Albert Gallatin - American Statesmen Series, Vol. XIII
by John Austin Stevens
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"PARIS, September 8, 1830.

"MY DEAR FRIEND:—A long time has elapsed since I had the pleasure to hear from you. I need not, I hope, add, that my affectionate feelings have been continually with you, especially in what related to my young friend whose change of name has more deeply interested every member, and in a very particular manner, the younger part of the family. Let me hear of you all, and receive my tender regards and wishes, with those of my children and grandchildren. LAFAYETTE."

Both of the young people had the honor of Lafayette's acquaintance,—Mr. Stevens during a visit to Paris, and Miss Gallatin during her father's residence there as minister, when she was much admired, and was, in the words of Madame Bonaparte (Miss Patterson), 'a beauty.' In this letter Lafayette gives a picturesque account of the three days' fighting at the barricades, and of the departure of the ex-king and the royal army, accompanied by "some twenty thousand Parisians, in coaches, hacks, and omnibus.... The royal party, after returning the jewels of the crown, went slowly to Cherbourg with their own escort, under the protection of three commissioners, and were there permitted quietly to embark for England."

In 1834 Mr. Gallatin's sympathies were greatly excited by the arrival at New York of a number of Poles, many of them educated men, and among them Etsko, a nephew of Kosciusko. A public committee was raised, called the Polish committee, of which Mr. Gallatin was chosen chairman. Besides superintending the collection of funds, he arranged and carried out in the minutest details a plan to quarter the exiles upon the inhabitants. A list of names ending in ski still remains among his papers; to each was assigned a number, and they were allotted by streets and numbers,—number 182, one Szelesegynski, was taken by Mr. Gallatin himself, to look after horses. These unfortunate men were then distributed through the country, as occupations could be found. In October Mr. Gallatin's notes show that all had been provided for except fourteen boys, for whom a subscription was taken up. A tract of land in Illinois was assigned by Congress to these political exiles.

Mr. Gallatin's first acquaintance with the American Indian was made at Machias. In the neighborhood of this frontier town, across the Canadian border, there were still remnants of the Abenaki and Etchemin tribes. They were French in sympathy, and all converts to the Roman Catholic faith. Mr. Lesdernier, with whom Gallatin lodged, had influence over them from the trade he established with them in furs, and as their religious purveyor. He had paid a visit to Boston at the time the French fleet was there in 1781, and brought home a Capuchin priest for their service. To the young Genevan, brought up in the restrictions of European civilization, the history of the savage was a favorite study. In the winter evenings, in the quiet of the log hut, with the aid of one familiar with the customs and traditions of the race, the foundations were laid of a permanent interest in this almost untrodden branch of human science. The Canadian Indians, however, hemmed in by French and English settlements, were semi-civilized. The Miamis and Shawnees, who ranged the valley of the Ohio, were the tribes nearest to Gallatin's home on the Monongahela. These, though for a long time under the influence of the French, retained their original wildness, and were, during the first years of his residence, the dread of the frontier.

The interest aroused in the mind of Mr. Gallatin by personal observation was quickened by his intimacy with Jefferson, whose "Notes on Virginia," published in 1801, contained the first attempt at a classification and enumeration of American tribes. The earlier work of Colden was confined to the Five Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy. The arrangement of the Louisiana territory, ceded by France, brought Mr. Gallatin into contact with Pierre Louis Chouteau, and an intimacy formed with John Jacob Astor, who was largely concerned in the fur trade of the Northwest, widened the field of interest, which included the geography of the interior and the customs of its inhabitants. Mr. Gallatin's examination of the subject was general, however, and did not take a practical scientific turn until the year 1823, when, at the request of Baron Alexander von Humboldt, he set forth the results of his studies in the form of a Synopsis of the Indian tribes. This essay, communicated by Humboldt to the Italian geographer Balbi, then engaged upon his "Atlas Ethnographique du Globe,"—a classification by languages of ancient and modern peoples,—was quoted by him in his volume introductory to that remarkable work published in 1826, in a manner to attract the attention of the scientific world. Vater, in his "Mithridates," first attempted a classification of the languages of the globe, but the work of Mr. Gallatin, though confined in subject, was original in its conception and treatment. In the winter of 1825-26 a large gathering of southern Indians at Washington enabled him to obtain good vocabularies of several of the tribes. Uniting these to those already acquired, he published a table of all the existing tribes, and at the same time, at his instance, the War Department circulated through its posts a vocabulary containing six hundred words of verbal forms and of selected sentences, and a series of grammatical queries, to which answers were invited. He also opened an elaborate correspondence with such persons as were best acquainted with the Indian tribes in different sections of the country.[23] The replies to these various queries were few in number, but the practical plan, adhered to in substance, has resulted in the collection by the Smithsonian Institution of a very large number of Indian vocabularies.[24]

