Columbus at, 251.

Cassiterides, Columbus identifies with Azores, 329.

Castaneda, Juan de, attempt to seize Columbus, 245-248.

Cateva, 394 n.

Cathay, Columbus's desire to reach, 134; supposed proximity to Cuba, 405; emperor's embassy to Rome, 414.

Catholicism, in Greenland, 70-74; Columbus urges its establishment in Espanola, 274-275, 361.

Catiba, Columbus in, 394 n.

Catigara, location, 396-397.

Caxinas, Point, named, 391 n.; mentioned, 392 n.

Caymanos Chicos, islands, sighted, 405 n.

Cayre, 293. See also Dominica.

Central America, exploration of coast, 387.

Cerabora, see Carambaru.

Ceyre, 290. See also Dominica.

Chanca, Dr., letter to Cabildo of Seville, 280-313.

China, Columbus's belief that he had reached, 397 n.

Christianity, introduced into Greenland, 23-26; in Greenland, 29, 56, 57, 71-74; in Iceland, 46; and New World, 352.

Chuzona chica, Rio, 219 n.

Ciamba, province of, 393.

Cibao, 197; reports of gold, 202; mentioned, 206; explored, 312-313; mines, 338.

Ciguare, described by natives, 394-395.

Cinquin, Cabo de, 168; Columbus approaches, 171, 174.

Cipango, 101 n.; Columbus desires to find, 113; Cuba mistaken for, 126, 127, 128, 130; mentioned, 197, 202, 212.

Clato, Prior of, entertains Columbus, 254.

Cobrava, 394 n.

Coche, 357.

Cochin-China, Costa Rica and Panama believed to be southern extension of, 397 n.

Colon, see Columbus.

Colonization, plan of Columbus for Espanola, 273-277.

Columbo, Juan Antonio, despatched to Espanola, 321.

Columbus, Bartholomew, in Espanola, 321; mentioned, 345; projected exploring expedition, 360; meets admiral, 366; in Paragua, 375; taken prisoner, 380; map, 397 n.

Columbus, Christopher, contract, 77-80; patent, 81-84; first voyage, 89-258; departure, 90; at Canaries, 92-94; signs of land, 96-100; landfall, 108-109; takes possession, 110; desire to reach Cipango, 113; at Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 115; at Fernandina, 120; believes Cuba to be Cipango, 126; discovers Cuba, 130; along coast, 144-168; Martin Alonso Pinzon deserts, 152; at Espanola, 169-228; reappearance of Pinzon, 214; and disaffection of Pinzons, 216-219; homeward voyage, 228-258; storm, 241; at Azores, 244-249; puts in at Portugal, 251-256; reception by King of Portugal, 251-256; arrival, 257; letter to Santangel, 263-272; and Cuba, 263; and Espanola, 264; duration of first voyage, 272; plan for colonization and commerce of Espanola, 273-277; second voyage, 278-313; sources of information, 281-282; at Canaries, 283-284; at Dominica, 284-285; at Guadeloupe, 286-291; at Porto Rico, 294-295; at Espanola, 295-313; finds settlement destroyed, 300; visits Cacique, 304; building of city, 308; sickness, 309, 312; third voyage, 314-366; sources of information, 317-318; preparations, 319; reception in Madeira, 320; at Canaries, 320; at Cape Verde Islands, 324-326; sends ships ahead to Espanola, 320-323; instructions concerning treatment of Indians, 322; proposed route, 322, 326, 327; and Demarcation Line, 326, 382; signs of land, 329-330; Trinidad sighted, 331; mainland of South America discovered, 333; at Trinidad, 335-339; along coast, 331-351, 353-358, 362; and a New World, 352, 355, 356; in Boca del Drago, 354; near Margarita, 356-357, 362; anxiety about Espanola, 359-360; reasons for hastening to Espanola, 359-362; and Earthly Paradise, 364-365; arrival in Espanola, 365, 366; misfortunes, 371; aid of Isabella, 371-372; in disfavor, 372, 375, 378-379; revolt in Espanola, 374; and Bobadilla, 376-383; letter on fourth voyage, significance, 387; fourth voyage, 389-418; outward voyage, 389; arrival at Espanola, 389; forbidden to land, 390; storm, 390-392; at Queen's Garden, 391; along coast of Central America, 391-403, 405; search for strait, 391 n.; illness, 392-393, 399; geographical conceptions, 396-398; and Earthly Paradise, 398; illness, 399; tempest, 399-400; sends out exploring party, 401; trouble with Indians, 402-403; establishes settlement, 402; reaches Cuba, 406; in Jamaica, 406; one ship puts into a port of Espanola, 407; urges colonization of Veragua, 411-413; deplores condition of Spanish settlements, 415; complains of ill-treatment, 416-418.

