Not long after, one of his hornes was broken off by the death of pope Clement, whereby his power legantine ceased: wherewith being somewhat abashed, [Sidenote: The lord chancellor and earle John are agred.] he came to a communication with earle John, and vpon certeine conditions made peace with him. Shortlie after the souldiers which he had sent for, arriued in England, [Sidenote: The chancellor breaketh the agrement.] and then he began to go from the agrement made with earle John, affirming that he would either driue the same earle out of England, or else should earle John doo the like to him: for it was not of sufficient largenesse to hold them both. Howbeit, shortlie after, [Sidenote: The lord chancellor and earle John make another agrement.] a peace was eftsoones concluded betwixt them with condition, that if it chanced king Richard to depart this life before his returne into England, not leauing any issue of his bodie begotten, that then the chancellour renouncing the ordinance made by king Richard (who had instituted his nephue Arthur duke of Britaine to be his heire and successour) should consent to admit earle John for king of England, contrarie to the said ordinance.
But in the meane time it was agred, that earle John should deliuer vp the castels of Notingham and Tickhill, Notingham to the hands of William Marshall, and Tickhill to the hands of William Wendenall, they to kepe the same vnto the vse and behoofe of king Richard, that vpon his returne he might doo with them as should please him: prouided that if it so chanced, that he should die before he could returne from his voiage, or that the chancellour went from the agrement now taken, then immediatlie should the foresaid castels of Notingham and Tickhill be restored vnto earle John.
Moreouer, the other castels of such honours as were assigned to earle John by the king his brother, were committed vnto the custodie of certeine persons of great trust and loialtie, as the castell of Wallingford to the archbishop of Rouen, the castell of Bristow to the bishop of Lincolne, the castell of the Peake to the bishop of Couentrie, the castell of Bolesofres vnto Richard de Peake (or if he refused, then should the bishop of Couentrie haue it in keping) the castell Eie was committed to Walter Fitz Robert, the castell of Herford to Roger Bigot, and to Richard Reuell the castell of Excester and Launston. These persons to whom these castels were thus committed to be kept, receiued also an oth, that they should faithfullie kepe them to the kings behoofe, and if he chanced to die, before he should returne, then the same should be deliuered vnto earle Johns hands. [Sidenote: Castels deliuered in trust to the keeping of certeine persons.] Also there were three castels that perteined to the crowne, deliuered likewise in trust, as the castell of Windsor vnto the earle of Arundell, the castell of Winchester vnto Gilbert de Lacie, and the castell of Northampton vnto Simon de Pateshull.
It was also agred, that bishops, abbats, earles, and barons, valuasors, and freeholders should not be disseised of their lands, goods or chattels, otherwise than by order of the iustices or officers of the king, so that they should be iudged in the kings courts according to the lawfull customes and ordinances of the realme, and likewise that earle John should cause the same orders to be obserued through all his lands. Prouided that if any man attempted to doo otherwise vpon support or maintenance of earle John, he should stand to be reformed by the archbishop of Rouen if he chanced then to be in England, and by the kings iustices, and by those that had sworne to obserue this peace: and also earle John himselfe at their request should see such reformation to be had.
Moreouer, it was agred that all those castels that had bin built or begun to be builded since the kings passage ouer towards his iournie, should be razed, and no new made or fortified till his returne, except in manours perteining to the kings demaine, if need required, or by his speciall commandement, either by letters, or sufficient messengerrs. That the shiriffewike of Lincolne, which the lord chancellour had assigned vnto William de Stuteuille should be restored to Gerard de Camuille, who had a daie appointed him to appere in the kings court, to heare what might be laid against him: and if such matter could be prooued, for the which he ought to loose the said shiriffewike and the castell of Lincolne, then he should depart from them by the iudgement of the court, or else not. Neither should earle John mainteine him against the iudgement of that court, nor should receiue any outlawes, or such as were notoriouslie knowen for enimies to the king, and so named, nor should suffer them to be receiued within the precinct of his liberties.
To hold, mainteine and obserue this peace, the said earle and chancellour sware in the hand of the archbishop of Rouen with seuen barons on either part. On the part of earle John these were the names of them that receiued the oth: Stephan Ridell his chancellour, William de la Mare, Robert de la Mare, Philip de Turechester, William de Kahennes, Gilbert Basset & William de Montacute. On the chancellours part, the earles of Arundell and Salisburie, earle Roger Bigot, and the earle of Clare, with Walter Fitz Robert, William de Breuse, and Roger Fitz Ramfrey. These things were concluded in this sort, the authoritie and commandement of the king yet in all things saued and reserued: but so, that if before his returne he should signifie his pleasure to the contrarie of the ordinances aboue mentioned, then should the castels of Notingham and Tickhill be restored vnto earle John, notwithstanding what soeuer the king should command touching the same. [Sidenote: An. Reg. 3.] [Sidenote: Matth. West. Polydor.] Thus was the peace concluded eftsoones betwixt earle John and the chancellour.
[Sidenote: Geffrey the archbishop of Yorke. Rog. Houed.] In this meane while, Geffrey the elect archbishop of Yorke, after long suit and manie delaies contriued, speciallie by the chancellour, obteined his pall, being consecrated by the archbishop of Towrs, by virtue of his buls obteined from pope Celestine. The chancellour aduertised herof, and vnderstanding that he meant to come shortlie into England to be installed, was in a great chafe, bicause that during the time of the vacation, he had vsed the reuenues of that see at his pleasure, and therefore now to forego them he was nothing contented. [Sidenote: Matth. Paris.] Herevpon he wrote his letters vnto Matthew de Clare shiriffe of Kent in this forme.
The lord chancellours letters to the shiriffe of Kent.
Prcipimus tibi qud si Eboracen. Electus ad aliquem portum in balliua tua applicuerit, aut aliquis nunciorum eius, eum retineri facias, donec mandatum nostrum ind receperis. Et similiter prcipimus, qud omnes literas pap aut magni alicuius viri qu illic venerint, facias retineri. The English whereof is thus.
"We command you that if the elect of Yorke shall arriue at any port or hauen within your bailiwicke, or any messenger of his, that you cause them to be arested and kept, till you haue commandement from vs therein. And we command you likewise, to stay, attach, and keepe all letters that come from the pope, or any other great man."
[Sidenote: Polydor. The death of the archbishop of Canturbury. Io. Textor.] Likewise, whereas Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, hauing taken his iournie into the holie land, and arriuing there before the king, chanced to depart this life at Tyrus, the last yeere, vpon the feast daie of S. Edmund, the chancellour found meanes to keepe that se also vacant, that he might receiue the profits thereof, during the vacation, and find meanes to be prepared to it in the end. But as touching the se of Yorke, although he had (as before is said) made his hand of the reuenues belonging to the same from time to time at his pleasure, yet now after that he heard how Geffrey had receiued the pall, he made hauocke, wasting & spoiling all that would yeeld him anie monie, without respect of right or wrong. Moreouer, he caused the hauens to be watched, with commandement giuen to the townes on the sea coast, that they should not suffer the archbishop Geffrey to take land. [Sidenote: The archbishop arriued and is committed to ward.] At length yet he arriued at Douer, where he was by the aforesaid Matthew de Clare first staied, and after taken out of the abbeie by the chancellours commandement, and committed to prison within the castell, where a Noble man that had maried the chancellors sister was capteine.
The newes of whose imprisonment was anon bruted through the realme, wherewith the Nobles fretted, and the commons curssed: finallie all men detested such tyrannie in the chancellour. But namelie the kings brother earle John stormed at the matter, and with all sped assembled an armie out of those places where he bare rule, increasing the number with a power of Welshmen. There came to him the bishop of Winchester, with manie earles and barons, also the bishop of Bath and Chester, which latelie before had bene chefe fauourers of the chancellour in all his dooings: but now that the world was changed, they shewed themselues the most earnest enimies he had, as well in words as deds.
In an assemblie of all the bishops of England, all those were excommunicate in solemne wise, with candels light, and other such ceremonies, which had either giuen commandement, or were present as partakers, to pull out of the church the archbishop of Yorke, or his people by violence, and had imprisoned them in maner (as before ye haue heard:) but this was after the archbishop was set at libertie, as shuld appeare by Matthew Paris, for the chancellour repenting himselfe (though now too late) of his cruell dealing against the archbishop of Yorke, wherewith he had kindled such a brand against him, commanded the said archbishop (namelie at the instant sute of the bishop of London, or rather at the commandement of earle John, as Houeden saith) to be set at libertie. But the displeasure once kindled in the hearts of the Nobles, could not so easilie be quenched with his deliuerie, as it was spedilie set on fire by his imprisonment, so that they being now in armour, purposed to abate the pride of the chancellour, and to deliuer the common-wealth, of such an vglie tyrant. [Sidenote: R. Houed. The chancellour summoned to appeare.] And to begin, they summoned, and assigned him a peremptorie day to appeare at Reading, to make answer vnto such iniuaries as he had doone against the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Durham, sithens the departure of his souereigne lord the king.
