The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis
by Xenophon
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[Footnote 190: [Greek: To aristero podi prosbainontes].] All the manuscripts have [Greek: probainontes]: [Greek: prosbainontes] is a conjecture of Wesseling ad Diod. Sic. iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by which it does not appear that anything is gained, as [Greek: pros to kato tou toxou] precedes. Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16: "Resting one end of the bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot, ([Greek: to podi to aristero antibantes],) they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits long." See also Diod. Sic. l. c., where he speaks of the archery of the AEthiopians; Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in [Greek: Arabes], cited by Weiske. Schneider and Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of cross-bows, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been known in Xenophon's time.]

[Footnote 191: [Greek: Enankylontes].] "Fitting them with [Greek: ankylai]." The [Greek: ankyle] is generally supposed to be the same with the Latin amentum, a strap or loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that it might be hurled with the greater force. The writer of the article Ansa in Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. thinks, however that the two were not the same.]


The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a safe passage across the stream.

1. This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, and were frequently reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had endured from the king and Tissaphernes.[192] Having escaped from such hardships, they gladly took repose.

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from entering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and Chaldaeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.[193] The Chaldaeans were said to be a free people, and warlike; for arms they had long shields and spears. 5. The high banks on which these forces were drawn up, were three or four hundred feet from the river; and the only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of art. Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making trial, the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough with large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to carry their arms in the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river swept them away, (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river.

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had a dream; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked securely[194] whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were favourable at the very first. As soon as they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave directions to the troops to take their breakfast.

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether breakfasting or supping, and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they had anything to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavernous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's horse; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of having to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a libation, and ordered the young men to join in it,[195] and to pray to the gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete what was wanting to their success. After the libation, he at once conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same account. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, made a libation also.

14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get their baggage ready; while they themselves, calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that Cheirisophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16. When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank; and when they came to the ford, and the margin of the river, they halted, laying down their arms; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet upon his head,[196] and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the captains to lead their troops in files,[197] some on his left hand, and some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacrificed victims over the river;[198] while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favourable, all the soldiers sung the paean and raised a shout, and all the women (for there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the cry.

20. Cheirisophus and his men then entered the stream; and Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched at full speed back to the ford[199] opposite the outlet into the mountains of Armenia, making a feint that he meant to cross the river there, and thus cut off the cavalry that were on the bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus and his men crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurrying back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with precipitation to gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as soon as they came to that passage, they directed their course up into the mountains. 22. Lycius, who had the command of the troop of horse, and AEschines, who commanded the band of peltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the enemy retreating with so much haste, set off in pursuit of them; and the rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,[200] but to go along with them up the mountains. 23. But Cheirisophus, when he had crossed the river, did not follow the cavalry, but made his way up the high banks that reached down to the river, to attack that portion of the enemy that were on the more elevated ground.[201] This party on the heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, abandoned their commanding position above the stream.

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the other side, returned with all possible speed to join that part of the army which was crossing over; for the Carduchi were evidently descending into the plain, with the view of falling upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now in possession of the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of their baggage that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich garments and drinking-cups. 26. The baggage and camp-followers of the Greeks were still in the act of crossing; and Xenophon, turning towards the Carduchi, halted under arms over against them, and ordered the captains to form each his own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing round each division in line[202] towards the left; and he directed both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to halt facing the river.

27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the peltasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, seeing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should remain by the river where they were, without crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward into the water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,[203] and the archers with their arrows on the string, as if with the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should reach them and a shield should ring,[204] to raise the paean and rush towards the enemy; and he directed that when the enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack[205] from the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one another; telling them that he would be the best man who should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, seeing that those who were left were but few, (for many even of those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and others of their mistresses,) began, in consequence, to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks then sang the paean, and rushed upon them at full speed; and the Barbarians did not stand their charge; for though they were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with their arrows; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of Xenophon's men; and some of these also were wounded.

[Footnote 192: Yet "the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in effect presented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under the Zaco hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had the Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from the attacks of the Persians." Illustrations of the Exp. of Curas, p. 173.]

[Footnote 193: Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is nowhere else mentioned.]

[Footnote 194: [Greek: Diabainein].] "Ingredi, pedem proferre." Kuehner. His fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs apart, and walk with stability; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition [Greek: dia].]