This class of investigation, in its ample scope for original research and the ascertainment of principles by analysis and analogic expression, was peculiarly agreeable to Mr. Gallatin. His friend, du Ponceau,[25] who served in the American war as the secretary of Steuben, and was now established in Philadelphia, was likewise deeply engaged in philologic studies; in 1819 he had published a memoir of the construction of the languages of the North American Indians, which he followed later with other papers of a similar nature, among which were a "Grammar of the Languages of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians," and a memoir on the grammatical system of the languages of the Indian tribes of North America, a learned and highly instructive paper, which took the Volney prize at Paris.

In 1836 Mr. Gallatin's original paper, contributed to Balbi, amplified by subsequent acquisitions, was published by the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, in the first volume of its Transactions. It was entitled "A Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, within the United States east of the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian Possessions in North America." This elaborate inquiry, the foundation of the science in America, was intended originally to embrace all the tribes north of the Mexican semi-civilized nations. From the want of material, however, it was confined at the southward to the territory of the United States, and eastward of the Rocky Mountains. It included eighty-one tribes, divided into twenty-eight families, and was accompanied by a colored map, with tribal indications. The result of the investigation Mr. Gallatin held to be proof that all the languages, not only of our own Indian tribes, but of the nations inhabiting America from the Arctic Ocean to Cape Horn, have a distinct character common to all. This paper attracted great attention in Europe. It was reviewed by the Count de Circourt, whose interest in the subject was heightened by personal acquaintance with the author. John C. Calhoun, acknowledging receipt of a copy of the Synopsis, said in striking phrase 'that he had long thought that the analogy of languages is destined to recover much of the lost history of nations just as geology has of the globe we inhabit.'

In 1838, Congress having accepted the trust of John Smithson of L100,000, and pledged the faith of the United States for its purposes, Mr. Forsyth, the secretary of state, addressed Mr. Gallatin, at the request of the President, requesting his views as to its proper employment; but Mr. Gallatin does not appear to have answered the communication. The programme of the Smithsonian Institution, inclosed to the board of regents in its first report, stated its object to be the increase and diffusion of knowledge, and bears marks of the general views which Mr. Gallatin had for many years urged on public attention. The first of the Smithsonian "Contributions to Knowledge" was the memoir of Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, by Squier and Davis. Before its publication was undertaken, however, it was submitted to the Ethnological Society. Mr. Gallatin returned it, with the approval of the society, and some words of commendation of his own addressed to Professor Henry, the learned superintendent of the Smithsonian Institution.