Columbus, Diego, brother of Columbus, in Espanola, 321; taken prisoner, 380.

Columbus, Diego, son of Columbus, page to Prince John, 379; mentioned, 393.

Columbus, Ferdinand, 241 n., 321; page in Queen's household, 379; account of fourth voyage, 318, 388, 392 n.

Commerce, plan of Columbus for Espanola, 273-277; value of Spanish colonies predicted, 415.

Concepcion, La, island, 356.

Concepcion, Puerto de la, Columbus in, 172-179.

Conchas, Cabo de, 356.

Coroay, 206.

Cosa, Juan de la, master of Santa Maria, 200; mentioned, 204.

Costa Rica, supposed connection with Cambodia, 397 n.

Crooked Island, 123.

Cuba, mistaken for Cipango, 126-130; described by Indians, 130-136; discovered, 136; mistaken for mainland of Asia, 134, 263, 323, 405, 406; explorations, 136-148; Columbus returns, 153; Columbus leaves, 167; mentioned, 176, 263-264, 267, 364, 391 n.; Columbus lands on fourth voyage, 405.

Cuba, Cabo de, 146, 147.

Cubagua, reports of pearls, 357.

Cubiga, 394 n.

Dama, Alvaro, 253.

Darien, Gulf of, 405 n.

Davis, John, voyage to Greenland, 74 n.

Delfin, El, 340, 353.

Demarcation Line, and Columbus, 326; Papal, 416; agreement between Spain and Portugal, 416.

Diaz, Bartolome, 252, 397 n.

Dimunarvag, 16.

Doegurdar River, country between, and Skraumuhlaups River, occupied by Aud, 15.

Dominica, discovered, 285; described 285; mentioned, 290, 321; report of gold, 293; Columbus heads for, 330.

Drago, Boca del, named, 340; Columbus's ships in peril in, 354-355.

Drangar, 16, 45.

Drepstokk, Heriulf at, 47.

Drontheim, Leif arrives in, 47.

Drontheim, Archbishop of, papal letter to, 70 n.; jurisdiction, 71.

Drontheim, Archbishop Valkendorf of, 74 n.

Dublin, captured by King Olaf, 14.

Duelling-Hrafn, killed by Eric the Red, 16, 45.

Earthly Paradise, Columbus and, 364-365.

Einar of Laugarbrekka, 18.

Einar, of Einarsfirth, settles in Greenland, 47.

Einar, son of Thorgeir, 18; sues for Gudrid's hand, 19.

Elefante, Cabo del, 168, 171.

Enamorado, Cabo del, 221.

Engano, Cabo del, 229 n., 295 n., 322.

Enriquez, Beatrix, 321.

Eric, Earl, visited by Biarni Herjulfson, 150.

Eric the Red, saga of, 3-5, 14-43; goes to Iceland, 14, 45; in Drangar and Haukadal, 15-16, 45; voyage, 16-17, 45-46; discovers Greenland, 16, 17, 46; return to Iceland, 17, 46; fight with Thorgest, 17; names and colonizes Greenland, 17, 46; mentioned, 20; welcomes Thorbiorn to Eastern Settlement, 23; unwilling to embrace Christianity, 26; and expedition to land discovered by Leif, 26-27, 50; receives Gudrid, 29; welcomes Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni, 30, 42; mentioned, 31, 33, 56; at Brattahlid, 48; death, 54.

