The History of the Fabian Society
by Edward R. Pease
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[43] "La Societe Fabienne et le Mouvement socialiste anglais contemporain." By Edouard Pfeiffer, Paris, F. Giard and E. Briere, 1911; an excellent volume but full of errors.

[44] "The Fabians were the first amongst Socialists to start the movement of anti-Marxist criticism. At a period when the dogmas of the Master were regarded as sacred, the Fabians ventured to assert that it was possible to call oneself a Socialist without ever having read 'Das Kapital,' or without accepting its doctrine. In opposition to Marx, they have revived the spirit of J.S. Mill, and they have attacked Marx all along the line—the class war, the economic interpretation of history, the catastrophic method, and above all the theory of value."

[45] Published in English by the Independent Labour Party in 1909 as "Evolutionary Socialism."

[46] Address to the International, 1862, quoted from Spargo's "Karl Marx," p. 266.

[47] Home University Library, Williams and Norgate, 1915, 1s.

[48] M. Beer, "Geschichte des Socialismus in England" (Stuttgart, 1913), p. 462. Mr. Beer devotes seven pages to the Society, which he describes with accuracy, and interprets much as Mr. Barker has done. The book was written at the request of the German Social Democratic Party.

[49] I quote, but do not endorse the opinion that G.B.S. markedly resembles James Mill (Mr. Barker confuses the two Mills). Beer adds "Webb was the thinker, Shaw the fighter." This antithesis is scarcely happy. The collaboration of the two is much too complicated to be summed up in a phrase.

[50] But see chapter VIII for its influence before 1906; and see Appendix 1. A. for a much fuller discussion of this subject.

[51] The same idea is expressed by a Canadian Professor:—

"It is necessary to go back to the Philosophical Radicals to find a small group of men who have exercised such a profound influence over English political thought as the little band of social investigators who organised the Fabian Society."

"Socialism: a critical analysis." By O.D. Skelton, Ph.D., Professor of Economic Science, Kingston, Canada. (Constable, 1911.) p. 288.

[52] Mr. Barker erroneously uses the word "increment" for "income" in several places. Unearned increment is quite another thing.

[53] See "Socialism and Superior Brains: a reply to Mr. Mallock," by G.B. Shaw. Fabian Tract 146.

[54] Mr. Barker emphasises the "discrimination advocated by the Fabians" in favour of profits in a later passage (p. 224) not here quoted.

[55] This should read "incomes."

[56] "Faults of the Fabian," p. 9.

[57] See Appendix I. B.

Appendix I

Memoranda by Bernard Shaw

Bernard Shaw has been good enough to write the following memoranda on Chapter XII. For various reasons I prefer to leave that chapter as it stands; but the memoranda have an interest of their own and I therefore print them here.



Mr. Barker's guesses greatly underrate the number of tributaries which enlarged the trickle of Socialist thought into a mighty river. They also shew how quickly waves of thought are forgotten. Far from being the economic apostle of Socialism, Mill, in the days when the Fabian Society took the field, was regarded as the standard authority for solving the social problem by a combination of peasant proprietorship with neo-Malthusianism. The Dialectical Society, which was a centre of the most advanced thought in London until the Fabian Society supplanted it, was founded to advocate the principles of Mill's Essay on Liberty, which was much more the Bible of English Individualism than Das Kapital ever was of English Socialism. As late as 1888 Henry Sidgwick, a follower of Mill, rose indignantly at the meeting of the British Association in Bath, to which I had just read the paper on The Transition to Social-Democracy, which was subsequently published; as one of the Fabian Essays, and declared that I had advocated nationalisation of land; that nationalisation of land was a crime; and that he would not take part in a discussion of a criminal proposal. With that he left the platform, all the more impressively as his apparently mild and judicial temperament made the incident so unexpected that his friends who had not actually witnessed it were with difficulty persuaded that it had really happened. It illustrates the entire failure of Mill up to that date to undo the individualistic teaching of the earlier volumes of his Political Economy by the Socialist conclusions to which his work on the treatise led him at the end. Sidney Webb astonished and confounded our Individualist opponents by citing Mill against them; and it is probably due to Webb more than to any other disciple that it is now generally known that Mill died a Socialist. Webb read Mill and mastered Mill as he seemed to have read and mastered everybody else; but the only other prominent Socialist who can be claimed by Mill as a convert was, rather unexpectedly, William Morris, who said that when he read the passage in which Mill, after admitting that the worst evils of Communism are, compared to the evils of our Commercialism, as dust in the balance, nevertheless condemned Communism, he immediately became a Communist, as Mill had clearly given his verdict against the evidence. Except in these instances we heard nothing of Mill in the Fabian Society. Cairnes's denunciation of the idle consumers of rent and interest was frequently quoted; and Marshall's Economics of Industry was put into our book boxes as a textbook; but the taste for abstract economics was no more general in the Fabian Society than elsewhere. I had in my boyhood read some of Mill's detached essays, including those on constitutional government and on the Irish land question, as well as the inevitable one on Liberty; but none of these pointed to Socialism; and my attention was first drawn to political economy as the science of social salvation by Henry George's eloquence, and by his Progress and Poverty, which had an enormous circulation in the early eighties, and beyond all question had more to do with the Socialist revival of that period in England than any other book. Before the Fabian Society existed I pressed George's propaganda of Land Nationalisation on a meeting of the Democratic Federation, but was told to read Karl Marx. I was so complete a novice in economics at that time that when I wrote a letter to Justice pointing out a flaw in Marx's reasoning, I regarded my letter merely as a joke, and fully expected that some more expert Socialist economist would refute me easily. Even when the refutation did not arrive I remained so impressed with the literary power and overwhelming documentation of Marx's indictment of nineteenth-century Commercialism and the capitalist system, that I defended him against all comers in and out of season until Philip Wicksteed, the well-known Dante commentator, then a popular Unitarian minister, brought me to a standstill by a criticism of Marx which I did not understand. This was the first appearance in Socialist controversy of the value theory of Jevons, published in 1871. Professor Edgeworth and Mr. Wicksteed, to whom Jevons appealed as a mathematician, were at that time trying to convince the academic world of the importance of Jevons's theory; but I, not being a mathematician, was not easily accessible to their methods of demonstration. I consented to reply to Mr. Wicksteed on the express condition that the editor of To-day, in which my reply appeared, should find space for a rejoinder by Mr. Wicksteed. My reply, which was not bad for a fake, and contained the germ of the economic argument for equality of income which I put forward twenty-five years later, elicited only a brief rejoinder; but the upshot was that I put myself into Mr. Wicksteed's hands and became a convinced Jevonian, fascinated by the subtlety of Jevons's theory and the exquisiteness with which it adapted itself to all the cases which had driven previous economists, including Marx, to take refuge in clumsy distinctions between use value, exchange value, labour value, supply and demand value, and the rest of the muddlements of that time.