The period of temporary political repose, which followed the peace of Vienna and the establishment of the balance of power by the allied sovereigns, was an era in human knowledge. Science made rapid progress, and in its turn showed the broad and liberal influence of the great revolution. In 1842 societies were founded in Paris and London to promote the study of ethnology. Mr. Gallatin would not be behindhand in this important work for which America offered a virgin field. Drawing about him a number of gentlemen of similar tastes with his own, he founded in New York, in 1842, the American Ethnological Society. Among his associates were Dr. Robinson, the famous explorer of Palestine, Schoolcraft, Bartlett, and Professor Turner, noted for their researches in the history and languages of the Indian races. Messrs. Atwater, Bradford, Hawks, Gibbs, Mayer, Dr. Morton, Pickering, Stephens, Ewbank, and Squier were also, either in the beginning or soon after, members of this select and learned institution, of which Mr. Gallatin was the central figure. One of its members said in 1871, 'Mr. Gallatin's house was the true seat of the society, and Mr. Gallatin himself its controlling spirit. His name gave it character, and from his purse mainly was defrayed the cost of the two volumes of the "Transactions" which constitute about the only claim the society possesses to the respect of the scientific world.' To the first of these volumes, published in 1845, Mr. Gallatin contributed an "Essay on the semi-civilized nations of Mexico and Central America, embracing elaborate notes on their languages, numeration, calendars, history, and chronology, and an inquiry into the probable origin of their semi-civilization." In this he included all existing certain knowledge of the languages, history, astronomy, and progress in art of these peoples. A copy of this work he sent to General Scott, then in the city of Mexico after his triumphant campaign, inclosing a memorandum which he urged the general to hand to civilians attached to the army. This was a request to purchase books, copies of documents, printed grammars, and vocabularies of the Mexican languages, and he authorized the general to spend four hundred dollars in this purpose on his account. In the second volume, published in 1848, he printed the result of his continued investigations on the subject which first interested him, as an introduction to a republication of a work by Mr. Hale on the "Indians of Northwest America." This consisted of geographical notices, an account of Indian means of subsistence, the ancient semi-civilization of the Northwest, Indian philology, and analogic comparisons with the Chinese and Polynesian languages. These papers Mr. Gallatin modestly described to Chevalier as the 'fruits of his leisure,' and to Sismondi he wrote that he had not the requisite talent for success in literature or science. They nevertheless entitle him to the honorable name of the Father of American Ethnography.

In 1837 Mr. Wheaton, the American minister at Berlin, requested Mr. Gallatin to put the Baron von Humboldt in possession of authentic data concerning the production of gold in the United States. Humboldt had visited the Oural and Siberian regions in 1829, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, to make investigations as to their production of the precious metals. Mr. Gallatin was the only authority in the United States on the subject. Later von Humboldt wrote to Mr. Gallatin of the interest felt abroad, and by himself, in the gold of the mountains of Virginia and Tennessee, a country which rivaled on a small scale the Dorado of Siberia. The treasures of the Pacific coast were not yet dreamed of.

Mr. Gallatin perfectly understood the range of his own powers. He said of himself:—

"If I have met with any success, either in public bodies, as an executive officer, or in foreign negotiations, it has been exclusively through a patient and most thorough investigation of all the attainable facts, and a cautious application of these to the questions under discussion.... Long habit has given me great facility in collating, digesting, and extracting complex documents, but I am not hasty in drawing inferences; the arrangement of the facts and arguments is always to me a considerable labor, and though aiming at nothing more than perspicuity and brevity, I am a very slow writer."

Mr. Gallatin's manuscripts and drafts show long and minute labor in their well considered and abundant alterations. Referring on one occasion to his habit of reasoning, Mr. Gallatin remarked, that of all processes that of analogy is the most dangerous, yet that which he habitually used; that it required the greatest possible number of facts. This is the foundation of philology, and his understanding of its method and its dangers is the reason of his success in this branch of science.

The difficulty experienced in establishing any literary or scientific institutions in New York was very great. An effort made in 1830, which Mr. Gallatin favored, to establish a literary periodical failed, not on account of the pecuniary difficulties, but from the impossibility of uniting a sufficient number of able cooeperators. But Mr. Gallatin's interest in literature was not as great as in science.[26]

In 1841 a national institution for the promotion of science was organized at Washington. The cooeperation of Mr. Gallatin was invited, but the society had a short existence. In 1843 Mr. Gallatin was chosen president of the New York Historical Society. His inaugural address is an epitome of political wisdom. Pronounced at any crisis of our history, it would have become a text for the student. In this sketch he analyzed the causes which contributed to form our national character and to establish a government founded on justice and on equal rights. He showed how, united by a common and imminent danger, the thirteen States succeeded in asserting and obtaining independence without the aid of a central and efficient government, and the difficulties which were encountered when a voluntary surrender of a part of their immense sovereignty became necessary as a condition of national existence. He said that the doctrine that all powers should emanate from the people is not a question of expediency.