[Footnote 195: [Greek: Enchein].] This passage is commonly taken thus: [Greek: ekeleue tois neaniskois enchein], "he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (the cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. Kuehner, however, makes it [Greek: ekeleue (tous peri auton) enchein tois neaniskois], he ordered those about him (the attendants) to pour into the cup for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, [Greek: keleuo] being sometimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows.]

[Footnote 196: [Greek: Stephanosamenos].] According to the custom of the Lacedaemonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacedaem. 13. 8; Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarch, Lycurg. c. 22. Schneider.]

[Footnote 197: [Greek: Tous lochous orthious].] See iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 198: [Greek: Esphagizouto eis ton potamon].] Offering a sacrifice to the gods inhabiting the river, as Alexander in the middle of the Hellespont sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10, cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so as to allow the blood to flow into the river." Poppo.]

[Footnote 199: [Greek: Ton poron].] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 200: Behind the enemy. Kuehner. Or behind the cavalry that were pursuing the enemy.]

[Footnote 201: Those mentioned in sect. 3.]

[Footnote 202: [Greek: Epi phalangos].] This disposition of a company was in opposition to [Greek: lochoi orthioi] (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect, 10. The expression [Greek: epi phalangos], says Kuehner, properly means for a phalanx, or so that a phalanx (or acies) might be formed.]

[Footnote 203: [Greek: Dienkylomenous].] The verb [Greek: dienkylousthai] is rightly interpreted by Hesychius [Greek: to eneirai tous daktylous te ankyle] (h. e. amento) [Greek: tou akontiou]. Sturz. The following [Greek: epibeblemenous] must be similarly explained.]

[Footnote 204: [Greek: Aspis psophe].] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. Kuehner. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think that a clashing of shields on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset; but, without doubt, erroneously.]

[Footnote 205: Or, sound a charge. The design of it was to precipitate the enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32.]


The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the governor of the province, and discover his insincerity.

1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Armenia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five parasangs; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace for the satrap;[206] upon most of the houses there were towers[207], and provisions were in great plenty.

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty[208]; and there were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an intimate friend of the king; and no one else, when he was present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, said that he wished to speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and, advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He replied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the conditions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a treaty upon these terms.

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, through a plain; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops, keeping at the distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a palace,[209] with several villages around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snow[210] in the night; and in the morning it was thought advisable that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.[211] 9. Here they found all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds.

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fires had been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring the whole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to be clearing up.[212] 11. But as they were passing the night here, there fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and the men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, and they were very reluctant to rise; for, as they lay, the snow that had fallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. 12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer garment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking the wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, and lighted fires and anointed themselves; 13. for abundance of ointment was found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum,[213] bitter almonds, and turpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials also an odoriferous unguent was found.

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout the villages, under shelter; and the soldiers went off with great shouting and delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire to the houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having to encamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they despatched in the night Democrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires; they selected him because he was thought on several former occasions to have brought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was, just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing. 16. Having gone, he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that he had taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, such as the Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he said that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazus to get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and for what purpose it was assembled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own troops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians; and that he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road.

19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and, leaving a guard, with Sophaenetus the Stymphalian as commander over those who stayed behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man that had been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed the mountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed men, but ran forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing the noise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however were killed, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of Tiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prisoners, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as possible to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there. Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they returned to the camp the same day.

[Footnote 206: Orontes: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3, 4. He was the satrap, as Krueger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of Western Armenia, sect. 4.]

[Footnote 207: [Greek: Tyrseis].] Apparently intended for a sort of defences, should the people be attacked by any of their neighbours. Compare v. 2. 5.]

[Footnote 208: [Greek: Kalos men, megas d' ou].] I have, with Bornemann and Poppo, restored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and 121, has given [Greek: megas men ou, kalos de], and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann have followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order in such phrases; as in iv. 8. 2; vi. 4. 20; but passages are not wanting in which the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. Kuehner. As the piece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention need be paid to it.]

[Footnote 209: It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as the one mentioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. Schneider.]

[Footnote 210: See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in the nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in his expedition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon; and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of his men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. Tournefort also complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers were so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour after sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull., and Zonaras's Annals.)" Spelman.]

[Footnote 211: There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an enemy during such deep snow.]

[Footnote 212: [Greek: Diaithriazein].] The commentators rightly interpret this word disserenascere, "to clear up." Kuehner; who, however, prefers [Greek: synaithriazein], for which there is good manuscript authority. He translates it, with Bornemann, simul disserenascere, "to clear up at the same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the other. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation disserenascere, and would have both verbs to signify sub dio agere, "to bivouack in the open air;" but the other sense appears preferable.]