Accordingly, the abstract economics of the Fabian Essays are, as regards value, the economics of Jevons. As regards rent they are the economics of Ricardo, which I, having thrown myself into the study of abstract economics, had learnt from Ricardo's own works and from De Quincey's Logic of Political Economy. I maintained, as I still do, that the older economists, writing before Socialism had arisen as a possible alternative to Commercialism and a menace to its vested interests, were far more candid in their statements and thorough in their reasoning than their successors, and was fond of citing the references in De Quincey and Austin's Lectures on Jurisprudence to the country gentleman system and the evils of capitalism, as instances of frankness upon which no modern professor dare venture.

The economical and moral identity of capital and interest with land and rent was popularly demonstrated by Olivier in Tract 7 on Capital and Land, and put into strict academic form by Sidney Webb. The point was of importance at a time when the distinction was still so strongly maintained that the Fabian Society was compelled to exclude Land Nationalizers, both before and after their development into Single Taxers, because they held that though land and rent should be socialized, capital and interest must remain private property.

This really exhausts the history of the Fabian Society as far as abstract economic theory is concerned. Activity in that department was confined to Webb and myself. Later on, Pease's interest in banking and currency led him to contribute some criticism of the schemes of the currency cranks who infest all advanced movements, flourishing the paper money of the Guernsey Market, and to give the Society some positive guidance as to the rapid integration of modern banking. But this was an essay in applied economics. It may be impossible to draw a line between the old abstract deductive economics and the modern historical concrete economics; but the fact remains that though the water may be the same, the tide has turned. A comparison of my exposition of the law of rent in my first Fabian Essay and in my Impossibilities of Anarchism with the Webbs' great Histories of Trade Unionism and of Industrial Democracy will illustrate the difference between the two schools.

The departure was made by Graham Wallas, who, abandoning the deductive construction of intellectual theorems, made an exhaustive study of the Chartist movement. It is greatly to be regretted that these lectures were not effectively published. Their delivery wrought a tremendous disillusion as to the novelty of our ideas and methods of propaganda; much new gospel suddenly appeared to us as stale failure; and we recognized that there had been weak men before Agamemnon, even as far back as in Cromwell's army. The necessity for mastering the history of our own movement and falling into our ordered place in it became apparent; and it was in this new frame of mind that the monumental series of works by the Webbs came into existence. Wallas's Life of Francis Place shows his power of reconstructing a popular agitation with a realism which leaves the conventional imaginary version of it punctured and flaccid; and it was by doing the same for the Chartist movement that he left his mark on us.

Of the other Essayists, Olivier had wrestled with the huge Positive Philosophy of Comte, who thus comes in as a Fabian influence. William Clarke was a disciple of Mazzini, and found Emerson, Thoreau, and the Brook Farm enthusiasts congenial to him. Bland, who at last became a professed Catholic, was something of a Coleridgian transcendentalist, though he treated a copy of Bakunin's God and the State to a handsome binding. Mrs. Besant's spiritual history has been written by herself. Wallas brought to bear a wide scholastic culture of the classic type, in which modern writers, though interesting, were not fundamental. The general effect, it will be perceived, is very much wider and more various than that suggested by Mr. Ernest Barker's remark that Mill was our starting point.

It is a curious fact that of the three great propagandist amateurs of political economy, Henry George, Marx, and Ruskin, Ruskin alone seems to have had no effect on the Fabians. Here and there in the Socialist movement workmen turned up who had read Fors Clavigera or Unto This Last; and some of the more well-to-do no doubt had read the first chapter of Munera Pulveris. But Ruskin's name was hardly mentioned in the Fabian Society. My explanation is that, barring Olivier, the Fabians were inveterate Philistines. My efforts to induce them to publish Richard Wagner's Art and Revolution, and, later on, Oscar Wilde's The Soul of Man under Socialism, or even to do justice to Morris's News From Nowhere, fell so flat that I doubt whether my colleagues were even conscious of them. Our best excuse must be that as a matter of practical experience English political societies do good work and present a dignified appearance whilst they attend seriously to their proper political business; but, to put it bluntly, they make themselves ridiculous and attract undesirables when they affect art and philosophy. The Arts and Crafts exhibitions, the Anti-Scrape (Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings), and the Art Workers' Guild, under Morris and Crane, kept up a very intimate connection between Art and Socialism; but the maintenance of Fabian friendly relations with them was left mostly to me and Stewart Headlam. The rest kept aloof and consoled themselves with the reflection—if they thought about it at all—that the Utilitarians, though even more Philistine than the Fabians, were astonishingly effective for their numbers.

It must be added that though the tradition that Socialism excludes the established creeds was overthrown by the Fabians, and the claim of the Christian Socialists to rank with the best of us was insisted on faithfully by them, the Fabian leaders did not break the tradition in their own practice. The contention of the Anti-Socialist Union that all Socialists are atheists is no doubt ridiculous in the face of the fact that the intellectual opposition to Socialism has been led exclusively by avowed atheists like Charles Bradlaugh or agnostics like Herbert Spencer, whilst Communism claims Jesus as an exponent; still, if the question be raised as to whether any of the Fabian Essayists attended an established place of worship regularly, the reply must be in the negative. Indeed, they were generally preaching themselves on Sundays. To describe them as irreligious in view of their work would be silly; but until Hubert Bland towards the end of his life took refuge in the Catholic Church, and Mrs. Besant devoted herself to Theosophy, no leading Fabian found a refuge for his soul in the temples of any established denomination. I may go further and admit that the first problems the Fabians had to solve were so completely on the materialist plane that the atmosphere inevitably became uncongenial to those whose capacity was wasted and whose sympathies were starved on that plane. Even psychical research, with which Pease and Podmore varied their Fabian activities, tended fatally towards the exposure of alleged psychical phenomena as physical tricks. The work that came to our hands in our first two decades was materialistic work; and it was not until the turn of the century brought us the Suffrage movement and the Wells raid, that the materialistic atmosphere gave way, and the Society began to retain recruits of a kind that it always lost in the earlier years as it lost Mrs. Besant and (virtually) William Clarke. It is certainly perceptibly less hard-headed than it was in its first period.