Eric Gnupson, Bishop of Greenland, expedition, 69.

Eric Uppsi, see Eric Gnupson.

Ericsey, Eric the Red at, 17, 46.

Ericsfirth, Eric the Red at, 17, 46; mentioned, 26, 27, 29, 30, 54, 55, 59, 64.

Ericsholms, Eric in, 17.

Ericsstad, Eric at, 16.

Ericsstadir, Eric the Red in, 15, 45.

Ericsvag, 16, 45.

Escocesa, Bahia, 220 n.

Escobedo, Rodrigo de, 110, 184; remains in Espanola, 209, 210.

Escudo, Puerto, 168 n., 171 n.

Eskimos, and Vinland, 10, 41 n.; and Greenlanders, 71 n.-72 n.

Espanola discovered, 168; named, 173, 264; natives, 175-177, 180-187, 190-196, 198, 201-203, 205-210, 222-225, 265-269, 297-307; products, 177, 178; climate, 178; description, 181-182, 192-193, 264-268; Columbus praises land and people, 198, 201, 202; first settlement, 204, 206, 268; reports of gold, 215; coast explored, 215-228; recommendations of Columbus for colonization and commerce, 273-277; return of Columbus, 295; scenery, 296; fate of first settlement, 300-304; building of city Isabella, 308; products, 310-312; ships despatched to, 320-323; supplies for, 348-350, 353; revolts, 360, 366, 373; colonists, 373, 374-377; arrival of Bobadilla, 375-378; Columbus taken prisoner, 380; mining, 382; Columbus forbidden to land, 390; and Columbus's fourth voyage, 406-408; condition, 415.

Estrella, Cabo de la, 168, 171.

Exploring expeditions, independent, authorized by Ferdinand and Isabella, 360.

Eyiulf of Sviney, 16, 45.

Eyiulf the Foul, 15, 16, 45.

Eyrar, Biarni arrives at, 48.

Eyxney, 16, 45.

Fava, 134.

Fayal, mentioned, 235.

Ferdinand and Isabella, contract with Columbus, 77-80; and route to Indies, 78; patent to Columbus, 81-84; war with Moors, 89; and Demarcation Line, 323, 326; and Columbus, 331; authorize independent exploring expeditions, 360; and Hojeda, 373; and Bobadilla, 376; and Columbus's fourth voyage, 389-418.

Fernandina, discovered, 116-117, 263; Columbus approaches, 118; natives, 119; described, 119; coast explored, 120-122; sighted, 129.

Ferro, island of, 93, 104, 112, 137, 237, 284, 323.

Finnbogi, voyage to Wineland, 62, 63; death, 64.

Flat Island Book, 3; composition, 4; "The Vinland History," and collateral sources, 8-9; reliability of "Vinland History" questioned, 8-10, 12.

Flechas, Golfo de las, 228.

Flechas, Puerto de las, Columbus in, 222-228.

Flores, island, 235-237.

Fortunate Isles, and first meridian of Marinus, 396 n.

Fraile, Punta del, 166 n.

Frances, Cabo, 220.

Frances, Puerto, 199 n.

Frederick, Bishop, in Iceland, 46.

Freydis, 32; drives off Skrellings, 38; fate, 39; marriage, 48; voyage to Vinland, 62-64; and death of Helgi and Finnbogi, 63-64; return, 64-65.

Froda-wonder, 24.

Fuma, 206.

Funchal, Columbus in, 320.

Furdustrandir, see Wonder-strands.

Galeota, Cape, Columbus sees, 332 n.

Galera, Cabo de la, 332.

Gallega, La, ship of Columbus on fourth voyage, 390.

Gama, Vasco da, 323 n.; in south Atlantic, 323 n., 326 n.

