Destruction and Reconstruction: - Personal Experiences of the Late War
by Richard Taylor
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The President received me pleasantly, gave much time to the Louisiana difficulty, and, in order to afford himself opportunity for full information, asked me frequently to dine with his immediate family, composed of kindly, worthy people. I also received attention and hospitality from some members of his Cabinet, who with him seemed desirous to find a remedy for the wrong. More especially was this true of the Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, with whom and whose refined family I had an acquaintance. Of a distinguished Revolutionary race, possessor of a good estate, and with charming, cultivated surroundings, this gentleman seemed the Noah of the political world. Perhaps his retention in the Cabinet was due to a belief that, under the new and milder dispensation, the presence of one righteous man might avert the doom of Gomorrah. An exception existed in the person of the Attorney-General, a man, as eminent barristers declare, ignorant of law and self-willed and vulgar. For some reason he had much influence with the President, who later appointed him Chief Justice of the United States; but the Senatorial gorge, indelicate as it had proved, rose at this, as the easy-shaving barber's did at the coal-heaver, and rejected him.

Weeks elapsed, during which I felt hopeful from the earnestness manifested in my mission by the President and several of his Cabinet. Parties were in hostile array in New Orleans, but my friends were restrained by daily reports of the situation at Washington. Only my opinion that there was some ground for hope could be forwarded. Conversations at dinner tables or in private interviews with the Executive and his advisers could not, then or since, be repeated; and this of necessity gave room for misconstruction, as will appear. At length, on the day before the Congress was by law to adjourn, the President sent a message to the Senate, informing that body that, in the event the Congress failed to take action on the Louisiana matter, he should esteem it his duty to uphold the Government created by the Federal Judge. I left Washington at once, and did not revisit it for nearly four years.

I believe that President Grant was sincere with me, and went as far as he felt it safe. No doubt the Senatorial hyenas brought him to understand these unspoken words: "We have supported your acts, confirmed your appointments, protected and whitewashed your friends; but there are bones which we can not give up without showing our teeth, and Louisiana is one of them."

The failure to obtain relief for the State of my birth, and whose soil covered the remains of all most dear, was sad enough, and the attempt had involved much unpleasant work; but I had my reward. Downfall of hope, long sustained, was bitter to the people, especially to the leaders expectant of office; and I became an object of distrust. "Nothing succeeds like success," and nothing fails like failure, and the world is quite right to denounce it. The British Ministry shot an admiral for failing to relieve Minorca—to encourage others, as Voltaire remarked. Byng died silent, without plaint, which was best. The drunken Federal Judge, author of the outrages, was universally condemned, with one exception, of which more anon. Both branches of the Congress, controlled by Radicals, pronounced his conduct to have been illegal and unjust, and he was driven from the bench with articles of impeachment hanging over him. Nevertheless, the Government evolved from his unjudicial consciousness was upheld by President Grant with Federal bayonets.

Two years later the people of Louisiana elected an Assembly, a majority of whose members were opposed to the fraudulent Governor, Kellogg. The President sent United States soldiers into the halls of the Assembly to expel members at the point of the bayonet. Lieutenant-General Sheridan, the military maid of all (such) work, came especially to superintend this business, and it was now that he expressed the desire to exterminate "banditti." The destruction of buildings and food in the Valley of Virginia, to the confusion of the crows, was his Salamanca; but this was his Waterloo, and great was the fame of the Lieutenant-General of the Radicals.

This Governor Kellogg is the Senator recently seated, of whom mention has been made, and, if a lesser quantity than zero be conceivable, with a worse title to the office than he had to that of Governor of Louisiana. So far as known, he is a commonplace rogue; but his party has always rallied to his support, as the "Tenth Legion" to its eagles. Indeed, it is difficult to understand the qualities or objects that enlist the devotion and compel the worship of humanity. Travelers in the Orient tell of majestic fanes, whose mighty walls and countless columns are rich with elaborate carvings. Hall succeeds hall, each more beautifully wrought than the other, until the innermost, the holy of holies, is reached, and there is found enshrined—a shriveled ape.