Here I venture to say, with some confidence, that Mr. Barker is mistaken. That storm has burst on the Fabian Society and has left it just where it was. Guild Socialism, championed by the ablest and most industrious insurgents of the rising generation in the Society, raised its issue with Collectivism only to discover, when the matter, after a long agitation, was finally thrashed out at a conference at Barrow House, that the issue was an imaginary one, and that Collectivism lost nothing by the fullest tenable concessions to the Guild Socialists. A very brief consideration will shew that this was inevitable.

Guild Socialism, in spite of its engaging medieval name, means nothing more picturesque than a claim that under Socialism each industry shall be controlled by its own operators, as the professions are to-day. This by itself would not imply Socialism at all: it would be merely a revival of the medieval guild, or a fresh attempt at the now exploded self-governing workshop of the primitive co-operators. Guild Socialism, with the emphasis on the Socialism, implies that the industries, however completely they may be controlled by their separate staffs, must pool their products. All the Guild Socialists admit this. The Socialist State must therefore include an organ for receiving and distributing the pooled products; and such an organ, representing the citizen not as producer but as consumer, reintroduces the whole machinery of Collectivism. Thus the alleged antithesis between Guild Socialism and Collectivism, under cover of which the one was presented as an alternative to the other, vanished at the first touch of the skilled criticism the Fabians brought to bear on it; and now Mrs. Sidney Webb, who was singled out for attack by the Guild Socialists as the arch Collectivist, is herself conducting an investigation into the existing control of industry by professional organizations, whilst the quondam Guild Socialists are struggling with the difficult question of the proper spheres of the old form of Trade Union now called the craft union, and the new form called the industrial union, in which workers of all crafts and occupations, from clerks and railway porters to locomotive drivers and fitters, are organized in a single union of the entire industry. There is work enough for many years to some of the old Fabian kind in these directions; and this work will irresistibly reunite the disputants instead of perpetuating a quarrel in which, like most of the quarrels which the Society has survived, there was nothing fundamental at issue.

There is work, too, to be done in the old abstract deductive department. It can be seen, throughout the history of the Society, how any attempt to discard the old economic basis of the law of rent immediately produced a recrudescence of Anarchism in one form or another, the latest being Syndicalism and that form of Guild Socialism which was all Guild and no Socialism. But there is still much to be settled by the deductive method. The fundamental question of the proportions in which the national income, when socialized, shall be distributed, was not grappled with until 1914, when I, lecturing on behalf of the Society, delivered my final conclusion that equal distribution is the only solution that will realize the ideals of Socialism, and that it is in fact the economic goal of Socialism. This is not fully accepted as yet in the movement, in which there is still a strong leaven of the old craving for an easy-going system which, beginning with "the socialization of the means of production, distribution, and exchange," will then work out automatically without interference with the citizen's private affairs.

Another subject which has hardly yet been touched, and which also must begin with deductive treatment, is what may be called the democratization of democracy, and its extension from a mere negative and very uncertain check on tyranny to a positive organizing force. No experienced Fabian believes that society can be reconstructed (or rather constructed; for the difficulty is that society is as yet only half rescued from chaos) by men of the type produced by popular election under existing circumstances, or indeed under any circumstances likely to be achieved before the reconstruction. The fact that a hawker cannot ply his trade without a licence whilst a man may sit in Parliament without any relevant qualifications is a typical and significant anomaly which will certainly not be removed by allowing everybody to be a hawker at will. Sooner or later, unless democracy is to be discarded in a reaction of disgust such as killed it in ancient Athens, democracy itself will demand that only such men should be presented to its choice as have proved themselves qualified for more serious and disinterested work than "stoking up" election meetings to momentary and foolish excitement. Without qualified rulers a Socialist State is impossible; and it must not be forgotten (though the reminder is as old as Plato) that the qualified men may be very reluctant men instead of very ambitious ones.

Here, then, are two very large jobs already in sight to occupy future Fabians. Whether they will call themselves Fabians and begin by joining the Fabian Society is a question which will not be settled by the generation to which I belong.


Appendix II

The Basis of the Fabian Society

The Fabian Society consists of Socialists.

It therefore aims at the reorganisation of Society by the emancipation of Land and Industrial Capital from individual and class ownership, and the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit. In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of the country be equitably shared by the whole people.

The Society accordingly works for the extinction of private property in Land and of the consequent individual appropriation, in the form of Rent, of the price paid for permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of superior soils and sites.

The Society, further, works for the transfer to the community of the administration of such industrial Capital as can conveniently be managed socially. For, owing to the monopoly of the means of production in the past, industrial inventions and the transformation of surplus income into Capital have mainly enriched the proprietary class, the worker being now dependent on that class for leave to earn a living.

If these measures be carried out, without compensation (though not without such relief to expropriated individuals as may seem fit to the community), Rent and Interest will be added to the reward of labour, the idle class now living on the labour of others will necessarily disappear, and practical equality of opportunity will be maintained by the spontaneous action of economic forces with much less interference with personal liberty than the present system entails.

For the attainment of these ends the Fabian Society looks to the spread of Socialist opinions, and the social and political changes consequent thereon, including the establishment of equal citizenship for men and women.[58] It seeks to achieve these ends by the general dissemination of knowledge as to the relation between the individual and Society in its economic, ethical, and political aspects.


[58] The words in italics were added in 1907. See page 177.

Appendix III

List of the names and the years of office of the ninety-six members of the Executive Committee, 1884-1915

The full term of office is from April to March, and such an entry as 1901-2 usually means one year's office. Membership has been terminated in many cases by resignation, in the great majority by refusal to stand for re-election, in perhaps a dozen cases by defeat, and never by death.

Alden, Percy, M.P., 1903-7. Allen, Clifford, 1912 to date. Anderson, R. Wherry, 1898-1903. Atkinson, Miss Mabel, 1909 to date.

Ball, Sidney, 1907-8. Banner, Robert, 1892. Barker, Granville, 1907-12. Bentham, Dr. Ethel, 1909-14. Bentinck, Mrs. R. Cavendish, 1911-13. Besant, Mrs. Annie, 1886-90. Bland, Hubert, 1884-1911. Honorary Treasurer 1884-1911. Blatch, Mrs. Stanton, 1894-5. Bray, Reginald A., 1911-12. Brooke, Miss Emma, 1893-6.

Cameron, Miss Mary, 1893-4. Campbell, Rev. R.J., 1908-9. Charrington, Charles, 1899-1904. Chesterton, Cecil E., 1904-7. Clarke, William, 1888-91. Cole, G.D.H., 1914-15.