[Footnote 213: See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is mentioned, says Kuehner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii. 4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119-121; Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed. Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865.]


The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of country, suffering greatly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days.

1. The next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as possible, before the enemy's force should be re-assembled, and get possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides; and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had intended to attack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteen parasangs,[214] to the river Euphrates, and passed it without being wet higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be far off. 3. From hence they advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs; the third day's march was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in their faces, completely parching up everything and benumbing the men. 4. One of the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the wind; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered; when the vehemence of the wind appeared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the snow was a fathom;[215] so that many of the baggage-cattle and slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burn fires through the whole night, for there was plenty of wood at the place of encampment. But those who came up late could get no wood; those therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn or other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with each other what they respectively had. In the places where the fires were made, as the snow melted, there were formed large pits that reached down to the ground; and here there was accordingly opportunity to measure the depth of the snow.

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of the following day, and many of the men contracted the bulimia.[216] Xenophon, who commanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen down with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of those acquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw anything eatable, he gave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it among those diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued their march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew dark, to a village, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The women asked them who they were; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian language, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. They replied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it was late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the head man of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as many of the troops as could come up, encamped; but of the rest, such as were unable to get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way without food or fire; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into a body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were unable to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if the soldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept constantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and if they took off their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soles were frozen about them; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinned oxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted; and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain, which was sending up vapour in a woody hollow close at hand. Turning aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed farther. 16. Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing them in great numbers. At last he grew angry; and they told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He then thought it the best course to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about the booty that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear-guard as were not disabled, started up, and rushed towards them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against their shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snow into the hollow, and no one of them afterwards made themselves heard from any quarter.

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party should come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but before they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting by the way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed over them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army was not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and sending on some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascertain what it was that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army was in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters there without fire or supper. When it was near day, he sent the youngest of his men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from the villages to see how the rear were faring. The young men were rejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went forward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia, found themselves at the village in which Cheirisophus was quartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus accordingly remained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the several villages that they had in sight, went to their respective quarters with their men.

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the village which Xenophon had been allotted, surprised all the villagers, and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen[217] colts that were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who had been but nine days married; her husband was gone out to hunt hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses were under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below; there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the people descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their young; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the walls.[218] 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and barley-wine,[219] in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some larger and some smaller, without joints; 27. and these, when any one was thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck.[220] The liquor was very strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to those accustomed to it.

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and told him to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprived of his children, and that they would not go away without filling his house with provisions in return for what they took, if he would but prove himself the author of some service to the army till they should reach another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good-will, pointed out where some wine[221] was buried. This night, therefore, the soldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of great abundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children at the same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the head man and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed by a village, he turned aside to visit those who were quartered in it, and found them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves; nor would they anywhere let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. and they placed everywhere upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, and fowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever any person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him to the large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like an ox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted nothing from them; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took them with him.

33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting in their quarters,[222] crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenian boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they made signs what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When Cheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, what country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him for whom the horses were bred; and he said that they were a tribute for the king, and added that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes, and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went away, conducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse that he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sacrifice, (for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun,) being afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by the journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them to each of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country were smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, and other cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without such bags they sunk up to their bellies.

[Footnote 214: Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance too great for troops marching through deep snow. [Greek: Pente] occurs in one manuscript, and Kuehner has admitted it into his text.]

[Footnote 215: [Greek: Orgyia].] A great depth. We cannot suppose the snow to have been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make any remark.]

[Footnote 216: [Greek: Eboulimiasan].] Spelman quotes a description of the [Greek: boulimia] or [Greek: boulimos] from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be "a disease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use of his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems to mean little more than a faintness from long fasting.]

[Footnote 217: That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by Weiske, and shown at some length by Krueger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann, in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes [Greek: hepta kai hekaton], a hundred and seven. Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. Kuehner. Krueger, 1. c., suggests that Xenophon may have written [Greek: S'] two hundred, instead, of [Greek: IZ'], seventeen. In sect. 35 we find Xenophon taking some of these horses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and captains; so that the number must have been considerable.]

[Footnote 218: "This description of a village on the Armenian uplands applies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by wells is now rare, but is still to be met with; but in exposed and elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, and entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold getting in. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls participate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof." Ainsw. Travels, p. 178.]