At which day there came to Reading earle John, and the archbishop of Rouen, with manie other bishops, earles, and barons, abiding there all that day, to se if the chancellour would appeare or no; but he came not: wherevpon they prepared to march foorth towards London, and therewithall set forward in like maner. He on the other side being a man of a great courage, had gathered an armie of such strangers and other his frends as he could make, and therewith went foorth, and encamped nere to Windsor, there to abide his aduersaries, and to giue them battell, if they came forward and would abide it. But when they approched, and he perceiued also how diuerse of his freends shranke from him, and went to his enimies, he durst not attempt the hazard of a field, [Sidenote: The chauncellour retireth to London.] but fled backe to London, and there withdrew into the tower, with all his host, bicause he durst not commit himselfe to the doubtfull fellowship of the citizens. Through his great pride and statelie port which he mainteined, as partlie ye haue heard, he had procured to himselfe no small hatred amongst all degrees of men, and namelie such as by the kings appointment ought to haue beene parteners with him in gouernement of the realme sore repined at his presumptuous proceedings, for that he disdained (as it semed) to vse their aduise, or to ioine them with him in the administration of things, so that now in time of his trouble he wist not in whome he might put his trust.
After he was thus retired into the tower of London, earle John, the archbishop of Rouen, and the other bishops, earles, and barons associated togither against him, followed him at the heles, entered the citie, and besieged the tower on ech side. On the morrow after, being the fourth day after the octaues of saint Michaell, they came togither into Paules church-yard, [Sidenote: A declaration made against the lord chancellour.] where they publikelie declared the iniurious wrongs doone and practised by the chancellour; namelie against the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Durham. Those also that had bene appointed as associats with him, accused him, in that he had taken vpon him to rule and gouerne all things after his owne will, not vouchsafing to haue their aduise or councell in such sort as had bene conuenient.
The archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall earle of Pembroke shewed there before all the people the kings letters which he had sent from Messina, [Sidenote: The tenor of this letter shall hereafter appeare.] appointing that they should be associats with him in gouernment of the kingdome; and that without the counsell and aduice of them and others assigned thereto, he should not meddle with the rule of the land, and that if he should doo any thing to the hinderance of the common-wealth, or seke to meddle with the affaires of the realme, without their good aduise, that then he should be deposed. Herevpon it seemed good to earle John, and to all the bishops, earles and barons of the realme, and to the citizens of London, there assembled, that the said chancellour should be deposed, and so they proceeded, and deposed him in ded, appointing the archbishop of Rouen in his place, who would not take vpon him to doo anie thing touching the rule of the land, without consent of his associats assigned to him, and the barons or the eschecker.
The same day, earle John, and the archbishop of Rouen, and other of the kings iustices, [Sidenote: The citizens of London.] granted to the citizens of London the priuilege of their communaltie; and the said earle and archbishop, and in maner all the bishops, erls and barons of the realme sware to mainteine the said priuilege firme and stable, so long as should please their souereigne lord. And the citizens of London sware to be true, and to doo their faithfull seruice vnto king Richard and his heirs, and if he chanced to die without issue, then to receiue earle John the brother of king Richard for their king and souereigne lord, and therevpon sware fealtie to him against all men, sauing that which they owed vnto his brother king Richard.
The chancellour perceiuing the multitude to be such which he had with him in the tower, [Sidenote: The chancellour yeldeth vp the tower.] as the place was not able to hold them any long time, after he had remained within it one night, he came foorth vnto earle John, and to the other that were thus entred the citie, and now readie to besiege him, of whome he got licence for them that were inclosed within the tower, to depart without damage, and therewith deliuered vp the tower into the hands of the archbishop of Rouen, with the castell of Windsor, and certeine other castels, which he held within the realme, but not all: notwithstanding he couenanted to make deliuerie of the residue, which yet remained in the hands of them whome he had appointed to the keping of the same. And for assurance of that couenant to be performed before he departed the realme, he deliuered his brethren, and one that was his chamberleine, to remaine with the lords as hostages.
This doone, he hasted to Canturburie, where he promised to receiue the crosse of a pilgrime to go into the holie land, and to render vp the crosse of his legatship, which he had vsurped a yeare and a halfe after the death of pope Clement, to the preiudice of the church of Rome, and to the detriment and great hinderance of the English church. For there was not any church within the realme, which had not bene put to fine and ransome by that crosse, nor any ecclesiasticall person went fre, [Sidenote: The print of the legats crosse.] but the print of the crosse appeared in him and his purse. From Canturburie he got him to Douer to his brother in law, and finallie seking means to passe ouer into France, and doubting to be discouered, he apparelled himselfe in womans raiment, [Sidenote: The bishop of Elie late lord chancellor disguiseth himselfe in womans apparell.] & got a web of cloth on his arme, as though he had beene some housewifelie woman of the countrie: but by the vntowardlie folding and vncunning handling of his cloth (or rather by a lewd fisherman that tooke him for an harlot) he was suspected and searched so narrowlie, [Sidenote: He is bewraied.] that by his priuie members he was prooued to be a man, and at length knowne, attached, and committed to prison, after he had beene reprochfullie handled by them that found him, and by the wiues of the towne, in such vnsemlie apparell.
Earle John would haue had him punished, and put to some open reproofe for his passed tyrannicall dooings; [Sidenote: Earle John not y^e bishops frend.] but the bishops, and other of the barons, for reuerence of his order, procured his deliuerance, with licence to passe ouer into Normandie where he was borne. Thus was the bishop of Elie a man full of pride and couetousnesse ouerthrowne with shame, and receiued for his hie climing a reprochfull downefall: for none are more subiect to ruine and rebuke, than such as be aloft and supereminent ouer others, as the poet noteth well saieng: [Sidenote: Ouid. lib. 1. de. rem. am.] Summa petit liuor, perflant altissima venti, Summa petunt dextra fulmina missa Iouis.
[Sidenote: Matth. Paris.] In time he was deposed from his office of being chancellour, and not without warrant, for in verie ded, king Richard hauing receiued aduertisements from the lords and peeres of the realme, of the chancellours presumptuous and hautie demeanour, with wrongs offered to diuerse persons, wrote to them againe as followeth.
A letter of king Richard directed to the States of the land for the deposing of the bishop of Elie from his office of lord chancellour.
Richard king of England sendeth greeting to William Marshall, to Gilbert Fitz Peter, and Henrie Berdulfe, and to William Brewer, peeres. If it so chance that our chancellour hath not faithfullie handled the affaires and businesse of our realme (committed vnto him) by the aduise and counsell of you, and others to whome we haue also assigned the charge of gouernement of the same realme: we command you, that according to your disposition in all things to be doone concerning the gouernement thereof, you order and dispose as well for eschetes, as all other things, &c.
By force of this commission, the lords were the bolder to proced against him as ye haue heard. Now after his comming into the parties beyond the seas, [Sidenote: The bishop of Elie complaineth of his wrongs receiued.] he ceassed not with letters and messengers to present his complaint to the pope of Rome, and to king Richard of the iniuries receiued at the hands of earle John and his complices. [Sidenote: The popes letters vnto the archbishope and bishops of England.] Herevpon pope Celestine wrote in ded to all the archbishops and bishops that were within the realme of England, in behalfe of the said bishop of Elie, declaring, that for so much as the king of England was gone into the holie land to warre against the enimies of our faith, leauing his kingdome vnder the protection of the apostolike see, he could not but haue speciall regard to see that the state, rights and honour thereof were preserued from all danger of decaie.
[Sidenote: Note how the pope defendeth his chaplins.] Wherefore, vnderstanding that there had beene certeine attempts made by John erle of Mortaigne and others, both against the king and the bishop of Elie, that was not onelie legat of the apostolike se, but also gouernour of the land appointed by the king, which attempt sounded greatlie to the reproch of the church of Rome, and danger of damage to insue to king Richard, if remedie were not the sooner found: therefore he commanded them by the vertue of their obedience, to excomunicat the earle of Mortaigne, or any other that was knowne to haue laid any violent hands vpon the said bishop of Elie, or deteined him as captiue, or inforced him to any oth, or else had changed the state of rule in the kingdome of England to other forme, than king Richard had ordeined at his setting forward towards the holie land: and that not onelie all the councellours, authors, aiders and complices of those that had committed such outrage, but also their lands should stand interdicted, so that no diuine seruice should be vsed within the precinct of the same, except penance and christning of infants. This to remaine till the said bishop & kingdome were restored into the former estate: and that the parties excommunicated should present themselues with letters from the bishops vnto the apostolike see to be absolued, etc.
Herevpon also the bishop of Elie himselfe wrote vnto the bishop of Lincolne and other, touching this matter: but the bishops did neither any thing in accomplishment of the effect of the popes letters, nor at his owne supplication. And therefore perceiuing small helpe to come that waie, he sought to obteine the fauour and frendship of earle John, and of his mother quene Elianor. In the meane time, the lords, barons and prelates of the realme, after they had depriued him of all authoritie, and banished him out of the land, ordeined the archbishop of Rouen in fauour of the kings commission, [Sidenote: The archbishop of Rouen chefe gouernour of England.] to haue the chefe rule and administration of things touching all the affaires of the common-wealth; but yet so as earle John had the dooings in manie points, so that he might seme in manner an associat with him, whereof sprang much inconuenience. For this John being a man (as he is noted by some writers) of an ambitious nature, was suspected to aspire vnto the kingdome: in somuch that he had ioined with the French king, after the same king was returned foorth of the holie land, against his brother king Richard, if his mother quene Elianor had not persuaded him to the contrarie.