Gard, overseer at Lysufirth, death, 27, 29.

Gardar, Freydis at, 48; Freydis leaves, 62; bishopric of, in fifteenth century, 70-74.

Gatos, Puerto de, 353.

Geirstein, 16.

Geography, Columbus's conceptions of world, 387, 396-398.

Glaumboeiar-land, Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 65.

Glaumboer, church in, 66.

Gomera, Columbus at, 93, 284, 320; mentioned, 94.

Gomera, Count of, see Peraza, Guillen.

Good Hope, Cape of, 397 n.

Gordo, Puerto, 400.

Gottskalk, Annals of, quoted, 69 n.

Government of Espanola, Columbus's plan, 274; Columbus's desire to be relieved, 375; Bobadilla's arrival, 375-376; immunities proclaimed, 376-378.

Gracia, Isla de, 338-341.

Gracia, Rio de, 219.

Gracias a Dios, Cape, 391, 392 n.

Gran Can, 89; embassy to Rome, 89; and Columbus's belief that he has reached Asia, 126, 131, 134, 135, 136, 145, 157, 174, 268; and Cabot's landfall, 423.

Gran Canaria, Columbus at, 92, 283.

Granja, Puerto de la, 187 n.

Greenland, Norse colonists, 10; discovery, 17; explored, 17; named, 17; colonization, 17; Thorbiorn in Western Settlement, 20-23; introduction of Christianity, 23-26; sickness in Western Settlement, 27-29, 57-59; Biarni and Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 30-32, 59; return of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 62; Helgi and Finnbogi in, 62; mentioned, 67 n.; bishopric of Gardar, 71-74; conditions in colony, 71-74.

Grimhild, death and burial, 57, 58.

Guacamari, see Guacanagari.

Guacanagari, Indian cacique, 193 n., 207; Columbus takes leave of, 209-210; mentioned, 298-300, 303, 361; suspected of treachery, 301, 305-307; receives Columbus, 304-305.

Guadalquivir River, 180.

Guadeloupe, 225 n., 290 n.; Columbus at, 286; mentioned, 343; natives report mainland to south, 359.

Guaigo, 394 n.

Guanahani, discovered, 110, 263; Columbus takes possession of, 110; natives, 111-113; mentioned, 131, 134, 151.

Guanaja, Columbus at, 391 n., 392 n.

Guarico, 188 n., 196 n.

Guarionex, 206.

Gudrid, ancestry, 15 n., 18; in Arnarstapi, 18; return to Laugarbrekka, 19; and prophecy of Thorbiorg, 22-23; marries Thorstein Ericson, 27, 56; in Western Settlement, Greenland, 27-29, 57-59; goes to Eastern Settlement, 29, 59; marries Thorfinn Karlsefni, 31, 59; goes to Iceland, 43; descendants, 43-44, 66; accompanies Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland, 60-61; in Iceland, 66.

Guevara, Ferdinand de, in Xaragua, 374.

Guiga, 399 n.

Guinea, 145; and reported trade of canoes with land to west, 326; navigation of Portuguese, 332; exploration, 351-352.

Guisay, see Quinsay.

Gunnbiorn, son of Ulf the Crow, voyage, 16, 46.

Gunnbiorns-skerries, discovered, 16, 46.

Gutierrez, Pedro, 109; sent ashore, 200; remains in Espanola, 209-210.

Haekia, in Vinland, 33.

Hafgrim, settles in Greenland, 47.

Haki, in Vinland, 33.

Halldis, 18; death, 20; mentioned, 22.

Hallveig, daughter of Einar, 18.

Hanno, voyage, 328.

Harold, the Stern-ruler, King of Norway, voyage, 68.

Haukadal, Eric the Red in, 15; Eric banished, 16, 45.

Hauk Erlendsson, book, 3-5; reliability, 8.

Hayti, 168 n., 295, 391 n.

Hebrides, Aud and Thorstein go to, 14; Leif in, 24-25.

Helgi, voyage to Wineland, 62-63; death, 64.