[Footnote 219: [Greek: Oinos krithinos].] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic. i. 20, 34; iv. 2; Athenaeus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23. "The barley-wine I never met with." Ainsw. p. 178.]

[Footnote 220: The reeds were used, says Krueger, that none of the grains of barley might be taken into the mouth.]

[Footnote 221: Xenophon seems to mean grape-wine, rather than to refer to the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not appear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not made, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo speaks of the [Greek: oinos Monarites] of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of the Greek wines. Schneider.]

[Footnote 222: [Greek: Skenountas].] Convivantes, epulantes. Comp. v. 3. 9; vii. 3. 15. Kuehner. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay.]


The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and Chalybes, whom, by skilful manoeuvring, they dislodge.

1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide to Cheirisophus. He left the chief[223] all the members of his family, except his son, a youth just coming to mature age; him he gave in charge to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conduct them properly, he might return home with him. At the same time they carried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke up their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief conducted them through the snow, walking at liberty. When he came to the end of the third day's march, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to some villages. He said that there were none in that part of the country. Cheirisophus then struck him, but did not confine him; 3. and in consequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. This affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only cause of dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march. Episthenes conceived an affection for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely attached to him.

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, five parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,[224] the breadth of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, ten parasangs; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their progress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the height, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he might not approach them while leading the army in a column. He accordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, that the whole force might be formed in line.[225]

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals and captains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are in possession of the pass over the mountains; and it is proper for us to consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their dinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in the mean time, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day or to-morrow." 9. "It seems best to me," exclaimed Cleanor, "to march at once, as soon as we have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste the present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon us will grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence is increased, others will join them in greater numbers."

10. After him Xenophon said, "I am of opinion, that if it is necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with the greatest advantage; but that, if we propose to pass the mountains as easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest wounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we see, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere seem to be watching us except along the line of road; and it is therefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved some part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us. 12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without fighting than along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in the night, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before them than by day if engaged with enemies; while a rough road is easier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation than a smooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Nor do I think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, as we can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still less guarded; for the enemy will so much the more probably stay where they are. 14. But why should I speak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you Lacedaemonians, O Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class,[226] practise stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a disgrace, but an honour, to steal whatever the law does not forbid; 15. while, in order that you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes." 16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined Cheirisophus, "are very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens him that steals it; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed your best men are thought worthy to be your magistrates; so that it is time for you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then ready," exclaimed Xenophon, "to march with the rear-guard, as soon as we have supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for our light-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying in ambush; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle. 18. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, when they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now come down to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, "But why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear? Rather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves." 20. Upon this Aristonymus of Methydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios and Nicomachus of Oeta[227] with their light-armed; and they made an arrangement, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went to dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army ten stadia towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved to march against them on that quarter.

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, those appointed for the service went forward and got possession of the hills; the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the heights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night. 23. As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched forward along the road; while those who had gained the heights advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at the pass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with one another, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain to attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed at a quick pace with the heavy-armed men. 26. The enemy at the pass, however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of them were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soon as they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of excellent provisions.

[Footnote 223: This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the chief were the same person.]

[Footnote 224: Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but a river of Armenia ([Greek: Araxes], now Aras) which runs into the Caspian. See Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to have confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell, p. 230. Kuehner.]

[Footnote 225: [Greek: Epi phalangos].] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 226: [Greek: Ton homoion].] The [Greek: homoioi] at Sparta were all those who had an equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state; qui pari inter se jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes aequaliter patebant. Cragius de Rep. Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. 8. "A similar designation to that of [Greek: homotimoi] in the Cyropaedia," Schneider. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5.]

[Footnote 227: A native of the country about Mount Oeta in Thessaly. There was also however a town of that name in the south of Thessaly: Thucyd. iii. 92.]


The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, capturing a great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches, from the top of which they see the Euxine.

1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the country of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them; for the Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all their supplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came before it, made it the object of an attack; and when the first division that assailed it began to be tired, another succeeded, and then another; for it was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was a river about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, "You come seasonably, for we must take this place, as there are no provisions for the army, unless we take it."