[Sidenote: R. Houed. Wil. Paruus. Fiftene saith Functius, but others agre with Houed. as Gerardus Mercator citing Albericus a moonke.] Whilest these things were a dooing, on the twelfth daie of Julie, the citie of Acres was surrendred into the Christian mens hands, for the Soldan Saladine (being approched nere to the siege of the christians with a puissant armie, in hope to haue raised their siege) when he perceiued it laie not in his power to worke any feat to the succour of his people within the citie, and that they were so constreined that they must neds yeld, he holpe to make their composition, and promised to performe certeine couenants on their behalfe. Herevpon, the Saracens within Acres couenanted not onelie to deliuer the citie vnto the christians with fiue hundred prisoners of christians which they had within the same, but also to procure that the holie crosse should be to them deliuered, with a thousand other christian prisoners, such as the christian princes should appoint out of those numbers which Saladine had in his custodie, and further, to giue them two hundred thousand Besans. And till these couenants were performed, it was agred, that the Saracens, which were at that present left within the citie, should remaine as pledges, vnder condition, that if the same couenants were not performed within fortie daies, then should they stand at the mercie of the christian princes as touching life and lim.
[Sidenote: The citie of Acres.] These things thus concluded, and the citie yelded vp into the christian mens hands, the French king vpon enuie and malice conceiued against king Richard (although he pretended sicknesse for excuse) departed homewards, [Sidenote: The French K. returneth home.] setting from Acres the last day of Julie. Now then, after the departure of king Philip, when the day approched, in the which the Saracens should performe the couenants; or else stand to the iudgement of life and death at the pleasure of the christian princes: it was perceiued that the couenants would not be fulfilled according to the agrement. For Saladine, as it well appeared, ment not to performe that which for the safegard of his men he had vndertaken, and did but dallie with the christians to prolong the time: wherevpon sentence was giuen foorth, that for default in such behalfe, the Saracens remaining as pledges should loose their heads.
Saladine hauing knowledge thereof, sent word to king Richard and to the whole christian armie, that if his people that were in the christian mens hands lost their heads, he would not faile but cause the heads of all those christians which he had in captiuitie to be cut off also. Notwithstanding which answer, on the fourteenth day of August king Richard issued foorth of the citie, passing the vttermost ditches, and incamped himselfe neere the armie of Saladine, who the same daie sent rich presents vnto king Richard, requiring of him a longer day for performance of the couenants, but that would not be granted. [Sidenote: Saladine causeth the christian prisoners to be beheaded.] Wherefore vpon the said deniall, Saladine caused all those christian prisoners which he had in his hands to be beheaded on the eightenth day of August, on which day king Richard aduanced foorth towards the lodgings of the Saracens, and skirmished with them verie hotlie, so that manie were wounded and slaine on both parts: and amongst other one of king Richards companions at all exercises named Peter Mignot lost his life there. Furthermore, although king Richard knew that Saladine had put the christian prisoners to death in such wise as you haue heard, yet would not he preuent his terme appointed for the execution of the Saracens that were in his custodie, but abiding vnto the twentith day of August, he then caused those Saracens which fell to his lot, at the time of the surrender of Acres, being in number about 2600. to be brought foorth of the citie, and nere to the walles in the sight of Saladine and all his host they had their heads chopped off. The duke of Burgoigne caused execution to be doone within the citie vpon those which fell to the French kings share, the number of the which rose to two thousand and foure hundred, or thereabouts: for the whole number was reckoned to be about fiue thousand that thus lost their liues through the inconstancie of their prince: yet diuerse of the principall had their liues saued. The Saracens themselues also spake much euill of Saladine for this matter, [Sidenote: R. Houed.] bicause that refusing to performe the articles of couenants, he had occasioned the enimie to slea those that had so valiantlie serued in defense of the citie, to the vttermost ieopardie of their liues. And heere is verified that knowne verse, Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur Achiui.
[Sidenote: Ger. Dor.] But now to leaue forren matters, and to returne home into England: we find, that on the second of December, the monks of Canturburie chose to their archbishop Reignold bishop of Bath, who within fifteene daies after his election, departed this life, and lieth buried at Bath. [Sidenote: Strife betwixt y^e archbishop of York and the bishop of Durham.] Also this yeare, or (as Ger. Dor. saith) in the yeare following, the bishop of Durham sought meanes to withdraw his subiection from the archbishop of Yorke, for which attempt the archbishop of Yorke, vpon trust of the popes grant, did not excommunicate the said bishop, notwithstanding that he appealed to the popes consistorie three seuerall times, putting his owne matter and his churches to be examined and tried by the pope, where vpon he obeied not the excommunication: and signifieng the cause vnto Rome, obteined such fauour, that the pope and his cardinals reuersed the sentence, and iudged the excommunication to be of none effect. And further they decreed, that if the archbishop of Yorke had broken the altars and chalices, as information was giuen, in which the bishop of Durham had celebrated after his appeale made to the court of Rome, that then should the said bishop of Durham be acquited from owing any subiection to the said archbishop for so long as they two should liue togither.
True it is, that the archbishop had not onelie broken the altars and chalices which the bishop had vsed in ded for the celebration of masse, but also held his owne brother John earle of Mortaigne for excommunicate, bicause he had eat and dronke in companie of the said bishop, and would not communicate with him, till he came to receiue absolution, and to make satisfaction for his fault. In the end the bishops of Lincolne and Rochester, with the abbat of Peterburrow, were appointed by the pope to haue the hearing of this matter, as iudges authorised by his buls, who sat therevpon at Northampton, vpon S. Calixt his day, where after they had heard both parties argue what they could in either of their cases, they gaue a longer day, to wit, vntill the feast of the natiuitie of saint John Baptist next after, to see if by anie good means there might some agrement haue beene had betwixt them, or (if that could not be) that then the popes leters should stand in force as before, & the helpes of either part saued, as though no delaie had bene vsed. And to this, both parties were agreeable, speciallie at the motion of the bishop of Lincolne.
[Sidenote: Roger Lacie conestable of Chester.] This yeare also, Roger de Lacie conestable of Chester tooke Alan de Lec and Peter de Bouencort, and vpon despite hanged them, for that being put in trust amongst other with the keping of the castels of Notingham and Tickhill, which he had receiued into his custodie of the bishop of Elie quondam lord chancellour, they had consented to the treason of Robert de Crokeston, & Eudo de Duuille, which deliuered the same castels vnto John earle of Mortaigne. The same earle of Mortaigne was highlie offended for the death of those two persons, and therefore wasted the lands of the said Roger which lay within the compasse of his iurisdiction.
But now touching the departure of the French king from Acres, diuerse occasions are remembred by writers of the emulation and secret spite which he should beare towards king Richard, and beside other alreadie touched, one was for enterteining and releuing the earle of Champaigne in such bountifull wise in his necessitie, that he was readie to forsake the French kings seruice, and cleaue to king Richard. But howsoeuer it came to passe, partlie through enuie (as hath bene thought) conceiued at the great deds of king Richard, whose mightie power and valiantnesse he could not well abide, and partlie for other respects him moouing, he tooke the sea with thre gallies of the Geneuois, and returned into Italie, and so home into France, hauing promised first vnto king Richard at his departure out of the holie land, and after to pope Celestine at Rome, that he would not attempt any hurtfull enterprise against the English dominions, till king Richard should be returned foorth of the holie land. [Sidenote: The euill dealling & breach of promise of the French king.] But this promise was not kept, for after that he was returned into France, he first sought to procure the foresaid erle John, king Richards brother, to rebell against him, promising him not onelie aid to reduce all his brothers dominions into his hands, but also to giue his sister Adela in marriage, whom king Richard vpon suspicion of vnchast liuing, had forsaken, as before ye haue heard. But when earle John was dissuaded by his mother, from accepting this offer (which otherwise as it is said he would willinglie haue receiued) king Philip still reteined a malicious rancor in his hart, and in reuenge of old displeasures, would haue attempted the warre against the subiects of king Richard, if his lords would haue ioined with him: but they considering what slander would redound hereby both to him and them for the iniurie doone to the christian common-welth, in making warre against him that was occupied in defense of the faith against the common enimies of christendome, would not giue their consent thereto, and so the matter rested, till king Richard was taken prisoner in Almaigne, and then what followed, it shall after appeare.
[Sidenote: Wil. Paruus. Enuious discord among the christians.] In the meane while, the christian armie atchiued some worthie enterprises in the holie land, though not manie, by reason of such enuious discord as reigned amongst the chefe gouernours. It chanced yet on the eue of the Natiuitie of our ladie next after the departure of king Philip, as king Richard marched foorth towards Japh ancientlie called Joppa, that the Soldan Saladine taking aduantage of the place, did set vpon the rereward of the christians: [Sidenote: K. Richard discomfiteth the Saracens nere to Port Japh.] but his Saracens (after they had fought right fiercelie from noone till sunne setting) were so beaten backe at length, and repelled with such losse and disaduantage, that in 40. yeares before they had not susteined at one time greater damage. Amongst other of the christians slaine at that encounter, was one James Dauenes, a man of high prowesse and valiancie.
[Sidenote: Rog. Houed.] Moreouer, king Richard wan diuerse townes and castels out of the enimies hands, as Ascalon, Darus, and diuerse other, and some he fortified, as Ascalon aforesaid, and Port Japh, otherwise called Joppa. There were sundrie encounters also betwixt the Saracens and christians, wherein king Richard and his people bare themselues so manfullie, that the victorie for the most part continuallie rested on their side. [Sidenote: 1192.] At one time also, hearing of a great conueie of vittels, munitions, and other things which came from Babylon towards Jerusalem to furnish Saladine and his armie (which conueies they call carauannes) king Richard with a competent power of men met them on the waie, and distressed those that were attendant vpon the safegard of that carriage, being in number about two thousand horssemen, besides a great multitude of footmen, and therewith tooke the carriages with foure thousand and six hundred camels and dromedaries, besides an innumerable sort of mules, asses, and other beasts of burthen.