The sole exception referred to in the case of the drunken Federal Judge was a lawyer of small repute, who had been Democratic in his political tendencies. Languishing in obscurity, he saw and seized his opportunity, and rushed into print in defense of the Judge and in commendation of the President for upholding such judicial action. It is of record that this lawyer, in the society of some men of letters, declared Dante to be the author of the Decameron; but one may be ignorant of the Italian poets and thoroughly read in French memoirs. During the war of the Spanish succession, the Duke of Vendome, filthiest of generals, not excepting Suvaroff, commanded the French army in Italy. To negotiate protection for their States, the Italian princes sent agents to Vendome; but the agents sent by the Duke of Parma were so insulted by the bestialities of the French commander as to go back to their master without negotiating, and no decent man would consent to return. A starving little abbe volunteered for the service, and, possessing a special aptitude for baseness, succeeded in his mission. Thus Alberoni, afterward Cardinal and Prime Minister of Spain, got his foot on the first rung of the ladder of fame. The details of the story are too gross to repeat, and the Memoirs of the Duke of St. Simon must be consulted for them; but our lawyer assuredly had read them. Many may imitate Homer, however feebly; one genius originated his epics.

Having entered on this lofty career, our Alberoni stuck to it with the tenacity of a ferret in pursuit of rabbits, and was rewarded, though not at the time nor to the extent he had reason to expect. The mission to England was promised him by the reigning powers, when, on the very eve of securing his prize, a stick was put in the wheels of his progress, and by a brother's hand. Another legal personage, practicing at the same bar, that of New York, and a friend, did the deed. "Chloe was false, Chloe was common, but constant while possessed"; but here Chloe was without the last quality. In 1868, General Grant's election pending, Chloe was affiliated with the Democratic party, and had been chosen one of the captains of its citadel, a sachem of Tammany. Scenting success for Grant, with the keenness of the vulture for his prey, he attended a Radical meeting and announced his intention to give twenty thousand dollars to the Radical election fund. This sum appears to have been the market value of a seat in the Cabinet, to which ultimately he was called. When the English mission became vacant by the resignation of the incumbent, disgusted by British ingratitude, Chloe quitted the Cabinet to take it, and Alberoni was left wearing weeds. Yet much allowance is due to family affection, the foundation of social organization. Descended from a noble stock, though under a somewhat different name, Chloe from mystic sources learned that his English relatives pined for his society, and devotion to family ties tempted him to betray his friend. Subsequently Alberoni was appointed to a more northern country, where he may find congenial society; for, in a despotism tempered only by assassination, the knees of all become pliant before power.

It is pleasant to mark the early steps of nascent ambition. In the time of the great Napoleon every conscript carried the baton of a marshal in his knapsack; and in our happy land every rogue may be said to have an appointment to office in his pocket. This is also pleasant.

Since the spring of 1873, when he gave himself up to the worst elements of his party, I have not seen President Grant; but his career suggests some curious reflections to one who has known him for thirty-odd years. What the waiting-woman promised in jest, Dame Fortune has seriously bestowed on this Malvolio, and his political cross-garterings not only find favor with the Radical Olivia, but are admired by the Sir Tobys of the European world. Indeed, Fortune has conceits as quaint as those of Haroun al-Raschid. The beggar, from profound sleep, awoke in the Caliph's bed. Amazed and frightened by his surroundings, he slowly gained composure as courtier after courtier entered, bowing low, to proclaim him King of kings, Light of the World, Commander of the Faithful; and he speedily came to believe that the present had always existed, while the real past was an idle dream. Of a nature kindly and modest, President Grant was assured by all about him that he was the delight of the Radicals, greatest captain of the age, and saviour of the nation's life. It was inevitable that he should begin by believing some of this, and end by believing it all. Though he had wasted but little time on books since leaving West Point, where in his day the curriculum was limited, he had found out to the last shilling the various sums voted by Parliament to the Duke of Wellington, and spoke of them in a manner indicating his opinion that he was another example of the ingratitude of republics. The gentle temper and sense of justice of Othello resisted the insidious wiles of Iago; but ignorance and inexperience yielded in the end to malignity and craft. President Grant was brought not only to smother the Desdemona of his early preferences and intentions, but to feel no remorse for the deed, and take to his bosom the harridan of radicalism. As Phalaris did those of Agrigentum opposed to his rule, he finished by hating Southerners and Democrats.