Helgi Thorbrandsson, settles in Greenland, 47.

Helluland, identification, 10; named, 51; explored, 32.

Henry VII., of England, reception of John Cabot, 424; plan of second voyage, 425, 428; preparations for second voyage, 429.

Heriulf, accompanies Eric the Red to Greenland, 46-47; at Heriulfsness, 48-49.

Heriulfsness, Thorbiorn arrives in, 20; Heriulf at, 46, 48-49.

Hermoso, Cabo, 123, 124.

Hesperides, and Cape Verde Islands, 322 n.

Hierro, island, see Ferro.

Hierro, Punta del, 220.

Hojeda, Alonso de, 312 n.; explores Cibao, 313 n.; voyage, 360, 416 n.; arrival in Espanola, 373; mentioned, 376.

Holar, Bishop of, ordered to inquire into affairs of Gardar bishopric, 73.

Holmar, Eric winters at, 46.

Holmlatr, Eric spends winter in, 17.

Hop, Karlsefni at, 36, 39, 40-41.

Horn-Strands, 45.

Hrafn, settles in Greenland, 47.

Hrafnsfirth, Eric enters, 17, 46.

Hrafnsgnipa, 46.

Huego, reports of land to the southwest, 326.

Hvamm, Aud in, 15.

Hvarfsgnipa, 17.

Hvitramanna-land, 42.

Ibarro, Bernaldo de, quoted, 336.

Iceland, saga-telling period, 7; Eric and Thorvald in, 15, 45; mentioned, 17, 18; the Froda-wonder, 24; Thorfinn Karlsefni sails to, 43, 65; Biarni Herjulfson in, 48; extracts from Annales regii, 69; English fish trade, 427.

Iguana Grande, island, 215 n.

Illugi, son of Aslak, 16.

Indians, trade with Columbus, 111-113, 119, 121, 127, 135, 142, 165, 194-195; enslaved, 112, 144, 145, 267, 287, 292, 293, 343-344; Columbus's policy towards, 110, 116-118, 126, 192, 194, 195, 322; named, 110; and tobacco-smoking, 141; signal fires, 180, 224; fight with Spaniards, 224, 292-293; weapons, 307; of Guanahani, 110-112; of Santa Maria de la Concepcion, 115-116; of Fernandina, 119-122; of Cuba, 139-142; of Espanola, 175-177, 180-187, 190-196, 198, 201-203, 205-210, 222-225, 265-269, 297-307; at Trinidad, 335-336; of mainland of South America, 342-344, 347; of Veragua, 402. See also Caribs and Mayas.

Ingolf, colonist of Iceland, 17, 47.

Innocent VIII., pope, elects Matthias Bishop of Gardar, 74.

Ireland, Thorhall driven ashore on, 35.

Ireland the Great, see Hvitramanna-land.

Isabelica, Punta, 217 n.

Isabella, aids Columbus, 371-372; reports of illness, 373. See also Ferdinand and Isabella.

Isabella, in Espanola, preparations for city, 308; Columbus's departure, 366; mentioned, 321, 322.

Isabella, island, discovered by Columbus, 123, 124, 263; Columbus leaves 128; mentioned, 151.

Isleo, Cabo del, 127, 128.

Jacmel, 407 n.

Jaederen, Thorvald and Eric the Red leave, 15, 45.

Jamaica, 215, 338; Columbus's shipwreck, 387; Columbus bound for, 389; Columbus reaches, 406.

Jardines, described, 344; natives, 345-346.

Jerez, Rodrigo de, 136.

Jerome, St., 414.

Jews, expulsion from Spain, 90.

Jiddah, spice trade, 427 n.

Joachim, Abbot, prophecy, 413-414.

John II., of Portugal, grant to Fernam Dominguez do Arco, 93 n.; receives Columbus, 253-255; and Demarcation Line, 323, 326.

John, prince of Castile, 323, 369.

Jon Thordsson, and Flat Island Book, 4.