Davies, Emil, 1911 to date. Dearmer, Rev. Percy, 1895-8. Dell, Robert E., 1890-3; 1898-9. De Mattos, W.S., 1890-4. Dodd, F. Lawson, 1900 to date. Honorary Treasurer 1911 to date.

Ensor, R.C.K., 1907-11; 1912 to date. Ervine, St. John G., 1913 to date.

Fairfield, Dr. Letitia, 1915 to date.

Galton, F.W., 1901-7. Garnett, Mrs. Constance, 1894-5. Gillespie, H.J., 1914. Green, J.F. 1899-1900. Griffith, N.L., 1892-3. Grover, Miss Mary, 1890-2. Guest, L. Haden, 1907-11

Hammill, Fred, 1892-5. Harben, Henry D., 1911 to date Harris, Mrs. O'Brien (Miss Mary O'Brien), 1898-1901. Headlam, Rev. Stewart D., 1890-1; 1901-11. Hoatson, Miss Alice, 1890-2. Assistant Hon. Secretary 1885-6. Hobson, Samuel G., 1900-9. Holding, H. Bond, 1894-6. Hutchins, Miss B.L., 1907-12.

Keddell, Frederick, 1884-5. Honorary Secretary 1884-5.

Lawrence F.W. Pethick, 1907-8. Lawrence, Miss Susan (L.C.C.), 1912 to date. Lloyd, C.M., 1912-15. Lowerison, Harry (Bellerby), 1891-2.

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (M.P.), 1894-1900. Macpherson, Mrs. Fenton, 1900-1. Macrosty, Henry W., 1895-1907. Mallet, Mrs. L.T., 1890-2. Mann, Tom, 1896. Martin, John W., 1894-9. Massingham, H.W., 1891-3. Matthews, John E. (L.C.C.), 1901-2. Maude, Aylmer, 1907-12. Money, (Sir) Leo Chiozza (M.P.), 1908-11. Morley, Professor Edith, 1914 to date. Morris, Miss May, 1896-8. Morten, Miss Honor, 1895-8. Muggeridge, H.T., 1903-5. Murby, Miss M.B., 1907-13.

Oakeshott, Joseph F., 1890-1902. Olivier (Sir), Sydney (K.C.M.G.), 1887-1899. Honorary Secretary 1886-9.

Pease, Edward R., 1885-6; 1890 to date. Honorary Secretary 1886, and 1914 to date. Secretary 1890-1913. Phillips, Dr. Marion, 1913-14. Phillips, W.L., 1887-8. Podmore, Frank, 1884; 1886-8. Priestley, Miss (Mrs. Bart Kennedy), 1896-8. Assistant Secretary, 1892-5.

Reeves, Mrs. Pember, 1907 to date.

Sanders, W. Stephen, 1904 to date. Organising Secretary 1907-13. General Secretary 1914 to date. Sandham, Mrs., 1891-3. Sharp, Clifford D., 1909-14. Shaw, G. Bernard, 1885-1911. Shaw, Mrs. Bernard (Miss Payne Townshend), 1898-1915. Slesser, Henry H., 1910-14. Smith, Miss Ellen, 1915 to date. Snell, Harry, 1912 to date. Snowden, Mrs. Philip, 1908-9. Sparling, H. Halliday, 1892-4. Squire, J.C., 1914 to date. Standring, George, 1893-1908; 1909-11.

Taylor, G.R.S., 1905-8. Townshend, Mrs. Emily C., 1915.

Utley, W.H., 1892-4.

Wallas, Graham, 1888-1895. Webb, Sidney, 1886 to date. Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 1912 to date. Wells, H.G., 1907-8. Wells, Mrs. H.G., 1908-10.

West, Julius, 1915 to date. Secretary of Research Department, etc., 1908-12. Whelen, Frederick, 1896-1901; 1902-4. Williams, Ernest E., 1893-4. Wilson, Mrs. C.M., 1885-7; 1911-15. Wood, Mrs. Esther, 1902-3.

Appendix IV

Complete List of Fabian Publications, 1884-1915, with names of authors


The printing of the author's name in italics signifies that the tract was adopted and probably amended by the Society and that it was issued without the author's name. In the other cases the author's name is given in the tract, and as a rule the tract was approved for publication as a whole: a star to the author's name signifies "not a member of the Society."



1. Why are the Many Poor? 4 pp. W.L. Phillips.

2. A Manifesto. 4 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.


3. To Provident Landlords and Capitalists: A Suggestion and a Warning. 4 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.


4. What Socialism Is. 12 pp. Mrs. C.M. Wilson and others.


5. Facts for Socialists. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.

6. The True Radical Programme (Fabian Parliamentary League). 12 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.


7. Capital and Land. 16 pp. (Sir) Sydney Olivier.


8. Facts for Londoners. 56 pp. Sidney Webb.

9. An Eight Hours Bill. 16 pp. Do.

10. Figures for Londoners. 4 pp. Do.


11. The Workers' Political Programme. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

12. Practical Land Nationalisation. 4 pp. Do.

13. What Socialism Is. 4 pp. Bernard Shaw.

14. The New Reform Bill. 20 pp. J.F. Oakeshott and others.

15. English Progress towards Social Democracy. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.

16. A Plea for an Eight Hours Bill. 4 pp. Sidney Webb.

17. Reform of the Poor Law. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

18. Facts for Bristol. 20 pp. (Sir) Hartmann W. Just.

19. What the Farm Labourer Wants. 4 pp. Sidney Webb.

20. Questions for Poor Law Guardians. 4 pp. S.W. Group.

21. Questions for London Vestrymen. 4 pp. C. Foulger.

22. The Truth about Leasehold Enfranchisement. 4 pp. Sidney Webb.


23. The Case for an Eight Hours Bill. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.

24. Questions for Parliamentary Candidates. 4 pp. Do.

25. Questions for School Board Candidates. 4 pp. Do.

26. Questions for London County Councillors. 4 pp. Do.

27. Questions for Town Councillors. 4 pp. Rev. C. Peach.

28. Questions for County Council Candidates (Rural). 4 pp. F. Hudson.

29. What to Read. 48 pp. Graham Wallas (1st edition). (Fifth edition, 1910, not included in the series.)

30. The Unearned Increment. 4 pp. Sidney Webb.

31. London's Heritage in the City Guilds. 4 pp. Sidney Webb.

32. The Municipalisation of the Gas Supply. 4 pp. Do.

33. Municipal Tramways. 4 pp. Do.

34. London's Water Tribute. 4 pp. Do.

35. The Municipalisation of the London Docks. 4 pp. Do.

36. The Scandal of London's Markets. 4 pp. Do.

37. A Labour Policy for Public Authorities. 4 pp. Do.

38. Welsh Translation of No. 1.


39. A Democratic Budget. 16 pp. J.F. Oakeshott.

40. Fabian Election Manifesto. 16 pp. Bernard Shaw.

41. The Fabian Society: What it has done and how it has done it. 32 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.