During the struggle for the Presidency in the autumn of 1876, he permitted a member of his Cabinet, the Secretary of the Interior, to become the manager of the Radicals and use all the power of his office, established for the public service, to promote the success of his party's candidate.

Monsieur Fourtou, Minister of the Interior, removed prefects and mayors to strengthen the power of De Broglie; whereupon all the newspapers in our land published long essays to show and lament the ignorance of the French and their want of experience in republican methods. One might suppose these articles to have been written by the "seven sleepers," so forgetful were they of yesterday's occurrences at home; but beams near at hand are ever blinked in our search of distant motes. The election over, but the result in dispute, President Grant, in Philadelphia, alarmed thoughtful people by declaring that "no man could take the great office of President upon whose title thereto the faintest shadow of doubt rested," and then, with all the power of the Government, successfully led the search for this non-existing person. To insure fairness in the count, so that none could carp, he requested eminent statesmen to visit South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana, the electoral votes of which were claimed by both parties; but the statesmen were, without exception, the bitterest and most unscrupulous partisans, personally interested in securing victory for their candidate, and have since received their hire. Soldiers were quartered in the capitals of the three States to aid the equitable statesmen in reaching a correct result by applying the bayonet if the figures proved refractory. With equity and force at work, the country might confidently expect justice; and justice was done—that justice ever accorded by unscrupulous power to weakness.

But one House of the Congress was controlled by the Democrats, and these, Herod-like, were seeking to slay the child, the Nation. To guard against this, President Grant ordered other troops to Washington and a ship of war to be anchored in the Potomac, and the child was preserved. Again, the 4th of March, appointed by law for the installation of Presidents, fell on Sunday. President Grant is of Scotch descent, and doubtless learned in the traditions of the land o' cakes. The example of Kirkpatrick at Dumfries taught him that it was wise to "mak sicker"; so the incoming man and the Chief Justice were smuggled into the White House on the sabbath day, and the oath of office was administered. If the chair of George Washington was to be filched, it were best done under cover. The value of the loot inspired caution.

In Paris, at a banquet, Maitre Gambetta recently toasted our ex-President "as the great commander who had sacredly obeyed and preserved his country's laws." Whether this was said in irony or ignorance, had General Grant taken with him to Paris his late Secretary of the Interior, the accomplished Z. Chandler, the pair might have furnished suggestions to Marshal MacMahon and Fourtou that would have changed the dulcet strains of Maitre Gambetta into dismal howls.



Dismissing hope of making my small voice heard in mitigation of the woes of my State, in May, 1873, I went to Europe and remained many months. Returned to New York, I found that the characters on the wall, so long invisible, had blazed forth, and the vast factitious wealth, like the gold of the dervish, withered and faded in a night. The scenes depicted of Paris and London, after the collapse of Mississippi schemes and South Sea bubbles, were here repeated on a greater scale and in more aggravated form. To most, the loss of wealth was loss of ancestry, repute, respectability, decency, recognition of their fellows—all. Small wonder that their withers were fearfully wrung, and their wails piteous. Enterprise and prosperity were frozen as in a sea of everlasting ice, and guardians of trusts, like Ugolino, plunged their robber fangs into the scalps and entrails of the property confided to them.

A public journal has recently published a detailed list, showing that there has been plundered by fiduciaries since 1873 the amazing amount of thirty millions of money; and the work goes on. Scarce a newspaper is printed in whose columns may not be found some fresh instance of breach of trust. As poisoning in the time of Brinvilliers, stealing is epidemic, and the watch-dogs of the flocks are transformed into wolves.