Juana, see Cuba.

Karlsefni, see Thorfinn Karlsefni.

Keelness, 33, 35, 39, 55.

Ketil, settles in Greenland, 46.

Kialarnes, see Keelness.

Labrador, and John Cabot's first voyage, 423 n.

Lagartos, Rio de los, 400 n.

Lanzada, Punta, 179.

Lanzarote, 92.

Lapa, Cape of, 340; pearl fisheries near, 346; Columbus near, 353, 354.

La Vega, Columbus at, 375.

Leif Ericson, and discovery of America, 8, 11; date of voyage, 12, 43 n.; in Norway, 24-25, 47; discovery, 25, 50-54; introduces Christianity in Greenland, 26; mentioned, 33, 59, 62, 63; displeasure at Freydis, 65.

Leif's-booths in Vinland, Thorvald reaches, 54-55; Thorfinn Karlsefni's arrival, 60.

Leikskalar, Eric at, 16.

Lepe, Diego de, voyage, 416 n.

Levantados, Cayo de, 221 n.

Lindo, Cabo, 166.

Lisbon, Columbus driven into river by tempest, 251, 379; John Cabot's presence in, alleged, 430.

Llana, Punta, 349.

Llandra, Columbus at, 256.

Long Island, 117 n.

Lucayos, discovered, 110.

Luengo, Cabo, 356.

Luna, Rio de la, 132.

Lybia, voyage of Hanno from, 328.

Lysufirth, 27, 57.

Macorix, 206.

Macuris, Punta, 220 n.

Madama Beata, island, named, 365.

Madeira, 236, 243, 250; Columbus at, 320.

Magnus Thorhallsson, and Flat Island Book, 4.

Mago, see Mango.

Maici, Punta de, 158 n.

Maldonado, Melchior, explores Espanola, 302-303.

Mango, Cuba mistaken for, 405, 408.

Manzanillo, Bahia de, 212 n.

Maravi, Port of, 158 n.

Mares, Puerto de, advantages for settlement, 140; Columbus leaves, 143.

Mares, Rio de, Columbus in, 132, 133, 135, 144; mentioned, 147, 160, 176.

Margarita, discovered, 356; Columbus leaves vicinity, 362-363.

Margot, Puerto, 187 n., 188 n.

Maria, Puerto, 168.

Marigalante, ship, 284 n.

Marigalante, island, 285.

Marinus, conception of world, 396-397.

Markland, identification, 10; natives, 11; expedition of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 32, 41; named by Leif, 51; mentioned, 69.

Marmoro, 405 n.

Marquez, Diego, 288.

Martian, quoted, 67.

Martinet, El, island, 356-357.

Martinique, 225 n.

Martyr, Peter, account of Columbus's fourth voyage, 388.

Maternillo, Punta del, 135 n.

Matinino, island, inhabitants, 223, 225, 270; copper reported, 226; Columbus desires to see, 228-229; mentioned, 230.

Matthias, elected Bishop of Gardar, 74.

Mayas, 215 n.; culture, 394 n.; sculptures, 409-410; animals, 410; language, 411.

Mayonic, 206.

Mayreni, King, reported to have killed Spaniards, 300, 302, 303.

Mayrones, Francis de, quoted, 359.

Mecca, Cabot in, 426 n., 427; spice trade of, 427 n.

Micmac Indians, appearance, 36 n.

Midiokul, 46.

Mines, Espanola, 382; of Spanish colonies, value predicted, 415.

Missions, need in New World, 274, 361.

Moa, Rio de, 154 n.

Moa, Sierras de, 154 n.

Mogens Heinesen, 74 n.

Mona, island of, 322.

Monte, Cabo del, 166.

Monte Cristi, 212; described, 213; mentioned, 216, 218, 296; harbor described, 298.

Montserrat, 291 n.

Moray, conquered by Thorstein the Red and Earl Sigurd the Mighty, 14.

Mosquito, Bahia, 172 n.

Mosquito Coast, Columbus on, 393 n.