But to speake of all the worthie exploits atchiued by king Richard and his valiant capteins there in the holie land against the infidels, it would require a long treatise, and therefore here we passe them ouer. This is to be noted, that amongst other of whom we find honorable mention made by writers for their high valiancie shewed in those exploits, these are named as cheefe, [Sidenote: The names of such noble men as were famous for their valiant dooings in this voiage.] Robert earle of Leicester, Hubert bishop of Salisburie, with the earles of S. Paule and Dreux, beside diuerse other, as Hugh de Gourney, William de Borrez, Walcline de Ferrers, Roger de Toonie, James de Auenes, the bishop of Beauuois, William de Barres, William de Tarland, Drogo de Merlo, Robert de Nealle, Henrie Fitz Nicholas, Robert de Newburg, Rafe de S. Marie, Arnold de Bois, Henrie de Mailoc, William & Saule de Bruil, Andrew de Chauignie, Henrie de Graie, Peter de Pratellis, Stephan de Turneham, Baldwin Carron, Clarenbald de Mount Chablon, Manser de Lisle, Richard de Orques and Theodorike Philip, Ferrike de Vienne, Gilbert Malemaine, Alexander d'Arsie, Stephan de Longchamp, Seguin de Barret, Roger de Glanuille, Raimond Fitz Prince, Bartholomew de Mortimer, Gerard Furniuall, Rafe de Malleon, Roger de Sacie, [Sidenote: De Poole alis de Stagno.] William de Poole, Hugh de Neuill, Henrie Teutch or (if ye will) Teutonicus the kings standardbearer, with diuerse others, as well Englishmen, Frenchmen, Normans, Poictouins, Aniouines, Britans, Gascoignes, as other nations, of whome partlie mention is alreadie made before in this booke, and partlie for breefenesse diuerse are omitted.
But now to returne, sure it is, that king Richard meant to haue recouered the citie of Jerusalem, and all the holie land out of the Saracens hands, by the assistance of almightie God: if the doubt which he had of his brother the earle of Mortaigns practises, & the French kings doings, which were brought to him with a greeuous report, had not reuoked him home. [Sidenote: Galf. Vinsaf.] For diuerse messengers were sent dailie into the holie land, to aduertise him of such dangers as were like to insue, if by his speedie returne the same were not preuented. And first after Easter, there came to him the prior of Hereford with letters from the bishop of Elie, conteining a sore information against his brother earle John, for hauing expelled those whom he had appointed rulers ouer the realme of England, and altered the state of things there contrarie to the ordinances by him deuised afore his setting forward vpon his iournie (as before ye haue partlie heard.)
Vpon receipt of which letters, he meant immediatlie at the first to haue returned, and to haue left behind him a conuenient power of men, to wit, thre hundred knights or men of armes, and two thousand chosen footmen, to abide vpon the defense of the holie land, with other christians at his costs and charges. But yet at length he was persuaded to tarrie, speciallie till things were set in some better staie, which were out of order by the death of the marques of Montferrato, lord of Tire, [Sidenote: The marques of Montferrato murthered by the Assassini.] whom two traitorous Saracens of the kind which they name Assassini had murthered. After whose death Henrie earle of Champaigne nephue to king Richard married his wife, and was made king of Jerusalem, Guido resigning to him his title, vnto whome as it were in recompense king Richard gaue the Ile of Cypres: although some write, that the knights Templers had bought it of him before. Thus king Richard remaining still in the holie land, shortlie after Whitsuntide, there came an other messenger to him, one John de Alanzon a clearke, bringing worsse newes out of England than the prior of Hereford had brought before, which in effect conteined, [Sidenote: Earle John purposed to seize vpon the kingdom in his brothers absence.] that his brother earle John was alied as a confederat with the French king, and meant through his setting on, to seize into his possession the whole realme of England, notwithstanding the persuasion of his mother quene Elianor and other his frends to the contrarie.
Herevpon king Richard was fullie persuaded to returne home, but yet through the admonition of certeine persons, [Sidenote: William de Poicters K. Richards chapleine.] and namelie of one William de Poicters, a chapleine of his, he eftsoones altered his purpose, and so remained there, till at length through enuie and malice still increasing amongst the Christians, he perceiued how no good purpose go forward, since that which semed good to some, was misliked of other; and speciallie our writers put great blame in the French men, who either vpon disdaine or other displeasure would not be persuaded to follow their aduise, which were knowne best to vnderstand the state of things in those parties. And herevpon, when the armie was aduanced to Betenoble, a place not past foure leagues distant from Jerusalem, bicause their mind might not be fulfilled for the besieging of Jerusalem, which they had intended to take in hand (whereas the residue would rather that they shuld haue gone to besiege Babylon in Aegypt, and that vpon sundrie great respects) the Frenchmen raised their field, and returned againe to Acres in great despite, putting the rest of the armie also (so much as in them laie) in danger of vtter ruine and distresse.
[Sidenote: An. Reg. 4.] Then king Richard and the other Christian capteins perceiuing how the matter inclined, and giuing ouer all hope of any more good successe, followed them. So that after they were thus returned to Acres, king Richard still doubting least his long absence from home might put him in danger of more losse here, than he saw hope of present gaine to be had there, in such diuersitie of humours and priuie malice which reigned among them, he determined fullie to depart homewards, with no lesse purpose to returne thither againe after he had setled things at home in such sure stay as was expedient for the suertie of his owne estate and quietnesse of his people. [Sidenote: Wil. Paruus.] Herevpon being readie to enter into his ships at Acres [or as some haue, being on his iournie homewards in Cypres] he was aduertised that the Souldane Saladine had taken the town of Japh, slaine a great number of the christians within it, and besieged the residue within the castell, the which (constreined through feare) had compounded to yeld, if within thre daies there came no succour.
King Richard being hereof aduertised, and turning gref into valiancie, with all sped sailed backe vnto Japh, and landing there with his people, caused his enimies to forsake the towne: but anon assembling themselues againe togither, they turned once more to besiege it, wherevpon he issued foorth into the fields, [Sidenote: K. Richard rescueth Port Japh.] and fought with them sundrie daies togither, till finallie they were content to forsake their enterprise, and to depart thence for altogither. In these conflicts the valiant courage of King Richard, and the worthie manhood of his souldiers right well appeared: [Sidenote: Rad. Niger. Matth. Paris.] for he brought not with him at that time vnto Japh aboue 80 men of armes, and foure hundred other souldiers with crossebowes, and yet with that small handfull of men, and some aid of them that he found there in the castell, he did not onelie bid battell to the enimies, which were numbered to 62 thousand, but also put them to the woorsse, and caused them to flee backe, to their great shame and confusion.
[Sidenote: Cephas. K. Richard fell sicke.] Thus Japh being deliuered out of the enimies hands, king Richard fell sicke at a castell called Cephas, and so remained there certeine daies, till he had recouered his health. In which meane time the Soldane Saladine seeming to lament his case, sent vnto him certeine of his councellors to common with him of peace, declaring that although he well vnderstood that king Richard ment shortlie to returne into his countrie, and that after his departure out of the east parts, he could with small adoo recouer all that the christians yet held within the holie land, he would neuerthelesse in respect of king Richards high prowes, and noble valliancie, grant a peace for a certeine time, so that not onelie Ascalon, but also all other such townes and places as the christians had fortified or woone since the conquest of Acres should be raced, as touching their walles, bulworks, gates, and other fortifications.
King Richard (though he perceiued that this offer of peace tended vnto this point cheefelie, that Saladine would thereby adnihilate whatsoeuer the christian armie had doone in the holie land since his & the French kings arriuall, so that by the said peace he should gaine more than by the edge of his sword) did somewhat staie at this offer and demand, as a thing greatlie dishonourable to the christians, to lose by treatie of peace so much or rather more than they got by force of warres (a meere token of faint and feble courage) yet considering that in such necessitie both of his departure from thence, and also of lacke of other succors to resist the puissance of the enimies, after his comming awaie, he iudged it best to take the offer at the enimies hands in auoiding of some greater euill. [Sidenote: A peace concluded betwixt the Christians & Saracens.] Herevpon therefore was a peace concluded to endure for thre yeares, thre moneths, thre weks, thre daies, and three houres, to begin at Easter next insuing. And among other articles, it was couenanted, that the christians should haue fre passage to come and go vnto the citie of Jerusalem, to visit the holie sepulchre there, which was granted; so that amongst a great number of christians that presentlie vpon this conclusion went thither, [Sidenote: Hubert bishop of Salisburie.] Hubert bishop of Salisburie was one, who had continued about the king during the time of all his iournie till this time.