Since the tocsin sounded we have gone from bad to worse. During the past summer (1877) laborers, striking for increased wages or to resist diminution thereof, seized and held for many days the railway lines between East and West, stopping all traffic. Aided by mobs, they took possession of great towns and destroyed vast property. At Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, State troops attempting to restore order were attacked and driven off. Police and State authorities in most cases proved impotent, and the arm of Federal power was invoked to stay the evil.

Thousands of the people are without employment, which they seek in vain; and from our cities issue heartrending appeals in behalf of the suffering poor. From the Atlantic as far to the west as the young State of Nebraska, there has fallen upon the land a calamity like that afflicting Germany after the Thirty Years' War. Hordes of idle, vicious tramps penetrate rural districts in all directions, rendering property and even life unsafe; and no remedy for this new disease has been discovered. Let us remember that these things are occurring in a country of millions upon millions of acres of vacant lands, to be had almost for the asking, and where, even in the parts first colonized, density of population bears but a small relation to that of western Europe. Yet we daily assure ourselves and the world that we have the best government under the canopy of heaven, and the happiest land, hope and refuge of humanity.

Purified by fire and sword, the South has escaped many of these evils; but her enemies have sown the seeds of a pestilence more deadly than that rising from Pontine marshes. Now that Federal bayonets have been turned from her bosom, this poison, the influence of three fourths of a million of negro voters, will speedily ascend and sap her vigor and intelligence. Greed of office, curse of democracies, will impel demagogues to grovel deeper and deeper in the mire in pursuit of ignorant votes. Her old breed of statesmen has largely passed away during and since the civil war, and the few survivors are naturally distrusted, as responsible for past errors. Numbers of her gentry fell in battle, and the men now on the stage were youths at the outbreak of strife, which arrested their education. This last is also measurably true of the North. Throughout the land the experience of the active portion of the present generation only comprises conditions of discord and violence. The story of the six centuries of sturdy effort by which our English forefathers wrought out their liberties is unknown, certainly unappreciated. Even the struggles of our grandfathers are forgotten, and the names of Washington, Adams, Hamilton, Jay, Marshall, Madison, and Story awaken no fresher memories in our minds, no deeper emotions in our hearts, than do those of Solon, Leonidas, and Pericles. But respect for the memories and deeds of our ancestors is security for the present, seed-corn for the future; and, in the language of Burke, "Those will not look forward to their posterity who never look backward to their ancestors."

Traditions are mighty influences in restraining peoples. The light that reaches us from above takes countless ages to traverse the awful chasm separating us from its parent star; yet it comes straight and true to our eyes, because each tender wavelet is linked to the other, receiving and transmitting the luminous ray. Once break the continuity of the stream, and men will deny its heavenly origin, and seek its source in the feeble glimmer of earthly corruption.


Acadian exiles in Attakapas, 105; their descendants, 106.

Alabama delegates retire from Charleston Convention, 12.

Alberoni, Abbe, 263.

Andersonville Prison, 216.

Antietam a drawn battle, 95.

Antipathy to the South, 238.

Anti-slavery agitation, 10.

Army, Confederate, of Virginia moved to Gordonsville, 42.

Ashby, General Turner, during march to Harrisonburg, 69; his death, 71; no disciplinarian, 72.

Attakapas, home of the Acadians, 105.

Bank of Tennessee, its treasure restored, 224.

Banks, General N.P., his ignorance and arrogance, 164; retreats to Alexandria, 182; his army demoralized, 187; his misleading dispatches, 135, 137, 146, 151, 174, 181.

Baton Rouge, Confederates repulsed, 107.

Bayou des Allemands surprised, 111.

Beauregard, General P.G.T., his coolness and courage at Manassas, 19.

Berwick's Bay captured by Confederates, 141; the prisoners and spoil, 143.

Bisland attacked by Federals, 130.

Blunders of Confederates in first Richmond campaign, 86.

Bourbeau Bayou, Confederate success there, 150.

Boyd, Belle, Confederate spy, 51.

Bragg, General B., occupies Pensacola, 15; services in United States army, 99; a strong disciplinarian, 100; invades Kentucky, ib.; his petulance, ib.

Brent, Major J.L., Taylor's chief of artillery, 117; his fertility of resource, 118.