Mosquitos, Punto de, 405 n.

Moya, Cayo de, 153.

Mulas, Punta de, 132 n.

Muxica, Adrian de, revolt, 374.

Navidad, fort built, 206; Columbus leaves settlement, 209-211, 268-269, 271; gold, 217; anxiety of Columbus about, 224; Columbus finds settlement destroyed, 298-304; mentioned, 361.

Navigation, between Spain and Espanola, recommendations of Columbus, 276-277; compass, 363 n.; difficulties due to strong currents, 408-409.

New Spain, discovery postponed by Roldan's revolt, 360.

Nicholas V., letter to Bishops of Skalholt and Holar, 70-73.

Nidaros, Leif reaches, 47.

Nina, ship, 96, 97, 102; crew report land, 106; mentioned, 108, 116, 122, 139; Indians escape from, 115-116, 150; new fittings, 155; Columbus on, 201.

Nino, Pedro Alonso, 236.

Nipe, 131 n.

Niti, 309, 312; reports of gold, 313.

Nombre de Dios, 394 n., 399.

Norona, D. Martin de, 253; escorts Columbus, 256.

North America, voyages of Northmen, 25, 50-54, 47-49; 54-56, 31-42, 59-62, 62-64, 67, 69; Cabot's landfall, 422.

Northmen in America, sources, 3-13; identification of localities, 10; dates, 12, 43 n.

Norway, Eric the Red and Thorvald leave, 15, 45; Leif in, 25, 47; Thorfinn Karlsefni sails from, 59; Thorfinn Karlsefni in, 65.

Nova Scotia, and Northmen, 10; Indians, 36 n.; climate, 37 n.; and voyage of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 40 n., 41 n.

Nuestra Senora, Mar de, 148; Columbus re-enters, 153; mentioned, 160.

Nuevitas del Principe, Puerto de las, 131 n., 132 n.

Odd, of Jorva, 16.

Olaf the White, King, in Ireland, 14.

Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway, 24; and Christianity in Greenland, 25-26, 71; and Leif Ericson, 25, 33, 47.

Orinoco, Columbus near mouth, 334 n.

Orkneys, Aud the Wealthy sails to, 14.

Orm of Arnarstapi, 18; entertains Gudrid, 18-19; starts with Thorbiorn to Greenland, 20; death, 20.

Oro, Rio del, 217, 218.

Ovando, and Columbus, 390.

Padre y Hijo, Cabo de, 221.

Palmas, Cabo de, 133.

Palmista, Punta, 168 n.

Panama, coast explored, 387, 394 n.; supposed connection with Cambodia, 397 n.

Paria, discovery, 339, 373; described, 340, 341; pearls, 346, 348, 373; natives, 346-347; Columbus near, 353, 354; explored by Hojeda and Pinzon, 360 n.; condition, 415.

Paria, Gulf of, 337 n., 340 n., 350 n.

Peraza, Dona Ines, 93.

Peraza, Guillen, 93.

Perez, Alonso, sights land, 330.

Perlas, Golpho de las, 350; Columbus explores, 355, 356, 358.

Pico, Cabo de, 156.

Pierna, Punta, 178.

Pinta, ship, rudder disabled, 92; repaired, 92-93; sails ahead of Admiral's ship, 97-98; crew sights land, 108-109; mentioned, 120, 122, 133, 138, 211; leaves other ships, 152; news, 205, 207; reappearance, 214; on coast of Espanola, 215, 219; weakness of mast, 232; leaves Nina, 238.

Pinzon, Martin Alonso, at the Canaries, 92; sails ahead of Columbus, 97-98; and Columbus, 100-101; claims to see land, 102; advises course, 106, 120; at Guanahani, 110; mentioned, 120, 127, 134, 138, 211, 232; leaves Admiral's fleet, 152; rejoins Nina, 214; on coast of Espanola, 215, 219; Columbus disapproves of, 214, 216; runs Pinta ahead of Nina, 238.

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