King Richard hauing thus concluded with Saladine, tooke the sea, and comming againe into Cypres, sent his wife queene Berengaria with his sister Joane (late quene of Sicile) into England by the long seas, but he himselfe not minding to lie long on the seas, [Sidenote: K. Richard taketh his iornie homewards.] determined to take his course into Grecia, and so by land to passe homewards with all speed possible. Howbeit yer he could atteine his purpose, his chance was to be driuen by tempest into the coast of Istria, not farre from Aquilia, where he stood in some doubt of his life. For if he had beene knowne and taken, they would surelie haue killed him, [Sidenote: K. Richard slandered for the death of y^e marques of Montferrato.] bicause of the slander that went of him, as guiltie of the death of Conrade the marquesse of Montferrato, who inded was slaine by two of the Assassini in the citie of Tyrus, whilest king Richard was in the holie land (as before ye haue heard.)
He therefore hauing here made shipwracke, and doubting to fall into the hands of any person in those parts that bare good will vnto the marquesse (against whome he had inded shewed himselfe not freendlie in a quarrell betwixt the said marquesse and Guido king of Jerusalem) made the best shift he could to get away, yet knowledge being had of him, [Sidenote: W. Paruus. Erle of Gorze Saltzburge.] and serch made after him by one Meinard of Gorezein, he lost eight of his seruants, and so came to a towne within the bishoprike of Saltzburge called Frisake, where he was eftsoones in danger to haue beene taken againe by one Frederike de saint Soome, who notwithstanding tooke six of his men, but yet he himselfe with three other of his companie made shift to get away. [Sidenote: K. Richard commeth to Vienna.] Finallie comming to Vienna in Austrich, and there causing his seruants to prouide meat for him, more sumptuous and fine than was thought requisit for so meane a person as he counterfeited then to beare out in countenance, it was streightwaies suspected that he was some other maner of man than he pretended, [Sidenote: Polydor.] and in fine, those that marked more diligentlie the maner of him, perceiued what he was, and gaue knowledge to the duke of Austrich named Leopold, being then in the citie of Vienna, what they had seene. His page that had the Dutch toong, going about the towne to change gold, and buy vittels, bewraied him, hauing by chance the kings gloues vnder his girdle: wherevpon comming to be examined for feare of tortures confessed the truth.
[Sidenote: Ra. Niger.] The duke streightwaies caused the house where he was lodged, to be set about with armed men, and sent other into the house to apprehend him. He being warie that he was descried, got him to his weapon: but they aduising him to be contented, and alledging the dukes commandement, he boldlie answered, "that sith he must be taken, he being a king, would yeld himselfe to none of the companie but to the duke alone, and therefore if it would please him to come, he would yeld himselfe into his hands." [Sidenote: K. Richard submitteth himselfe to the duke of Austrich.] The duke hearing of this, spedilie came vnto him, whom he meeting, deliuered vp his sword, and committed him vnto his custodie. The duke reioising of such a preie, brought him vnto his palace, and with gentle words enterteined him, though he meant no great good towards him, as well inough appeared in that he committed him to the keeping of certeine gentlemen, which without much courtesie looked streightlie inough to him for starting awaie, in somuch that they kept him in cold irons (as some authours doo write.) [Sidenote: N. Triuet.] He was taken after the maner aforesaid in December vpon S. Thomas eue, in the yere of our Lord 1192. and in the fourth yeare of his reigne.
[Sidenote: Polychron.] The duke of Austrich owght the king no good will, bicause he had cast downe his ensignes pitcht vp in a turret at Acres, which he had woone at the verie time when that citie was deliuered by the Saracens: [Sidenote: The cause of the displeasure betwixt the duke of Austrich & king Richard.] for while they were in tretie on the one side, the duke on the other, not knowing anie thing thereof, gaue the assault vnto that part of the towne which was appointed vnto him to besiege. And so being entred the towne, and perceiuing that by treatie it was to be deliuered, he retired into the turret which he had first woone and entred, and there set vp his standard and ensignes, which king Richard (as the Dutch writers affirme) comming thither, threw downe and trode vnder his fet.
[Sidenote: Ger. Dor.] But Geruasius Dorobornensis declareth this matter somewhat otherwise, as thus. After that the said citie of Acres was rendred into the christian mens hands (saith he) diuerse lords tooke their lodgings as they thought good, and hanged foorth their ensignes. And as it chanced, the duke of Austrich placing himselfe in one of the fairest palaces of all the citie, put foorth his ensigne, whereof king Richard being warie, came thither with a companie of hardie souldiers about him, and threw downe the dukes ensigne, so displacing him out of that so pleasant and beautifull a lodging. [Sidenote: Rog. Houed.] For this cause, and also surmizing that king Richard should be guiltie of the death of the marques Conrade, the duke of Austrich shewed such discourtesie towards him. But concerning the murther of the marques, the chefe gouernour of those Saracens called Assassini cleared king Richard by a letter written and directed vnto the duke of Austrich in manner as followeth.
A letter directed to the duke of Austrich, wherein king Richard is cleared of the death of the marquesse of Mountferrat, whereof he was vehementlie suspected.
Lvpoldo duci Austri, Vetus de Monte salutem. Cm plurimi reges & principes vltra mare Richardum regem Angli & dominum de morte marchisi inculpent, iuro per dominum qui regnat in ternum, & per legem quam tenemus, qud in eius mortem nullam culpam habuit. Est siquidem causa mortis ipsius marchisi talis. Vnus ex fratribus nostris in vnam nauem de Satalei, ad partes nostras veniebat, & tempestas illum fort ad Tyrum appulit, & marchisus fecit illum capere & occidere, & magnam pecuniam eius rapuit. Nos ver marchiso nuncios nostros misimus, mandantes vt pecuniam fratris nostri nobis redderet, & de morte fratris nostri nobiscum se concordaret, & noluit.
Nec non & nuncios nostros spreuit, & mortem fratris nostri super Reginaldum dominum de Sidonis posuit, & nos tantm fecimus per amicos nostros, quod in veritate scimus, qud ille fecit illum occidere & pecuniam rapere. Et iterum alium nuncium nostrum nomine Edrisum misimus ad eum, quem in mare mergere voluit, sed amici nostri illum Tyro festinanter fecerunt recedere, qui ad nos peruenit, & ista nobis nunciauit. Nos quoque ex illa hora marchisum desiderauimus occidere. Tncque duos fratres misimus ad Tyrum, qui eum apert & fer coram omni populo Tyri occiderunt.
Hc erg fuit causa mortis marchisi, & ben dicimus vobis in veritate, qud dominus Richardus rex Angli in hac marchisi morte nullam culpam habuit. Et qui propter hoc domino regi Angli malum fecerunt, iniust fecerunt, & sine causa. Sciatis pro certo, qud nullum hominem huius mundi pro mercede aliqua vel pecunia occidimus, nisi pris nobis malum fecerit. Et sciatis qud has literas fecimus in domo nostra ad castellum nostrum Messiat in dimidio Septembri, anno ab Alexandro 1505.
* * * * *
The same in English.
Vetus de Monte to Lupold duke of Austrich sendeth greeting. Where manie kings and princes beyond the seas blame Richard king of England of the marques his death, I sweare by the lord that reigneth euerlastinglie, and by the law which we hold, that he was not in fault for his death. For the verie cause of the marques his death was such as followeth. One of our brethren in a ship of Satalie came towards our parties, and chanced by tempest to be driuen vnto Tyre, and the marques caused him to be taken and slaine and tooke a great portion of monie that he had in the ship with him. Whervpon we sent our messengers to the marques, commanding him to restore vnto vs the monie of our brother, and to compound with vs for our said brothers death, and he would not.
Moreouer, he also contemned our messengers, & laid the fault of our brothers death vpon Reginald lord of Sidon, and we did so much through our freends, that we got full vnderstanding that the marques himselfe caused him to be slaine, and tooke his monie. And therefore we sent vnto him againe an other messenger named Edrisus, whome he would haue drowned in the sea, but our freends made such shift, that they procured him to depart with speed from Tyre, who returned to vs, and signified these things to vs for certeine. And from that houre euer after we had a desire to slea the marques: and so then we sent two of our brethren vnto Tyre, who openlie, & in a manner in presence of all the people of Tyre slue him.
This therefore was the verie cause of the death of the marques: & we say to you in good sooth, that the lord Richard king of England, in this death of the marques was nothing culpable: and they that haue doone anie displeasure vnto the king of England for this cause, they haue doone it wrongfullie, and without anie iust occasion. Know ye for certeine, that we do not vse to kill anie man of this world for anie bribe, or for monie, except he haue doone to vs some harme afore time. And know ye that we haue made these letters in our house at our castell of Messuat, in the midst of September, in the yeare from Alexander the great, 1505.
Thus we see how king Richard was cleared of that crime concerning the marques his death by the tenour of this letter. And verelie it is most like that king Richard would haue bene loth to haue communicated his purpose vnto such a wicked kind of pagans as the Assassini were, if he had pretended any such matter, but rather would haue sought his reuenge by some other meanes. Now therefore to our purpose.