Brown, Joseph, Governor of Georgia, 212.

Bugeaud's "Maxims," 39.

Burton, General, commandant of Fortress Monroe, 246.

Butler, General B.F., in the Charleston Convention, 11: puts a stop to marauding, 112.

Canby, General E.R.S., invests the Mobile forts, 221; the city occupied, 222.

Carpet-baggers, 236.

Cavalry, Confederate, its indiscipline, 60.

Charleston Convention, 10.

Civil War, causes of the, 9.

Cobb, Howell, and the defenses of Macon, 211; his death, 213.

Cold Harbor, battle of, 84.

Collapse of the Confederacy, 230.

Confederate government at Montgomery, its vacillation, 15.

Conventions called to repeal secession ordinances, 227; this action punished as rebellion, 228.

Corruption, political and social, 257.

Cotton, Confederate gunboat, 121.

Courtesy to a wounded prisoner, 151.

Creoles of Louisiana not an effete race, 109.

Cushing, Caleb, in the Charleston Convention, 11.

Davis, Henry Winter, 244.

Davis, Jefferson, his amiability, 24; a prisoner in Fortress Monroe, 246.

Disease in the Confederate Army of Virginia, 23.

Diana, gunboat, captured by Confederates, 128.

"District of Louisiana," its military resources, 108.

Dix, General John A., in the Philadelphia Convention, 253; the "Vicar of Bray" of American politics, 253.

Embezzlement and breach of trust, 268.

Engineer service unfits for command, 98.

Ewell, Lieutenant-General R.S., his services in the United States army, 37; his manner and personal appearance, ib.; his absence of mind, 78.

Farragut, Admiral D.G., opens the Mississippi to Vicksburg, 125.

Fessenden, General, his account of the Pleasant Hill battle, 171.

Fish, Hamilton, 261.

Forrest, General, by nature a great soldier, 199; secret of his success, 200; his kindly disposition, ib.

Fort Butler unsuccessfully attacked, 144.

Fort de Russy captured, 155.

Frazier's Farm, 91.

Freedmen's Bureau and Bank, 251.

Fremont routed at Strasburg, 65; beaten at Cross Keys, 73.

Front Royal captured by Taylor, 53.

Fuller, Captain, improvises a gunboat, 119; delays Federal advance up the Teche, 121.

Fusilier, Leclerc, his gallantry and munificence, 109.

Gettysburg battle, 230.

Gibson, General R.L., his defense of Spanish Fort, 221.

Governments set up by the military in Southern States, 248.

Grant, General, opposed to advance on Richmond by land, 33; testimony concerning this point, 34, note; begins operations against Vicksburg, 121; classed with Marshal Villars and the Duke of Cumberland, 149; his error at Vicksburg, 149; his modesty and generosity, 242; opposed to reconstruction at first, 256; his part in the election of 1876, 266.

Green, Major-General Thomas, killed, 177.

Gunboats, the terror they at first inspired, 118.

Hancock, Major-General W.S., restores order at New Orleans, 251.

Hardee, Major-General, his modesty, 215.

Hood, Lieutenant-General, his losses at Franklin, 216; superseded by Taylor, 217; his army after defeat, ib.

Horsemen strapped to their steeds, 55.

Ignorance claims its victims, 93.

Immigration, how it determined the events of 1860, 10.

Indianola, iron-clad, passes Vicksburg, 123; sunk by the Confederates, 125.

"Initiative" and "defensive," 20.

Irishmen as soldiers, 76.

Jackson, General T.J. (Stonewall), his appearance and manner, 49; his care for the ammunition trains, 56; routs Banks at Winchester, 59; his inner nature, 79; ranked with Nelson and Havelock, 80.

Jerome, Leonard, and the New York "Times," 254.

Johnson, Andrew, 240, 242.

Johnston, General Albert Sidney, his services in the United States Army, 231; character, 232; his death an irreparable loss, 233.

Johnston, General Joseph E., his estrangement from Jefferson Davis, 26; moves his army to Orange Court House, 35; services in United States army, ib.; a master of logistics, 43; his neglect of opportunity, ib.