42. Christian Socialism. 16 pp. Rev. Stewart D. Headlam.

43. Vote! Vote! Vote! 2 pp. Bernard Shaw.


44. A Plea for Poor Law Reform. 4 pp. Frederick Whelen.

45. Impossibilities of Anarchism. 28 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.

46. Socialism and Sailors. 16 pp. B.T. Hall.

47. The Unemployed. (Rt. Hon.) John Burns.

48. Eight Hours by Law. Henry W. Macrosty.


49. A Plan of Campaign for Labour. 28 pp. G. Bernard Shaw.

50. Sweating: Its Cause and Remedy. 16 pp. H.W. Macrosty.

51. Socialism: True and False. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

52. State Education at Home and Abroad. 16 pp. J.W. Martin.

53. The Parish Councils Act: What it is and how to work it. 20 pp. (Rt. Hon.) Herbert Samuel.*

54. Humanising of the Poor Law. 24 pp. J.F. Oakeshott.

55. The Workers' School Board Programme. 20 pp. J.W. Martin.

56. Questions for Parish Council Candidates. 4 pp. (Rt. Hon.) Herbert Samuel.*

57. Questions for Rural District Council Candidates. 4 pp. (Rt. Hon.) Herbert Samuel.*

58. Allotments and How to Get Them. 4 pp. (Rt. Hon.) Herbert Samuel.*

59. Questions for Candidates for Urban District Councils. 4 pp.

60. The London Vestries: What they are and what they do. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.


61. The London County Council: What it is and what it does. 16 pp. J.F. Oakeshott.

62. Parish and District Councils: What they are and what they can do. 16 pp. (No. 53 re-written.)

63. Parish Council Cottages and how to get them. 4 pp. Edw. R. Pease.

64. How to Lose and how to Win an Election. 2 pp. Ramsay Macdonald.

65. Trade Unionists and Politics. 2 pp. F.W. Galton.

66. A Program for Workers. 2 pp. Edw. R. Pease.


67. Women and the Factory Acts. 16 pp. Mrs. Sidney Webb.

68. The Tenant's Sanitary Catechism. 4 pp. Arthur Hickmott.

69. The Difficulties of Individualism. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

70. Report on Fabian Policy. 16 pp. Bernard Shaw.

71. The (London) Tenant's Sanitary Catechism. 4 pp. Miss Grove.

72. The Moral Aspects of Socialism. 24 pp. Sidney Ball.

73. The Case for State Pensions in Old Age. 16 pp. George Turner.

74. The State and Its Functions in New Zealand. 16 pp. The Hon. W.P. Reeves.*


75. Labour in the Longest Reign. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

76. Houses for the People. 20 pp. Arthur Hickmott.

77. The Municipalisation of Tramways. 16 pp. F.T.H. Henle.

78. Socialism and the Teaching of Christ. 16 pp. Rev. John Clifford, D.D.

79. A Word of Remembrance and Caution to the Rich. 16 pp. John Woolman.*

80. Shop Life and its Reform. 16 pp. William Johnson.

81. Municipal Water. 4 pp. C.M. Knowles.*

82. The Workmen's Compensation Act. 20 pp. C.R. Allen, junr.

83. State Arbitration and the Living Wage. 16 pp. H.W. Macrosty.

84. The Economics of Direct Employment. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.

85. Liquor Licensing at Home and Abroad. 16 pp. Edw. R. Pease.

86. Municipal Drink Traffic. 20 pp. Edw. R. Pease.


87. A Welsh Translation of No. 78. 16 pp.

88. The Growth of Monopoly in English Industry. 16 pp. Henry W. Macrosty.

89. Old Age Pensions at Work. 4 pp. Bullock.

90. The Municipalisation of the Milk Supply. 4 pp. Dr. G.F. McCleary.

91. Municipal Pawnshops. 4 pp. Charles Charrington.

92. Municipal Slaughterhouses. 4 pp. George Standring.


93. Women as Councillors. 4 pp. Bernard Shaw.

94. Municipal Bakeries. 4 pp. Dr. G.F. McCleary.

95. Municipal Hospitals. 4 pp. Do.

96. Municipal Fire Insurance. 4 pp. (1901). Mrs. Fenton Macpherson.

97. Municipal Steamboats. 4 pp. (1901). S.D. Shallard.

98. State Railways for Ireland. 16 pp. Clement Edwards (M.P.).

99. Local Government in Ireland. C.R. Allen, junr.

100. Metropolitan Borough Councils: Their Powers and Duties. 20 pp. Henry W. Macrosty.

101. The House Famine and How to Relieve it. 52 pp. Various.

102. Questions for Candidates: Metropolitan Borough Councils. 4 pp. H.W. Macrosty.

103. Overcrowding in London and its Remedy. 16 pp. W.C. Steadman, M.P.

104. How Trade Unions Benefit Workmen. 4 pp. Edw. R. Pease.


105. Five Years' Fruit of the Parish Councils Act. 24 pp Sidney Webb.

106. The Education Muddle and the Way Out. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

107. Socialism for Millionaires. 16 pp. Bernard Shaw.

108. Twentieth Century Politics: A Policy of National Efficiency. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.


109. Cottage Plans and Common Sense. 16 pp. Raymond Unwin.

110. Problems of Indian Poverty. 16 pp. S.S. Thorburn.*

111. Reform of Reformatories and Industrial Schools. 16 pp. H.T. Holmes.

112. Life in the Laundry. 16 pp. Dr. G.F. McCleary.


113. Communism. 16 pp. William Morris.* Preface by Bernard Shaw.

114. The Education Act, 1902. How to make the best of it. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

115. State Aid to Agriculture. 16 pp. T.S. Dymond.*


116. Fabianism and the Fiscal Question: An Alternative Policy. 28 pp. Bernard Shaw.

117. The London Education Act, 1903: How to make the best of it. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

118. The Secret of Rural Depopulation. 20 pp. Lieut.-Col. D.C. Pedder.*


119. Public Control of Electric Power and Transit. 16 pp. S.G. Hobson.

120. After Bread, Education. 16 pp. Hubert Bland.

121. Public Service versus Private Expenditure. 12 pp. Sir Oliver Lodge.*

122. Municipal Milk and Public Health. 20 pp. F. Lawson. Dodd.