The newes of the taking of king Richard was anon bruted and blowne ouer all Germanie, wherevpon the emperour Henrie the sixt, the sonne of Frederike the first, [Sidenote: 1193.] sent in all hast vnto the duke, persuading him to deliuer the king into his hands, being able to susteine and abide the malice of all them that would be offended with the taking and deteining of him prisoner, as the pope and others. The emperour well vnderstood the wealth and riches of England, and therefore hoped to make some good purchase by ransoming the king, if he might get him out of the dukes hands. The duke perceiuing also the emperours meaning, durst not well denie his request, [Sidenote: The king is deliuered to the emperor. Matth. Paris.] and therefore he deliuered the king vnto them that were sent from the emperour, who couenanted to giue vnto the said duke the summe of 6000. pounds of Cullen weight for the hauing of the said king. The emperour thus receiuing the king at the hands of the duke of Austrich, commanded that he should be committed to close prison, and would not doo so much as once speake with him. This he did, to cause the king vpon an indignation and wearinesse of that maner of life, to make speed in offering some large masse of monie for his libertie & deliuerance. Thus we se how couetousnesse infected the hearts of the mightie, and what occasion the emperour and duke did take, to inrich themselues by the meanes of the king, whome they forced not to impouerish, so their owne greedie worme were serued. But this hath bene a disease not so generall as ancient, according to his words that said, [Sidenote: Ouid. lib. Fast. 1.] Vix ego Saturno quenquam regnante videbam, Cuius non animo dulcia lucra forent.
[Sidenote: Rog. Houed.] Here is to be remembred by the waie, that about the same time, or somewhat before, [Sidenote: Two legats from y^e pope.] in the yeare of our Lord 1192. the pope sent two legats (namelie, Octauian bishop of Hostia, and Jordane de Fossa noua) into Normandie, to reconcile the bishop of Elie and the archbishop of Rouen: but comming vnto Gisors, they were staied from entring any further into the countrie, [Sidenote: Normandie interdicted.] wherevpon they did interdict the whole duchie of Normandie, togither with William Fitz Radulfe lord steward of that countrie, bicause he was the man that had so staied them. Immediatlie herevpon, queene Elianor, and the archbishop of Rouen sent vnto those legats Hugh bishop of Durham, requiring them to release that sentence of interdiction so pronounced against the steward and countrie of Normandie in the kings absence, but they would not, except they might be receiued into Normandie: howbeit, the pope being sent vnto, released it, and caused the legats to release it also, and yet they entred not into Normandie at all.
[Sidenote: The earle of Pieregort & others wast the K. of Englands lands.] This yeare, whilest the seneschall of Gascoigne laie sicke, the earle of Pieregort, and the vicount of March, and almost all the lords and barons of Gascoigne, began to waste and destroie the lands of king Richard. And though the seneschall manie times by messengers required a peace, or at the least some truce, yet could he not haue any grant thereof: [Sidenote: The seneschal of Gascoigne reuengeth iniurie.] wherfore vpon his recouerie of health he inuaded the lands of the said earle, tooke the castels and fortresses and some of them he fortified, and kept to the kings vse, and some of them he raced downe to the ground. He also inuaded the vicounts countrie, and subdued it to the kings gouernement. [Sidenote: The king of Nauarres brother.] Shortlie after came the brother of the king of Nauarre, with eight hundred knights or men of armes to the seneschals aid, and so they two togither entring into the lands of the earle of Tholouse, tooke diuerse castels and fortresses within the same, of the which some they fortified, and some they raced, and rode euen to the gates of Tholouse, and lodged in maner vnder the walles of the citie.
A little before Christmas also, diuerse of those that had bene in the holie land with king Richard, came home into England, not knowing but that king Richard had beene at home before them, and being asked where they thought he was become, they could say no more but that they had seene the ship wherein he first went aboord, arriuing at Brendize in Puglia. At length, when newes came that he was taken and staied as prisoner, the archbishop of Rouen and other the rulers of the realme of England, [Sidenote: The abbats of Boxley and Roberts-bridge.] sent the abbat of Boxeley and the abbat of Roberts-bridge with all sped into Almaine to speake with him, and to vnderstand his state, and what his pleasure was in all things. Who comming to Germanie, passed through the countrie into Baierland, where at a place called Oxefer they found the king as then on his iournie towards the emperour, to whom (as ye haue heard) the duke of Austrich did send him. The said abbats attended him to the emperours court, and remained there with him till the emperour and he were accorded, in manner as after shall be shewed: and then after Easter they returned with the newes into England.
[Sidenote: Ger. Dor.] Vpon report hereof order was taken for manie things, but cheefelie for the state: in which dealings, forsomuch as those which had the rule of the land stood in great doubt of things (for the inconstant nature of earle John was of them much suspected) first they caused a new oth of allegiance to be made to king Richard, and receiued of the people. They fortified also such townes and castels as were of importance, both with repairing the walles and other defenses about the same, and furnishing them with men, munition and vittels. Thus was the land brought into some order.
[Sidenote: The French king counselleth K. John to vsurpe against his brother.] In the meane while, the French king being aduertised that king Richard was deteined as prisoner reioised not a little thereat, and with all speed by secret messages did send for his brother earle John, who was readie to come at his call. And being come, he exhorted him not to suffer so conuenient an occasion to passe, but to take the gouernement of the realme of England now into his hands, promising him all such aid as he could of him reasonablie require: with other like talke still tending to the prouocation of the earle to forsake his allegiance vnto his brother. And to say the truth, earle John was easilie persuaded so to doo, and therefore vpon his immediat returne into England, assembled an armie, and with the same (and such strangers as he brought with him) began to prooue maisteries, first winning the castels of Windsore, Wallingford, Notingham, and diuerse other, and fortifieng the same to his owne vse and defense.
The barons of the land, iudging such vnlawfull doings not to be anie longer suffered, first besieged the castell of Windsore, and after preparing to leuie a greater force, did put them within in such feare, that they yelded vp the same, seking to escape by flight, some into one place, and some into an other, the which yet being apprehended were put to worthie execution. [Sidenote: Ger. Dor.] But this was not doone without continuance of time, & without great trouble & charges to the realme: for whereas there was a practise betwixt the French king and earle John, that a great power of strangers, & namelie Flemings should haue come into the realme (for whose transporting a great number of ships were brought togither at Witsand) yet the high prouidence and goodnesse of God disappointed their purpose. For their messengers being taken which were sent hither into England, the treason was reuealed, and by the queene mothers appointment (who cheefelie then ruled the land) a great companie of knights, men of armes, and commons of the countrie, watched the sea coasts ouer against Flanders, to keepe the enimies from landing. They began thus to watch in the passion weke, and so continued till a certeine time after Easter. Howbeit earle John came secretlie ouer, in hope to haue not onelie the assistance of the Welshmen and of manie other his freends in England, but also of the Scots, howbeit, the king of Scots would not meddle. He therefore with such Welshmen and other as he had brought ouer, and such Englishmen as he could get to take his part, began such attempts (as before ye haue heard) to the disquieting of the whole realme, and great displeasure of the king.
Moreouer, beside that power of the barons which laid siege to Windsor castell, there were Noble men also in other parts of the realme that were readie to resist him. [Sidenote: The archbishop of Yorke. Hugh Bardolfe. William de Stuteuille.] And amongst other, Geffrey the archbishop of Yorke, with Hugh Bardolfe one of the kings iustices, and William de Stuteuille, assembled an armie, and comming to Doncaster, fortified the towne: but when the archbishop would haue gone forward to besiege the castell of Tickhill, which earle John had in possession, the other two his associats would not consent to go with him, bicause they were seruants, and reteined with earle John. Herewith the archbishop being sore offended, departed from them, calling them traitors to their king, and enimies to the realme.
About the same time did the French king enter into Normandie with an armie, & comming to the towne of Gisors, besieged it, the which one Gilbert de Vascoll or Guascoill capteine thereof (to his high reproch) yelded vp vnto him, with an other castell also called Nefle, which he had likewise in keping. [Sidenote: Wil. Paruus.] After this, the French king entring into the countrie of Veuxine or Veulquessine, wan diuers towns and fortresses in the same, and passing forward, tooke Val de Rueil, and Neusburge, [Sidenote: Rouen besieged.] and finallie comming before the citie of Rouen he laid siege thereto: [Sidenote: The earle of Leicester.] but the earle of Leicester being gotten into the citie before the French kings comming thither, so incouraged the citizens, that they stoutlie standing to their defense, caused the French king to his great dishonour to raise his field, hauing lost there more than he wan. [Sidenote: Polydor.] Yet to saue other townes and castels from taking, and the countrie from destruction, the rulers of the same procured a truce for a great summe of monie, which they couenanted to giue, deliuering vp foure notable castels by waie of engagement, till the summe agreed vpon should be to him contented and dulie paid.
In the meane time, earle John as head of all the conspiratours, perceiuing himselfe not able to atchieue his purpose as then, nor to resist the lords and barons of the realme, being vp in armour against him, and now growen to greater stomach, bicause they vnderstood by the bishop of Salisburie latelie arriued, of the kings welfare, and hope of deliuerance; and furthermore, considering that he was disappointed both of Scots and Flemings as he had well hoped should haue come to his aid: he tooke a truce with the lords of the kings side, by the earnest trauell of the bishop of Salisburie, [Sidenote: Michaelmas, saith Ger. Dorob.] till the feast of All saincts, so as the castels of Windsore, Wallingford, and the Peake, should remaine in the hands of his mother queene Elianor; but the castels of Notingham and Tickhill remained still in his owne possession, the which with such other castels as he held within the land, he furnished with garrisons of his owne men and freends, and then went againe ouer into France to the French king, to purchase some new aid at his hands according to his promise.