Kellogg, William Pitt, 263.

Kentucky, invasion of, 101.

"King Cotton" a tyrant, 235.

Ku-Klux assassinations, 250.

Labor troubles in the North, 268.

Lee, General R.E., his force at opening of first Richmond campaign, 86; his strategy commended, ib.; place in Southern history, 96; his mistakes, 97; his tactics inferior to his strategy, ib.; his surrender proclaimed to Taylor's army, 222.

Lee, General A.L., his account of the battle of Pleasant Hill, 173.

Louisiana secedes from the Union, 13; temper of the people, ib.

Louisiana Brigade, 78; its losses at Cold Harbor, 85.

Louisiana, the State government overturned, 259-262.

Louisiana, Western, its topography and river systems, 103.

Malvern Hill battle, 91.

Manassas, first battle of, encourages the Confederates, 18; effect at the North, 31.

Mansfield, battle of, 162.

Mechanical resources wanting to the South, 202.

Missouri compromise, 9.

Mobile, its defenses, 201; occupied by General Canby, 222.

Moore, Thomas O., Governor of Louisiana, 102.

Morton, Senator, 260.

Mouton, Alexander, president of Louisiana Convention, 12; his zeal for the Southern cause, 108.

McClellan, General George B., assumes command of Potomac army, 31; his work as an organizer, 32; his strategy, 33; his force at beginning of Richmond campaign, 86; in battle of Cold Harbor, 87; his topographical knowledge, ib.; as a commander, 93; lacked audacity, 95.

McDowell, Major-General Irvin, his plan of battle at Manassas, 19.

Magruder, General, as a commander, 93.

Malvern Hill, battle of, 92.

Negro slaves, their fidelity, 210.

Office-seeking, the curse of democracies, 269.

Pemberton, General, his services in the United States army, 116; his unfitness for independent command, 117; his blunder at Vicksburg, 148.

Philadelphia Convention, 252.

Pleasant Hill, battle of, 168.

Polignac, Prince Charles, 154.

Pope, General, his incapacity, 95.

Port Hudson taken by Federals, 145.

Port Republic, Federal repulse, 16.

Porter, Admiral D.D., ascends Red River, 155; assists in taking Fort de Russy, ib.; his report on battle of Pleasant Hill, 174; his losses in descending Red River, 185; report on Banks's retreat to Alexandria, 187.

Presidential election of 1876, 266.

Provost-marshals, their exactions, 208.

Queen of the West, gunboat, runs the Vicksburg batteries, 122; captured by Confederates, 124.

Railroads, inefficiency of the Southern, 203.

Red River opened by the Federals, 136.

Richmond, Dean, in the Charleston Convention, 11.

River systems of Western Louisiana, 103.

Salt mines at Petit Anse, 114.

Selma taken by Federals, 219.

Seward, W.H., 240.

Seymour, Colonel, killed at Cold Harbor, 85.

Sheridan, General P.H., in New Orleans, 262; his course approved by a renegade Democrat, 263.

Sherman, General W.T., his way of making war, 195.

Shiloh, battle of, 231.

Slavery not the cause of the civil war, 10.

Smith, Lieutenant-General E. Kirby, in command of the "Trans-Mississippi Department," 126; his military record, 127; orders reenforcement of Pemberton, 138; his administration, 153; his anxiety about safety of Shreveport, 176; allows Banks and Porter to escape, 190; compared to Quintilius Varus, 192.

South Carolina delegates in Charleston Convention, 11.

Southern leaders after Lee's surrender, 223.

"Southern Outrages," 249.

Southrons have no aptitude for marching, 36.

Stanton, E.M., 241.

Statesmanship lacking to the Confederacy, 233.

Stephens, Alexander H., his character, 29; his views concerning military matters, ib.; his tergiversation, ib.; neglect of Jefferson Davis, 30.

Stevens, Thaddeus, 243.

Straggling in the Southern army, 36.

Strasburg, affair at, 65.

Sufferings of the people after the war, 236.

Sumner, Charles, 245.