123. The Revival of Agriculture: A National Policy for Great Britain. 24 pp. Henry W. Macrosty.

124. State Control of Trusts. 16 pp. Henry W. Macrosty.

125. Municipalisation by Provinces. 16 pp. W. Stephen Sanders.


126. The Abolition of Poor Law Guardians. 24 pp. Edw. R. Pease.

127. Socialism and Labour Policy. 16 pp. Hubert Bland (Editor).

128. The Case for a Legal Minimum Wage. 20 pp. W. Stephen Sanders.

129. More Books to Read. 20 pp. Edw. R. Pease.


130. Home Work and Sweating: The Causes and Remedies. 20 pp. Miss B.L. Hutchins.

131. The Decline in the Birth-rate. 20 pp. Sidney Webb.

132. A Guide to Books for Socialists. 12 pp. "The Nursery."

133. Socialism and Christianity. 24 pp. Rev. Percy Dearmer, D.D.

134. Small Holdings, Allotments, and Common Pastures. 4 pp. Revised edition of No. 58.

135. Paupers and Old Age Pensions. 16 pp. Sidney Webb.

136. The Village and the Landlord. 12 pp. Edward Carpenter.


137. Parish Councils and Village Life. 28pp. Revised version of No. 105.

138. Municipal Trading. 20 pp. Aylmer Maude.

139. Socialism and the Churches. 16 pp. Rev. John Clifford, D.D.

140. Child Labour Under Capitalism. 20 pp. Mrs. Hylton Dale.


141. (Welsh Translation of No. 139).

142. Rent and Value. 12 pp. Adapted by Mrs. Bernard Shaw from Fabian Essays, The Economic Basis.

143. Sosialaeth Yng Ngoleuni'R Beibl (Welsh). J.R. Jones.

144. Machinery: Its Masters and its Servants. 20 pp. H.H. Schloesser (Slesser) and Clement Game.

145. The Case for School Nurseries. 20 pp. Mrs. Townshend.

146. Socialism and Superior Brains. A Reply to Mr. Mallock. 24 pp. Bernard Shaw.

147. Capital and Compensation. 16 pp. Edward R. Pease.

148. What a Health Committee can do. 16 pp. Miss B.L. Hutchins.


149. The Endowment of Motherhood. 24 pp. Henry D. Harben.

150. State Purchase of Railways: A Practicable Scheme. 24 pp. Emil Davies.

151. The Point of Honour. A Correspondence on Aristocracy and Socialism. 16 pp. Mrs. Ruth Cavendish Bentinck.


152. Our Taxes as they are and as they ought to be. 20 pp. Robert Jones.

153. The Twentieth Century Reform Bill. 20 pp. Henry H. Schloesser (Slesser).

154. The Case for School Clinics. 16 pp. L. Haden Guest.

155. The Case against the Referendum. 20 pp. Clifford D. Sharp.

156. What an Education Committee can do (Elementary Schools). 36 pp. The Education Group.

157. The Working Life of Women. 16 pp. Miss B.L. Hutchins.

158. The Case Against the Charity Organisation Society. 20 pp. Mrs. Townshend.

159. The Necessary Basis of Society. 12 pp. Sidney Webb.

160. A National Medical Service. 20 pp. F. Lawson Dodd.


161. Afforestation and Unemployment. 16 pp. Arthur P. Grenfell.

162. Family Life on a Pound a Week. 24 pp. Mrs. Pember Reeves.

163. Women and Prisons. 28 pp. Helen Blagg and Charlotte Wilson.

164. Gold and State Banking. A Study in the Economics of Monopoly. 20 pp. Edward R. Pease.

165. Francis Place: The Tailor of Charing Cross. 28 pp. St. John G. Ervine.

166. Robert Owen: Social Reformer. 24 pp. Miss B.L. Hutchins.

167. William Morris and the Communist Ideal. 24 pp. Mrs. Townshend.


168. John Stuart Mill. 24 pp. Julius West.

169. The Socialist Movement in Germany. 28 pp. W. Stephen Sanders.

170. Profit-Sharing and Co-partnership: A fraud and a failure? 16 pp. Edward R. Pease.

171. The Nationalisation of Mines and Minerals Bill. 16 pp. Henry H. Schloesser (Slesser).

172. What about the Rates, or Municipal Finance and Municipal Autonomy. 12 pp. Sidney Webb.

173. Public versus Private Electricity Supply. 20 pp. C. Ashmore Baker.*


174. Charles Kingsley and Christian Socialism. 28 pp. Colwyn E. Vulliamy.

175. The Economic Foundations of the Women's Movement. 24 pp. M.A. (Mabel Atkinson).

176. War and the Workers. Handbook of some immediate measures to prevent Unemployment and relieve distress. 24 pp. Sidney Webb.


177. Socialism and the Arts of Use. 16 pp. A. Clutton Brock.

178. The War; Women; and Unemployment. 28 pp. The Women's Group Executive.


Those without any publisher's name were published by the Society.

The Government Organisation of Unemployed Labour. Report made by a Committee to the Fabian Society and ordered to be printed for the information of members. 1886. pp. 24. N.P. Sidney Webb and Frank Podmore.

Fabian Essays in Socialism. Edited by Bernard Shaw. 1889. 1st edition, 6s. Subsequent editions published by Walter Scott.

Report on Municipal Tramways, presented to the Richmond (Surrey) Town Council by Aid. Thompson.* Reprinted for the Society by special permission. 4to. pp. 20. 1898. 6d.

Labour in the Longest Reign: 1837-1897. By Sidney Webb. A reprint of Tract No. 75. Grant Richards, pp. 62. 1897. 1s.

Fabianism and the Empire. A Manifesto by the Fabian Society. Edited by Bernard Shaw. pp. 101. Grant Richards. 1900. 1s.

Fabianism and the Fiscal Question: An Alternative Policy. Special edition of Tract 116; with a preface by Bernard Shaw. pp. 39. 1904. 1s.

This Misery of Boots. By H.G. Wells. Cover designed by A.G. Watts, pp. 48. 1907. 3d.

Tract Index and Catalogue Raisonne of Tracts Nos. 1 to 139. Pp. 35. 1908. 3d.

Those Wretched Rates, a dialogue. By F.W. Hayes, pp. 16. 1908. 1d.

Ballads and Lyrics of Socialism, 1883-1908. By E. Nesbit (Mrs. Hubert Bland), pp. 80. A.C. Fifield. 1908. 6d. and 1s.

Break Up the Poor Law and Abolish the Workhouse. Being Part I of the Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission 1909. pp. 601. 2s. By Sidney and Beatrice Webb.