[Sidenote: Wil. Paruus.] Here will we leaue earle John conferring with the French king, and returne to the king of England. Vpon Palmesundaie after that he was deliuered (or rather betraied) into the emperours hands, he was brought before the princes and lords of the empire, [Sidenote: The emperour chargeth king Richard with iniuries doone to the Sicilians.] in whose presence the emperour charged him with diuerse vnlawfull dooings: and namelie picked a quarell at him for the wrongs and hurts doone to the Sicilians in time of his soiourning in their Ile, as he went towards the holie land. For albeit the said emperour had nothing as then to doo in the countrie, yet for somuch as he had latelie recouered the Ile of Sicile out of king Tancreds hands, and was now intituled king thereof by the pope, in right of his wife Constance, the daughter of Roger king of Sicile, and so by reason therof seemed to be greuouslie offended with him for his dooings about the recouering of the monie from Tancred, which neuerthelesse was iustlie due vnto his sister for her dowrie, as in the processe afore I haue alreadie declared. [Sidenote: W. Paruus. Matth. West. The kings wisdome in making his answere.] King Richard notwithstanding these vaine and other friuolous obiections laid to his charge, made his answears alwaies so pithilie and directlie to all that could be laid against him, and excused himselfe in euerie point so not onelie greatlie commended him for the same, but from thencefoorth vsed him more courteouslie, and suffered that his frends might haue accesse to him more frelie than before they could be permitted.
[Sidenote: Polydor.] The pope also being aduertised of the taking of king Richard, was much offended, that anie Christian prince, hauing taken vpon him the defense of the Christian faith against the infidels, should be so vsed in his returne from so godlie an enterprise: and therefore sent both to the duke of Austrich, and to the emperour, requiring them to set him at libertie. But the emperour declared plainlie that he would be answered for such summes of monie as king Richard had taken out of Sicile before he would release him or set him at libertie.
[Sidenote: The bishop of Salisburie sent into England.] When king Richard perceiued that no excuses would serue, though neuer so iust, but that he must neds paie to his couetous host some great summe of monie for his hard interteinment, he sent the bishop of Salisburie into England, to take order with the barons of the realme to prouide for the paiment of his ransome, which bishop (as ye haue heard) after the peace concluded with Saladine, went vnto Jerusalem to visit the holie sepulchre, and now comming into Sicile, as he returned homewards, had knowledge there how king Richard was taken prisoner in Austrich, and remained in the emperours hands: wherevpon he turned that waie foorth, and comming to him, was now sent into England with commission (as I haue said) to leauie monie for the kings ransome. He landed here the twentith day of Aprill, [Sidenote: Ger. Dor.] by whose comming the land was the sooner brought in quiet: for the agrement which earle John tooke (as before ye haue heard) was cheefelie procured by his meanes. For till his comming, the castell of Windsore was not woone, the siege being but slackelie followed by the archbishop of Rouen, who had diuerse of his frends within it, and therefore was not verie earnest against them.
[Sidenote: Rog. Houed. The bishop of Elie commeth to the king.] When the bishop of Salisburie was departed towards England, the bishop of Elie came to the king and trauelled so earnestlie betwixt the emperour and him, that finallie the emperour (partlie through his suit, & partlie for that he had beene verie much called vpon by the pope and other for his deliuerie) tooke order with him for the redeming of his libertie, [Sidenote: The emperor agreth with king Richard for his ransome. N. Triuet. Matth. Paris.] and appointed what summe he should pay for his ransome, which (as some write) was two hundred thousand markes: other saie that it was but 140 thousand marks of the poise of Cullen weight. But William Paruus, who liued in those daies, affirmeth it was one hundred thousand pounds, and Roger Houeden saith an hundred thousand marks of Cullen poise, to be paid presentlie at the kings first comming into England, and fiftie thousand marks afterwards, that is to say, thirtie thousand to the emperour, and twentie thousand to the duke of Austrich, as it were in recompense of the iniurie done to him in the holie land; where king Richard ouerthrew his ensignes: and for the same to deliuer sufficient suerties.
[Sidenote: R. Houed. Lands assigned to king Richard.] Moreouer, we find in Roger Houeden that the emperour amongst other the articles of this agrement thus concluded betwixt him and king Richard, gaue and granted, and by his letters patents confirmed vnto him these lands hereafter mentioned, that is to saie: Prouance with the citie of Vienne, and Viennois, the citie of Marseils, Narbon, Arles and Lion vpon the Rhone, with the countrie vp to the Alps, and all those possessions which belonged to the empire in Burgoine, with the homages of the king of Aragon and of the earle of S. Giles: wherein is to be noted, that with the precinct of the premisses thus granted to king Richard, fiue archbishops ses, and thirtie three bishops ses are included. Howbeit the truth is, that the emperour neuer had possession of these countries, cities, and towns himselfe, neither would the inhabitants receiue any person so by him appointed to their lord and gouernour, wherefore the king made small account of that his so large grant. But after he once vnderstood the certeintie of the summe that he should paie for his ransome (which businesse he most attended) he sent one with letters by and by and in great hast into England to his treasurers, requiring them with all conuenient sped to prouide monie, [Sidenote: Polydor.] and to send it to him by a day, that he might be set at libertie with sped.
[Sidenote: Rog. Houed. Order taken for leuieng monie to paie the kings ransome.] These letters being come to the quene mother, and other that had charge in gouernance of the realme, tooke order that all maner of persons as well spirituall as temporall, should giue the fourth part of their whole reuenues to them for that yeare accrewing, and as much more of their mooueable goods, and that of euerie knights fe there should be leuied the sum of twentie shillings. Also that the religious houses of the orders of the Cisteaux and Sempringham should giue all their wools for that yeare towards the kings ransome.
[Sidenote: The hard dealing of officers in the collection.] Now those that had commission to leuie this monie, being poisoned with couetousnesse, and incensed with a gredie desire (than the which as the poet saith, —— nulla est hac maior Erinnys, Hanc memorant Acheronte satam, per tristia Ditis Regna truces agitare faces, &c.) vsed much streightnesse in exacting it, not onelie leuieng it to the vttermost value and extent of mens lands, goods, and possessions, but after their owne willes and pleasures: so that vnder colour of the kings commission, and letters to them directed, there semed not a tribute or subsidie to be raised, but by some publike proclamation all the goods and substance of the people to be appointed as a prey to the kings officers, whereby it came to passe, that not onelie priuate mens goods, [Sidenote: Church iewels.] but also the chalices, iewels, and vessels belonging to the church were turned into monie, and a farre greater summe made than was at the first commanded, a great part of the ouerplus being conuerted to the vse of those, through whose hands the receipt passed. There was no priuilege nor freedome allowed to exempt any person or place for being contributorie towards the paiment of this monie. The order of Cisteaux that were neuer charged with any paiment before, were now assessed more depelie than the rest.
[Sidenote: The bishop of Norwich.] The bishop of Norwich lamenting the iniurious dealings of the pettie officers, and pittieng the people of the church, collected halfe the value of all the chalices within his diocesse himselfe, and to make vp the other halfe of the whole summe, he spared not to giue a great portion of his owne treasure. [Sidenote: The abbat of saint Albons.] The abbat of S. Albons acquitted all those churches within the compasse of his iurisdiction, by the gift of an hundred marks. [Sidenote: The bishop of Chester.] But the bishop of Chester had verie ill lucke with his collections; for hauing gathered a great summe of monie to the kings vse, he was spoiled thereof in one night, as he lodged neere vnto Canturburie, being vpon his iournie towards the king. [Sidenote: Matthew de Clere.] And bicause Matthew de Clere that laie in the castell of Douer was knowne to aid those that robbed the said bishop, the archbishop of Canturburie pronounced him accurssed.
[Sidenote: R. Houed. The bishop of Elie.] About this time, and on the morrow after the natiuitie of saint John Baptist, the bishop of Elie lord chancellour arriued in England, not shewing himselfe in any statelie port (for he tooke vpon him neither the dignitie of chancellour nor legat, nor yet of iustice) but onelie as a simple bishop and messenger sent from the king. The quene mother, the archbishop of Rouen, and such other as had gouernment of the land, hearing of his comming, met him at saint Albons, where he shewed to them the emperours letters, conteining the agreement made betwixt him and king Richard, and withall appointed certeine lords & barons to go with him at his returne backe to the king, as Gilbert bishop of Rochester, Sifrid bishop of Chichester, Bennet abbat of Peterborow, Richard earle of Clare, Roger Bigot earle of Norfolke, Geffrey de Saie, and diuerse other. It was also ordeined at this same time, that the monie gathered towards the paiment of the kings ransome should remaine in custodie of Hubert bishop of Salisburie, Richard bishop of London, William earle of Arundell, Hameline earle of Warren, and of the Maior of London, vnder the seales of the quene mother, and of the archbishop of Rouen.
[Sidenote: An. Reg. 5.] But se the hap of things, whilest ech one was thus occupied about the aforesaid monie; [Sidenote: Wil. Paruus.] it chanced that king Richard was at the point to haue bene deliuered into the hands of his deadlie aduersarie the French king, as hereafter you shall heare, noting by the waie the dangerous estate of princes, the manifold distresses whereinto by sinister fate (as well as the inferior & rascall rout of common drudges) they be driuen. For what greater calamitie, what greuouser hartach, what more miserable casualtie could haue happened vnto a bondman, than to be deliuered to and fro from the hand of one enimie to another, to be bought and sold for monie, to stand to the courtesies of forren foes, of a king to become a captiue? whervnto the poet did right well allude, when he said, [Sidenote: Hor. lib. car. 1. ode 10.] Spius ventis agitatur ingens Pinus, & cels grauiore casu Decidunt turres, ferintq; summos Fulmina montes.