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered them from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, "The only approach to it is the one which you see; but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and whoever is struck, is treated as you behold;" and he pointed, at the same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken. 5. "But if they expend all their stones," rejoined Xenophon, "is there anything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length; and of this about a hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against which if the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from the flying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space is not above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at a running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers." "That," cried Xenophon, "would be the very thing we want, for thus they will exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we may, if we please, easily retreat."

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Parrhasia, one of the captains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the rear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Agasias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were also captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for more than one company to stand under them. 10. Callimachus then adopted the following stratagem: he ran forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily drew back; and at each of his sallies more than ten cartloads of stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing what Callimachus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that he himself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advance alone, (neither calling to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to Eurylochus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any other person,) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that moment Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and after him Eurylochus of Lusia, for all these sought distinction for valour, and were rivals to one another; and thus, in mutual emulation, they got possession of the place, for when they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from above. 13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen; for the women, flinging their children over the precipice, threw themselves after them; and the men followed their example. AEneas of Stymphalus, a captain, seeing one of them, who had on a rich garment, running to throw himself over, caught hold of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged him forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, and were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number of oxen, asses, and sheep.

15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fifty parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. These were the most warlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combat with them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, instead of skirts,[228] thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves and helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as a Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom they could master, and then, cutting off their heads, carried them away with them. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. They carried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length, having one spike.[229] 17. They stayed in their villages till the Greeks had passed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but lived upon the cattle which they taken from the Taochi.

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Hence they proceeded through the territory of the Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a level tract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted three days, and collected provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a guide, to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. 20. The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to a place whence they should see the sea; if not, he would consent to be put to death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of their enemies, he exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands; whence it was evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any good will to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came to the mountain;[230] and the name of it was Theches. When the men who were in the front had mounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shout proceeded from them; 22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, thought that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the rear, too, the people from the country that they had burnt were following them, and the rear-guard, by placing an ambuscade, had killed some, and taken others prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made of raw ox-hides with the hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and drew nearer, and as those who came up from time to time kept running at full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the cries becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it appeared to Xenophon that it must be something of very great moment. 24. Mounting his horse, therefore, and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he hastened forward to give aid, when presently they heard the soldiers shouting, "The sea, the sea!" and cheering on one another. They then all began to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage-cattle and horses were put to their speed; 25. and when they had all arrived at the top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains, with tears in their eyes. Suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they laid a number of raw ox-hides,[231] staves, and shields taken from the enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,[232] and exhorted the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the Greeks sent away the guide, giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a Persian robe, and ten darics;[233] but he showed most desire for the rings on their fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. Having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up their quarters, and the road by which they were to proceed to the Macrones, when the evening came on he departed, pursuing his way during the night.

[Footnote 228: [Greek: Anti ton pterygon].] That this is the true sense of this word appears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4.]

[Footnote 229: Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, and no point at the lower for fixing the spear in the ground. Schneider.]

[Footnote 230: The word [Greek: hieron], which precedes [Greek: oros] in the older editions, is enclosed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most of the modern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something seems to be wanting in connexion with [Greek: oros], for the guide (sect. 20) says merely that he will bring them to [Greek: a chorion], and on the fifth day after it is said that they come to the mountain.]

[Footnote 231: They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort of sacrifice to the gods. Balfour.]

[Footnote 232: In order, says Krueger, to render them useless, so that they might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people.]

[Footnote 233: i. 1. 9.]


The Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones, and enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed their passage, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they perform whatever vows they had made, and celebrate games.

1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, through the country of the Macrones. On the first day they came to a river which divides the territories of the Macrones from those of the Scythini. 2. On their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, and on their left another river,[234] into which the boundary river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing closely together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to the spot, cut down,[235] being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible. 3. The Macrones, however, equipped with wicker shields, and spears, and hair tunics, were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing-place; they were animating one another, and throwing stones into the river.[236] They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience.

4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xenophon, saying that he had been a slave at Athens, and adding that he knew the language of these men. "I think, indeed," said he, "that this is my country, and, if there is nothing to prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5. "There is nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon; "so speak to them, and first ascertain what people they are." When he asked them, they said that they were the Macrones. "Inquire, then," said Xenophon, "why they are drawn up to oppose us, and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied, "Because you come against our country." The generals then told him to acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do them injury, but that we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war with the king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if the Greeks would give pledges to this effect; and the Greeks replied that they were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, and the Greeks gave them a Grecian one; for they said that such were their usual pledges. Both parties called the gods to witness.