The Remedy for Unemployment. Being Part II. 1909. pp. 345. 1s. By Sidney and Beatrice Webb.

A Summary of Six Papers and Discussions upon the Disabilities of Women as Workers.

The writers of the papers: Miss Emma Brooke, Dr. Constance Long,* Mrs. Ernestine Mills, Mrs. Gallichan (G. Gasquoine Hartley), Miss Millicent Murby, Dr. Ethel Bentham.

Issued for private circulation only by the Fabian Women's Group, pp. 24. 1909.

Summary of Eight Papers and Discussions upon the Disabilities of Mothers as Workers.

The writers of the papers: Mrs. Pember Reeves, Dr. Ethel Vaughan Sawyer,* Mrs. Spence Weiss,* Mrs. Bartrick Baker, Mrs. Stanbury, Mrs. S.K. Ratcliffe, Miss B.L. Hutchins, Mrs. O'Brien Harris.

Issued for private circulation only by the Fabian Women's Group, pp. 32. 1910.

What to Read on

Social and Economic Subjects. 5th edition. Earlier editions published as Tract No. 29. pp. 52. P.S. King and Son. 1910. 1s.

Songs for Socialists, compiled by the Fabian Society. A.C. Fifield. 1912. 3d.

The Rural Problem. By Henry D. Harben. pp. 169. Constable and Co. 1913. 2s. 6d. net.

Women Workers in Seven Professions. A survey of their economic conditions and prospects. Edited for the Studies Committee of the Fabian Women's Group. By Edith J. Morley. pp. xxii+318. G. Routledge and Sons. 1914. 6s.

Wage-Earning Women and their Dependents. By Ellen Smith on behalf of the Executive Committee of the Women's Group, pp. 36. 1915. 1s. net.


The whole of the numbered tracts at any time in print are sold as a bound volume with a title-page. As the complete set is in demand and as every few months a new tract is published, or an old one is sold out, the sets are usually bound a dozen at a time, and each dozen differs as a rule from all the rest. Price now 5s. net.


Published for the Society by A.C. Fifield at 6d. and is net each.

I. Socialism and Religion. Reprint of Tracts, Nos. 42, 78, 133, and 79. pp. 87. 1908.

II. Socialism and Agriculture. Reprint of Tracts, Nos. 136, 118, 115, and 123. pp. 94. 1908.

III. Socialism and Individualism. Reprint of Tracts, Nos. 69, 45, 72, and 121. pp. 102. 1908.

IV. The Basis and Policy of Socialism. Reprint of Tracts, Nos. 5, 7, 51, and 108. pp. 95. 1908.

V. The Common Sense of Municipal Trading. By Bernard Shaw. Reprint with a new preface, pp. 120. 1908.

VI. Socialism and National Minimum. Papers by Mrs. Sidney Webb and Miss B.L. Hutchins, and reprint of Tract No. 128. pp. 91. 1909.

VII. Wastage of Child Life, as exemplified by Conditions in Lancashire. By J. Johnston, M.D.* A reprint, pp. 95. 1909.

VIII. Socialism and Superior Brains. Reprint of Tract, No. 146. pp. 59. 1910.

IX. The Theory and Practice of Trade Unionism. By J.H. Greenwood. Preface by Sidney Webb. pp. 70. 1911.


New Statesman Supplements:

Industrial Organisation in Germany, Report. By W.S. Sanders. 1913. 8 pp. folio.

National Insurance Act. First Draft Report of the Insurance Committee. March 14, 1914. 32 pp. folio, 1s.

Co-operative Production and Profit-Sharing. February 14, 1914. 32 pp. folio. 2s. 6d.

Co-operative Movement. Drafts of the first two parts of the Report on the Control of Industry. By Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb. May 30, 1914. 36 pp. folio, 1s.

Industrial Insurance. March 13, 1915. 32 pp. folio, 1s.

State and Municipal Enterprise. Draft Report. By Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb. May 8, 1915. 32 pp. folio, 1s.

Suggestions for the Prevention of War.

Part I. By L.S. Woolf. July 10, 1915. 24 pp. folio, 1s.

Part II. By the International Agreements Committee July 17, 1915. 8 pp. folio, 1s.

English Teachers and their Professional Organisation. Monograph by Mrs. Sidney Webb.

Part I. September 25, 1915. 24 pp. folio. 6d.

Part II. October 2, 1915. 24 pp. folio. 6d.

Labour Year Book, 1915-16, issued under the auspices of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress, the Executive Committee of the Labour Party, and the Fabian Research Department. 1915. 704 pp. 1s., and 2s. 6d.


Of the principal references to people and subjects


Agriculture, 15, 47, 157, 228 Alden, Percy, 153, 172, 231 Allen, Clifford, 195, 225, 234 Anarchism, 49, 53, 66 Arts Group, The, 188


Balfour, Rt. Hon. Arthur J., 45, 142 Ball, Sidney, 103, 180, 183 Barker, Ernest, 244, 258 Barker, Granville, 180, 186 Barnett, Canon, 16 Basis, The Fabian, 71, 169, 177, 178, 231, 269 Bax, Belfort, 66 Beale, Mr., 112 Bentham, Jeremy, 244 Bernstein, Edward, 239 Besant, Mrs. Annie, joins, 47; her position, 64; Fabian Essay, 92; resigns, 98; lecture, 187 Birth-rate, 160 Bland, Hubert, 31, 35, 222, 223, 265 Book-boxes, 121 Brooke, Miss Emma, 190 Brooke, Rupert, 234 Brooke, Rev. Stopford, 69 Burns, Rt. Hon. John, 67, 83, 110, 217 Butler, Samuel, 105


Campbell, Rev. R.J., 187 Carpenter, Edward, 36 Champion, H.H., 25, 31, 69, 75 Charrington, Charles, 131, 133 Christian Socialism, 25, 83 Chubb, Percival, 29, 69 Clarke, William, 31, 33; joins, 47; position, 64, 123 Clifford, Dr. John, 129 Cole, G.D.H., 230 Comte, Auguste, 14, 18, 263 Conference, of 1886, 55; of 1892, 106; of later years, 197 Conscription, 137 Co-operation, 44, 92, 114, 228 Cox, Harold, 46 Crane, Walter, 66, 71, 75, 88, 129, 131, 133, 264 Crooks, Rt. Hon. Will, 129, 152, 155


Darwin, Charles, 15 Davidson, Thomas, 26, 28 Decline of birth-rate, 160 De Mattos, W.S., 93, 105, 123 Democratic Federation, 24, 38, 49 Dock Strike, 75, 83, 114 Dodd, F. Lawson, 129, 131, 172, 202 Drink Trade, Municipal, 159