The emperour vpon displeasure conceiued against the bishop of Liege, which latelie had atteined to that benefice contrarie to the emperours pleasure, who wished the same rather to an other person, [Sidenote: The bishop of Liege murthered.] hired certeine naughtie fellowes to go into France, where the bishop remained for feare of the emperours malice, and there to find meanes traitorouslie to slea him, which they accordinglie did, by reason whereof the duke of Louaigne that was brother to the bishop, and other of his kinsmen, vpon knowledge had thereof, meant to haue made the emperour warre, in reuenge of that murther: insomuch that the emperour, to haue the French kings aid against them, was minded to haue deliuered K. Richard vnto him.
Howbeit after that the matter was taken vp, and a concord made betwixt the emperour and his nobles, he changed his purpose also touching the deliuering ouer of king Richard, who perceiuing that till his ransome were paid (which would amount to the summe of an hundred & fiftie thousand marks) he should not get libertie: and putting great confidence in the dexteritie and diligence of Hubert bishop of Salisburie (whome he sent as ye haue heard into England to deale for the leuieng of the same) he thought good to aduance the same bishop to the metropolitane se of Canturburie, which had beene vacant euer sithence the decease of archbishop Baldwine, that died (as ye haue heard) in the holie land.
[Sidenote: Wil. Paruus.] Herevpon writing to the bishops of the realme, and to the moonks of Canturburie, he required them to proced to the election of an archbishop for that see, and withall commended vnto them the foresaid Hubert, as a man most sufficient and met for that roome. [Sidenote: Hubert bishop of Salisburie elected archbishop of Caturburie.] He wrote likewise to the queene to further that matter, and easilie hereby obteined his desire. For shortlie after, the same Hubert was elected by the bishops and moonks, which assembled togither for that purpose. He was the 41 archbishop that gouerned that see: for although Reginold bishop of Bath was elected before him, yet bicause he died yer he was installed, he is not put in the number.
The king being now put in good hope of his spedie deliuerance, sent into England, willing his mother quene Elianor, the archbishop of Rouen and others, to come ouer vnto him into Almaine, [Sidenote: Hubert archbishop of Caturburie, lord chefe iustice.] and in the meane time he ordeined Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie to remaine at home as lord cheefe iustice. After this, the emperour with the aduice of the princes of the empire, assigned a day to king Richard, in which he should be deliuered out of captiuitie, which was the mondaie next after the twentith day of Christmasse. Wherevpon king Richard wrote vnto Hubert archbishop of Canturburie in forme as followeth.
The tenour of king Richards letters to the said archbishop.
Richardus Dei gratia rex Angli, & dux Normani & Aquitani, & comes Andigaui, venerabili patri nostro in Christo, & amico charissimo Huberto eadem gratia Cantuariensi archiepiscopo salutem & sincer dilectionis plenitudinem. Quoniam certiores sumus, qud liberationem nostram plurimm desideratis, & qud liberatio nostra admodum vos ltificat, scripto volumus qud ltitiae nostr participes sitis. Inde est qud dilectioni vestr dignum duximus significare, dominum imperatorem certum diem liberationis nostr nobis praefixisse, in die lun proxima post vicessimum diem natiuitatis Domini, & die dominica proxima sequenti coronabimur de regno prouinci, quod nobis dedit. Vnde mittimus in Angliam literas domini imperatoris super hijs patentes, vobis & cteris amicis nostris beneuolis. Vos autem interim pro omni posse vestro quos scitis nos diligere, consolari velitis, & quos scitis promotionem nostram desiderare. Teste meipso apud Spiram 22. die Septembris.
The emperour also signified by his letters to the lords of England his resolute determination in this matter, as followeth.
The tenour of the emperours letters to the States of England touching king Richard, and the day of his deliuerance, &c.
Henricus Dei gratia Romanorum imperator, & semper Augustus, dilectis suis archiep. episcopis, comitibus, baronibus, militibus, & vniuersis alijs fidelibus Richardi illustris regis Anglorum gratiam suam & omne bonum. Vniuersitati vestr duximus intimandum, qud dilecto amico nostro Richardo illustri regi Anglorum domino vestro certum diem liberationis suŠ statuimus, secunda feria post diem natiuitatis domini in tres septimanas apud Spiram siue apud Berenatiam, & inde in septem dies posuimus ei diem coronationis su de regno Prouinci, quod ei promisimus: & hoc certum habeatis, & indubitatum, nostri siquidem propositi est, & voluntatis, prfatum dominum vestrum specialem promouere sicut amicum nostrum, & magnificentis honorare. Datum apud Theallusam vigilia beati Thom Apostoli.
Before this king Richard had sent the bishop of Elie into France vnto his brother earle John, who preuailed so much with him, that he returned into Normandie, and there sware fealtie vnto his brother king Richard, and so was contented to forsake the French king. But whereas king Richard commanded that all such castels and honours as he had giuen to him afore time, should now be restored to him againe, as well those in England, as the other on the further side the sea: such as had the same castels in keping would not obeie the kings commandement herein, [Sidenote: The kings commandement not obeied.] refusing to make restitution of those places, according to the tenour & purport of the kings writ, vnto the said earle of Mortaigne, by reason of which refusall, he returned againe to the French king, and stucke to him. Herevpon the French king gaue vnto him the castels of Dreincourt, and Arques, the which ought to haue bene deliuered vnto the archbishop of Reimes as in pledge, who had trauelled as a meane betwixt the French king to whom he was vncle, and the king of England to whom he was cousine, procuring a meeting for agreement to be had betwixt them at a certeine place betwixt Vaucolur and Tulle in the borders of Lorraine. But notwithstanding all that he could doo, matters were so farre out of frame, and such mistrust was entred into the minds of the parties, that no conclusion held. So that all the hope which king Richard had, was by paiment of his ransome to redeme his libertie, and then to shift with things as he might. [Sidenote: 1194.] And so finallie when the monie was once readie, or rather a sufficient portion thereof, the same was conueied ouer into Germanie, and paiment made to the emperour of the more part of the kings ransome, and sufficient pledges left with him for the rest, as the archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of Bath [Baldwin Wac] and other which were of late come out of England to see and salute the king.
[Sidenote: Rog. Houed. King Richard released out of captiuitie.] Herevpon king Richard, after he had beene prisoner one yeare, six weekes, and thre daies, was set at libertie on Candlemasse day (as most writers agre) and then with long and hastie iournies, not keping the high waies, he hasted foorth towards England. It is reported that if he had lingred by the way, he had bene eftsoones apprehended. For the emperour being incensed against him by ambassadors that came from the French king, immediatlie after he was set forward, began to repent himselfe in that he had suffered him so soon to depart from him, and herevpon sent men after him with all speed to bring him backe if they could by any meanes ouertake him, meaning as then to haue kept him in perpetuall prison.
[Sidenote: R. Houed. The offers of the French K. and erle John to haue the K. of England kept still in prison.] Some write that those ambassadours sent from the French king, with other from earle John, came to the emperor before king Richard was deliuered, offering in the French kings name fiftie thousand marks of siluer, and in the name of earle John thirtie thousand, vpon condition that K. Richard might remaine still in captiuitie vntill the feast of S. Michaell next insuing; or else if it might so please him, he should receiue a thousand pounds of siluer for euerie moneth, whilest king Richard should be deteined in his prison, or otherwise fiftie thousand marks of siluer more than the first offer, at one entire paiment, if he would deliuer him into their hands, or at the leastwise to kepe him prisoner by the terme of one whole yeare.
The emperour hearing of such large offers, and yet hoping for more, contrarie to his promise and letters patents therefore granted, proroged the day in which king Richard should haue bene set at libertie, till Candlemasse after, at which daie he was brought from Haguenaw vnto Spiers, where the emperour had called a councell to intreat further of the matter touching his redemption. Here the emperour shewed the letters which he had receiued from the French king and earle John vnto king Richard, who vpon sight and perusing of the same, was maruellouslie amazed, and began to despaire of all speedie deliuerance.
Inded the emperour sought delaies vpon a couetous desire of the monie offered by the French king and earle John, [Sidenote: The princes that had vndertaken for the emperor to performe the couenants.] but yet such princes and great lords as had vndertaken for the emperour, that the couenants and articles on his part agred vpon in the accord passed betwixt him and king Richard, should be in ech behalfe performed [that is to saie, the archbishops of Ments, Cullen, and Saltzburge, the bishops of Wormes, Spiers, and Liege, the dukes of Suaben, Austrich, & Louain, the Palsgraue of the Rhine, and others] came to the emperour, and reproouing him for his couetous mind, in that he deferred the restoring of king Richard to his libertie, contrarie to the composition, did so much preuaile, that the emperour receiuing pledges for the paiment of the monie yet behind (as before ye haue heard) released king Richard out of captiuitie on the second or (as Roger Houeden saith) the fourth day of Februarie, being a dismall day and an infortunate (as they note them in kalendars.) [Sidenote: Robert de Nouant.] And where the king would haue left Robert de Nouant the bishop of Couentries brother for a pledge amongst the other, he refused to be one of the number, alledging that he was seruant to earle John. King Richard greeuouslie offended herewith, commanded that he should be apprehended, and committed to prison, & so he was. This Robert was one of those that came with the letters from the French king and earle John to the emperour, about the staieng of king Richards deliuerance.