In this address he summed up the reasons why Washington exercised such a beneficial influence upon the destinies of his country. In a confidential letter to his wife in 1797, he expressed an opinion that the father of his country was not a good-natured and amiable man, but time had mellowed these recollections and softened the asperity of this judgment. Washington had not, he said (in 1843), 'an extraordinary amount of acquired knowledge; he was neither a classical scholar nor a man of science, nor was he endowed with the powers of eloquence, nor with other qualities more strong than solid, which might be mentioned; but he had a profound and almost innate sense of justice, on all public occasions a perfect control of his strong passions,[27] above all a most complete and extraordinary self-abnegation. Personal consequences and considerations were not even thought of, they never crossed his mind, they were altogether obliterated.' Mr. Gallatin held that "the Americans had a right to be proud of Washington, because he was selected and maintained during his whole career by the people—never could he have been thus chosen and constantly supported had he not been the type and representative of the American people."

The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of the New York Historical Society, November, 1844, was an occasion of unusual interest. John Romeyn Brodhead, who had just returned from the Hague with the treasures of New Netherland history gathered during his mission, was the orator of the day. The venerable John Quincy Adams, Mr. Gallatin's old associate at Ghent, was present. After the address, which was delivered at the Church of the Messiah on Broadway, the society and its guests crossed the street to the New York Hotel, where a banquet awaited them. Mr. Gallatin retired early, leaving the chair to the first vice-president, Mr. Wm. Beach Lawrence. After he had left the room, Mr. Adams, speaking to a toast to the archaeologists of America, said: "Mr. Gallatin, in sending to me the invitations of the society, added the expression of his desire 'to shake hands with me once more in this world.'" Mr. Adams could not but respond to his request. In his remarks he said:

"I have lived long, sir, in this world, and I have been connected with all sorts of men, of all sects and descriptions. I have been in the public service for a great part of my life, and filled various offices of trust, in conjunction with that venerable gentleman, Albert Gallatin. I have known him half a century. In many things we differed; on many questions of public interest and policy we were divided, and in the history of parties in this country there is no man from whom I have so widely differed as from him. But in other things we have harmonized; and now there is no man with whom I more thoroughly agree on all points than I do with him. But one word more let me say, before I leave you and him, birds of passage as we are, bound to a warmer and more congenial clime,—that among all public men with whom I have been associated in the course of my political life, whether agreeing or differing in opinion from him, I have always found him to be an honest and honorable man."

In the road to harmony Mr. Adams had to do the traveling. Mr. Gallatin never changed his political opinions. The political career of the two men offered this singular contrast: Adams, dissatisfied with his party, passed into opposition; Gallatin, though at variance with the policy of the administration of which he made a part, held his fealty, and confined himself to the operations of his own bureau.

For a period far beyond the allotted years of man Mr. Gallatin retained the elasticity of his physical nature as well as his mental perspicacity. In middle age he was slight of figure, his height about five feet ten inches, his form compact and of nervous vigor. His complexion was Italian;[28] his expression keen; his nose long, prominent; his mouth small, fine cut, and mobile; his eyes hazel, and penetrative; his skull a model for the sculptor. Thus he appears in the portrait painted by Gilbert Stuart about the time that he took charge of the Treasury Department; he was then about forty years of age. In the fine portrait by William H. Powell, taken from life in 1843, and preserved in the gallery of the New York Historical Society, these characteristics appear in stronger outline. Monsieur de Bacourt,[29] the literary executor of Talleyrand, who was the French Ambassador to the United States in 1840, paid a visit to Mr. Gallatin in that year, and describes him as a "beau vieillard de quatre-vingt ans," who has fully preserved his faculties. Bacourt alludes to his remarkable face, with its clear, fine cut features, and his "physiognomie pleine de finesse;" and dwells also upon the ease and charm of his conversation.