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediately assisted them in cutting away the trees, and made a passage for them, as if to bring them over, mingling freely among the Greeks; they also gave such facilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted them through their country for three days, until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. 9. Here was a range of hills,[237] high, but accessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in array. The Greeks, at first, drew up against them in a line,[238] with the intention of marching up the hill in this disposition; but afterwards the generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they might engage with the best effect. 10. Xenophon then said it appeared to him that they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to dispose the troops in columns;[239] "for a line," pursued he, "will be broken at once, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though in others easy of access; and this disruption will immediately produce despondency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, they find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, the enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the parts that outreach us in any way they may think proper; and if we advance only a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be broken through by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in columns, we should keep them so far apart from each other as that the last companies on each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies will both outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the ascent is easiest, there each division will direct its course. 13. Nor will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to break through a column as it advances; while, if any one of the companies be hard pressed, the neighbouring one will support it; and if but one of the companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will no longer stand their ground." 14. This plan was approved, and they threw the companies into columns. Xenophon, riding along from the right wing to the left, said. "Soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you, are now the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive."[240]

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had formed the companies into columns, there were about eighty companies of heavy-armed men, and each company consisted of about eighty men. The peltasts and archers they divided into three bodies, each about six hundred men, one of which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and the third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired the soldiers to make their vows[241] to the gods; and having made them, and sung the paean, they moved forward. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the peltasts that they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on; 17. and the enemy, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to receive them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, and left a great void in the centre of their line; 18. when the peltasts in the Arcadian division, whom AEschines the Acarnanian commanded, seeing them separate, ran forward in all haste, thinking that they were taking to flight; and these were the first that reached the summit. The Arcadian heavy-armed troop, of which Cleanor the Orchomenian was captain, followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in flight, some one way and some another.

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villages containing abundance of provisions. 20. As to other things here, there was nothing at which they were surprised; but the number of bee-hives was extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost their senses, vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of them were able to stand upright; such as had eaten only a little were like men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like mad-men, and some like persons at the point of death. 21. They lay upon the ground, in consequence, in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat; and there was general dejection. The next day no one of them was found dead; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had lost them on the preceding day; and on the third and fourth days they got up as if after having taken physic.[242]

22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Euxine Sea; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. Here they stayed about thirty days, encamping in the villages of the Colchians, 23. whence they made excursions and plundered the country of Colchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for the Greeks in the camp, and entertained them in the city; and made them presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf of the neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and from them too were brought presents of oxen.

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and whatever they had vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (who had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for having involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger,) to prepare the course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the hides[243] to Dracontius, and desired him to conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius, pointing to the place where they were standing, said, "This hill is an excellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish." "But how will they be able," said they, "to wrestle on ground so rough and bushy?" "He that falls," said he, "will suffer the more." 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course, and in the long course above sixty Cretans ran; while others were matched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight; for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran; and they had to gallop down the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar. In the descent, many rolled down; but in the ascent, against the exceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walking pace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering from the people.

[Footnote 234: A stream running into the Tchoruk-su, according to Ainsworth, Travels, p. 189.]

[Footnote 235: The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into the stream, and form a kind of bridge on which they might cross. Schneider.]

[Footnote 236: They threw stones into the river that they might stand on them, and approach nearer to the Greeks, so as to use their weapons with more effect. Bornemann.]

[Footnote 237: Kara Kapan, or Kohat Tagh, according to Ainsw. p. 190.]

[Footnote 238: [Greek: Kata phalanga].] See on iv. 3. 26.]

[Footnote 239: [Greek: Lochous orthious].] See on iv. 2. 11.]

[Footnote 240: [Greek: Omous —— kataphagein].] "Eat up raw," without waiting to cook them; a metaphorical expression for to extirpate utterly and at once, taken from Homer, Il. v. 35: [Greek: Omon bebrothois Priamon Priamoio te maidas].]

[Footnote 241: See the payment of these vows in sect. 25.]

[Footnote 242: That there was honey in these parts with intoxicating qualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions two sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from the herbs to which the bees resorted, the first came from the flower of a plant called aegolethron, or goats'-bane; the other from a species of rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of this description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found that the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253. "This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. p. 826; AElian, H. A. v. 42; Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 2." Schneider.]

[Footnote 243: Lion and Kuehner have a notion that these skins were to be given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honour of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and [Greek: dermata], hides. Krueger doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present to Dracontius.]


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