Tactical mistakes of Confederate generals, 93.

Taylor, R. (the author), a delegate to Charleston, 10; his efforts to promote harmony, 12; sees war to be inevitable, 13; commissioned colonel, 16; brigadier, 23; habit of noting topography and resources of districts, 40; disposition for meeting or making an attack, ib.; his Louisiana brigade, 47; major-general, 93; in command of District of Louisiana, 102; lieutenant-general, 196; supersedes Hood, 217; his army sent into North Carolina, 218; his surrender, 226; return home, 228; visits Jeff. Davis in Fortress Monroe, 246.

Teche country, 105; military operations in, 131, 135.

Tents, useless impedimenta, 40.

Toombs, General Robert, takes Georgia "home-guards" out of their State, 215.

Topography, ignorance of, among Confederates, 86.

"Trans-Mississippi Department," its last hours, 229.

Troopers strapped to their horses, 55; protected by breastplates, ib.

Truce concluded between Generals Canby and Taylor, 224.

Turenne, anecdote of, 64.

Universal suffrage, its effects on a people, 209.

Valley of Virginia, its opulence, 45; laid waste by General Sheridan, 46.

Vicksburg, attempts to relieve it, 138.

Vicksburg and Fort Hudson, importance of, to the Confederates, 116.

Walker, General W.H.T., his services in the United States army, 22; joins forces with Taylor, 150.

War, its demoralizing effects on the North, 257.

Washington City after the war, 241.

Weitzel, General, ascends the Teche, 120; his successes, 121.

Western Louisiana, its topography, 103.

Wheat, Major, his turbulent battalion, 25; his checkered career, 26.

Wilson, General, captures Selma, 220.

Winchester, battle of, 56.

Winder, General Charles, 79.

Winston, ex-Governor, his conservatism, 12; his change of views, ib.

Wirtz, his efforts to better the condition of prisoners, 216.

Wyndham, Colonel Percy, 26.

Yancey, William L., his influence in the Charleston Convention, 11.


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"This book is a notable one, and among the many fine art books it will rank as one of the choicest, and one of the most elegant, considered as an ornament or parlor decoration. The engravings are in the highest style known to art. Mr. Sheldon has accompanied the illustrations with a series of very entertaining biographical sketches. As far as possible, he has made the artists their own interpreters, giving their own commentaries upon art and upon their purposes in its practice instead of his own."—Boston Post.

"'American Painters' consists of biographical sketches of fifty leading American artists, with eighty-three examples of their works, engraved on wood with consummate skill, delicacy of touch, and appreciation of distinctive manner. It is a gallery of contemporary American art."—Philadelphia Press.

"This work is one of surpassing interest, and of marvelous typographical and illustrative beauty."—Philadelphia Item.

"The whole undertaking is a noble one, illustrative of the best period of American art, and as such deserves the attention and support of the public."—Chicago Tribune.

D. APPLETON & CO., Publishers, 549 & 551 Broadway, New York.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY EPOCH. Being a History of France from the Beginning of the First French Revolution to the End of the Second Empire.

BY HENRI VAN LAUN, Author of "History of French Literature," etc.

In 2 vols., 12mo. Cloth, $3.50.

"As a history for readers who are not disposed to make an exhaustive study of the subject treated, the book impresses us as eminently good."—N.Y. Evening Post.

"This work throws a flood of light on the problems which are now perplexing the politicians and statesmen of Europe."—N.Y. Daily Graphic.

"This is a work for which there is no substitute at present in the English language. For American readers it may be said to have secured a temporary monopoly of a most interesting topic. Educated persons can scarcely afford to neglect it."—N.Y. Sun.

"The opinion is here advanced and tolerably well fortified that Napoleon would have been beaten at Waterloo if Bluecher had not come up. The book is a compendium of the events between 1789 and 1871: it is a popular treatment of the subject for students and family reading."—Chicago Tribune.

"Nothing can surpass the clearness of the narrative, and it may be truly said that this history is as interesting as a romance."—Philadelphia Press.