Edgeworth, Professor, 260 Education, 142 Education Group, 185 Eight Hours Bill, 84, 203 Elections, of 1892, 108, 112; of 1906, 152; of 1910, 220 Ellis, Havelock, 29, 36 Ensor, R.C.K., 180, 221 Evolution, 15, 17


"Facts for Londoners," 80 "Facts for Socialists," 69 "Fair Wages," 109, 114, 241 "Family, The," 15, 69, 175, 181 Feeding school children, 148, 203 Fellowship of the New Life, 28, 32, 35 Finance, 1884, 35; 1886, 60; 1891, 99; 1893, 100; 1908, 185


George, Henry, 16, 19, 25, 28, 38, 45, 260 "Government Organisation of Unemployed Labour," 57 Green, J. Frederick, 131, 133 Groups, Fabian, 104, 195 Guild Socialism, 230, 254


Haldane, Lord, 74, 111 Hampstead Historic, The, 65 Harben, Henry D., 222, 224, 227, 228 Hardie, J. Keir, 113, 167, 253 Headlam, Rev. Stewart D., 25, 57, 75, 94, 142, 166, 168, 172 Henderson, Rt. Hon. Arthur, 152, 155 Hobson, S.G., 130, 150, 172 Housing, 140 Huddersfield Election, 155 Hutchinson, Henry H., 95, 123 Hutchinson, Miss, 123 Huxley, T.H., 18 Hyndman, H.M., 24, 38, 51, 202, 252


Ibsen, 94 Imperialism, 135 Independent Labour Party, 63, 97, 101, 129, 202 Industrial Remuneration Conference, 44 "Intercepted Letter, An," 118 International Socialist Congress, 126, 209


Jevons, Stanley, 260 Joint Standing Committee, 202


"Kapital, Das," 24, 64, 236, 258 Keddell, Frederick, 31, 52 Kropotkin, Prince, 49, 66


Labour Party, The, 97, 116, 148, 167, 171 Lancashire Campaign, 95 Land, 47, 244, 260 Land taxation, 21, 25, 73 Lavelaye, Emile de, 16, 19 Leasehold Enfranchisement, 94, 110, 113 Lecturing, 77, 105, 108, 124 Library, 120 Local Fabian Societies, 99, 102, 191 Local Government Information Bureau, 206 London County Council, 79, 92, 109 London School Board, 109 London School of Economics, 123


Macdonald, J. Ramsay, 35, 125, 127, 129, 133, 249 Macrosty, Henry S., 131, 157, 172 Martin, J.W., 158 Marx, Karl, 23, 45, 61, 89, 236, 260 Massingham, H.W., 109, 116, 117 Maude, Aylmer, 180 Middle Class Socialist Party, 153, 172, 178, 180 Mill, John Stuart, 18, 21, 216, 244, 259 Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission, 215 Money, Sir Leo Chiozza, 169, 224 Morris, Miss May, 88 Morris, William, 23, 57, 66, 90, 183, 204, 259, 264 Motto, Fabian, 39, 165 Municipalisation, 81, 159, 242, 247


National Committee for the Prevention of Destitution, 219 National Insurance, 223 Newcastle Program, 112 Nursery, The Fabian, 189


Oakeshott, J.F., 36, 131, 158 Old Age Pensions, 159, 223 Olivier, Sir Sydney, 25; joins, 46; secretary, 65; "Capital and Land," 73; Governor of Jamaica, 128; Wells' Committee, 166; opinions, 263, 264 Owen, Miss Dale, 30, 31 Owen, Robert, 23, 241


Pankhurst, Mrs., 57, 133 Parish Councils, 121, 141 Parliamentary League, Fabian, 68, 73 Pease, Edward R., 29, 59, 80, 93, 149, 159, 232 Phillips, W.L., 39, 73 Podmore, Frank, 28, 39, 48, 53, 57, 73, 80 Poor Law, 14, 46, 213 Portsmouth Election, 155 Positivism, 14, 18


Reeves, Mrs. Pember, 166, 177, 180 Reform Committee, Fabian, 225 Research Department, 227 Ritchie, Professor D.G., 75, 116 Ruskin, John, 27, 263


Salt, Henry S., 36, 131, 133 Sanders, W. Stephen, 125, 155, 156, 172, 191, 232 School Boards, 142 Shaw, G. Bernard, 25; joins, 40; first tract, 40; on Burglars, 45; Fabian Essays, 87; "Quintessence of Ibsenism," 94; on Newcastle Program, 112; on Fabian policy, 126; Vestryman, 127; "Fabianism and the Empire," 134; Tariff Reform, 159; versus Wells, 173; retires from Executive, 223; on Economics, 258; on Guild Socialism, 265 Shaw, Mrs. Bernard, 123, 166, 172, 187, 190 Sidgwick, Henry, 258 Slesser, Henry H., 208, 222, 225 Small holdings, 47, 228 Smith, Samuel, 15, 24 Snell, Harry, 155 Social Democratic Federation, 49, 61, 89, 106, 203 Socialist League, 66, 89 South African War, 128 "Spectator," The, 14 Spencer, Herbert, 18 Standring, George, 74, 172 Stepniak, Sergius, 94 Summer School, 199 Syndicalism, 229, 254


Tariff Reform, 159 Taunton Election, 154 Tchaykovsky, Nicholas, 66 Tillett, Ben, 113 Tobacco, State cultivation of, 59 "Tory Gold," 50, 63 Trade Unionism, 44, 91, 112, 114, 228 Turner, George, 159


Unemployment, 52, 57, 69, 215 Unity, Socialist, 202, 253 University Fabian Societies, 103, 191, 193 University Socialist Federation, 195


Wallas, Graham, joins, 47; lectures, 65; London School Board, 127; resigns, 156; ideas, 262 War of 1914, The, 233, 234 Webb, Sidney, joins, 46; Executive, 52; "Facts for Socialists," 69; "Facts for Londoners," 83; elected to L.C.C., 109; Education Acts, 142; co-operation with Mrs. Webb, 212; on Mill, 259 Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 114, 177, 187, Chapter XI Wells, H.G., 39, 153, Chapter IX, 250 Wicksteed, Philip, 260 Williams, E.E., 205 Wilson, Mrs. C.M., joins, 48; Tract 4, 54; Women's Group, 189; Executive, 222 Woolwich Election, 155 Women's Group, The, 189 Women's Suffrage, 175, 204 Workmen's Compensation, 122


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