"The general reader will get, as he goes along with it, a more distinct idea of the salient features which marked the course of events than he might from some of the thousand and one more picturesque and more dramatic, but less truthful, histories of the same epoch."—N.Y. Express.

"We heartily commend it to our readers as one of the most compact, attractive, trustworthy, and instructive historical works in existence."—Utica Daily Observer.

"The author shows judgment and skill in culling from the large materials at command that which is of value, and also a masterly ability in presenting them tersely, and at the same time throwing in enough of incident and the lighter thought to make the volumes wholly enjoyable."—Chicago Inter-Ocean.

"If you desire to read facts and not theories, events and not imaginings, in chaste though vigorous language, peruse these volumes."—Providence Press.

"The author has accomplished a difficult and much-needed undertaking in a very satisfactory way."—Boston Journal.

"No student of American history can afford to be without this book."—St. Louis Times-Journal.



Illustrated 8vo Edition of Bryant's Poetical Works. 100 Engravings by Birket Foster, Harry Fenn, Alfred Fredericks, and other Artists. 1 vol., 8vo. Cloth, gilt side and edge, $4.00; half calf, marble edge, $6.00; full morocco, antique, $8.00; tree calf, $10.00.

Household Edition. 1 vol., 12mo. Cloth, $2.00; half calf, $4.00; morocco, $5.00; tree calf, $5.00.

Red-Line Edition. With 24 Illustrations, and Portrait of Bryant on Steel. Printed on tinted paper, with red line. Square 12mo. Cloth, extra, $3.00; half calf, $5.00; morocco, $7.00; tree calf, $8.00.

Blue-and-Gold Edition. 18mo. Cloth, gilt edge, $1.50; half calf, marble edge, $3.00; morocco, gilt edge, $4.00.

* * * * *

The Song of the Sower. Illustrated with 42 Engravings on Wood, from Original Designs by Hennessy, Fenn, Winslow Homer, Hows, Griswold, Nehlig, and Perkins; engraved in the most perfect manner by our best Artists. Elegantly printed and bound. Cloth, extra gilt $5.00; morocco, antique, $9.00.

The Story of the Fountain. With 42 Illustrations by Harry Fenn, Alfred Fredericks, John A. Hows, Winslow Homer, and others. In one handsome quarto volume. Printed in the most perfect manner, on heavy calendered paper. Uniform with "The Song of the Sower." 8vo. Square cloth, extra gilt, $5.00; morocco, antique, $9.00.

The Little People of the Snow. Illustrated with exquisite Engravings, printed in Tints, from Designs by Alfred Fredericks. Cloth, $5.00; morocco, $9.00.


The Poet and Painter; OR, GEMS OF ART AND SONG.

An imperial 8vo volume, containing Choice Selections from the English Poets. Superbly illustrated with Ninety-nine Steel Engravings. Printed in the best manner on the page with the text. New edition: cloth, extra, $12.00; morocco, antique, or extra, $20.00.

* * * * *

The Household Book of Poetry. BY CHARLES A. DANA.

New edition, enlarged, with Additions from recent Authors. Illustrated with Steel Engravings by celebrated Artists. 1 vol., royal 8vo. Cloth, extra, gilt edges, $5.00; morocco, antique, $10.00; crushed levant, $15.00.

The Household Book of Poetry. New cheap edition. Cloth, extra, red edges, $3.50; morocco, gilt edges, $7.00.

* * * * *

Fitz-Greene Halleck's Poetical Works. EDITED BY JAMES GRANT WILSON.

Complete Poetical Works. 1 vol., 12mo. Cloth, $2.50; half calf, extra, $4.50; morocco, antique, $6.00.

Large-paper copy of the same. 8vo. Cloth, $10.00; morocco, antique, $15.00.

Complete Poetical Works. 1 vol., 18mo. In blue-and-gold, $1.00; morocco, antique, $8.00.

* * * * *


Complete in three large 8vo volumes. Illustrated with Portraits and Views on Steel. Price, per volume, cloth, $5.00; sheep, $6.00; half turkey, $7.00; half russia, $8.00; full russia or full turkey, $10.00.



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