As his life slowly drew to its close, one after another of the few of his old friends who remained dropped from the road. Early in 1848 Adams fell in harness, on the floor of the House of Representatives; Lord Ashburton died in May. Finally, nearest, dearest of all, the companion of his triumphs and disappointments, the sharer of his honors and his joys, his wife, was taken from him by the relentless hand. The summer of 1849 found him crushed by this last affliction, and awaiting his own summons of release. He was taken to Mount Bonaparte, the country-seat of his son-in-law, at Astoria on Long Island, where he died in his daughter's arms on Sunday, August 12, 1849. The funeral services were held in Trinity Church on the Tuesday following, and his body was laid to rest in the Nicholson vault,[30] in the old graveyard adjoining. The elegant monument erected during his lifetime is one of the attractive features of this venerable cemetery, in whose dust mingle the remains of the temple of no more elevated spirit than his own. The season was a terrible one—the cholera was raging, the city was deserted. In the general calamity private sorrow disappeared, or the occasion would have been marked by a demonstration of public grief and of public honor. As the tidings went from city to city, and country to country, the friends of science, of that universal wisdom which knows neither language nor race, paused in their investigations to pay respectful homage to his character, his intellect, and to that without which either or both in combination are inadequate to success—his labor in the field.

On October 2, 1849, at the first meeting of the Historical Society after the death of Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Luther Bradish, the presiding officer, spoke of him in impressive words, as the last link connecting the present with the past. He dwelt upon the peculiar pleasure with which the presence of Mr. Gallatin was always hailed, and the peculiar interest it gave to the proceedings of the society, and many an eye was dimmed, as he recalled the venerable form, the beautifully classic head, the countenance ever beaming with intelligence, and summed up the long and useful career of the departed sage in these impressive words:—

"The name of Albert Gallatin is emphatically a name of history. Few men have lived in any age whose biographies have been so intimately connected with the history of their country. Living in one of the most interesting periods of the world, a period of great events, of the discussion of great principles and the settlement of great interests, almost the whole of his long and active life was passed in public service amidst those events and in those discussions.... For nearly half a century he was almost constantly employed in the public service; almost every department of that service has received the benefit of his extraordinary talents and his varied and extensive and accurate knowledge. Whether in legislation, in finance, or in diplomacy, he has been equally distinguished in all. In all or in either he has had few equals and still fewer superiors."

To Jeremy Bentham Mr. Gallatin acknowledged himself indebted, as his master in the art of legislation; but from whatever ground he drew his maxims of government, they were reduced to harmony in the crucible of his own intelligence by the processes of that brain which Spurzheim pronounced capital,[31] and Dumont held to be the best head in America. In that massive and profound structure lay faculties of organization and administration which mark the Latin and Italian mind in its highest form of intellectual development.

His moral excellence was no less conspicuous than his intellectual power. He had a profound sense of justice, a love of liberty, and an unfaltering belief in the capacity of the human race for self-rule. Versed in the learning of centuries, and familiar with every experiment of government, he was full of the liberal spirit of his age. To a higher degree than any American, native or foreign born, unless Franklin, with whose broad nature he had many traits in common, Albert Gallatin deserves the proud title, aimed at by many, reached by few, of Citizen of the World.


[Footnote 22: An account of this expedition may be found in the publications of the Maryland Historical Society.]

[Footnote 23:

WASHINGTON, 29th May, 1826.

SIR,—Mr. Stewart communicated to me your answer of 4th April last to the letter which, at my request, he had addressed to you; and I return you my thanks for your kind offer to forward the object in view,—one which is not, however, of a private nature but connected with what is intended to be a National work; and I have delayed writing in order to be able to send at the same time the papers herewith transmitted.

It is at my suggestion that the Secretary of War has, with the approbation of the President, taken measures to collect comparative vocabularies of all the languages and dialects of the Indian tribes still existing within the United States. The circular is addressed to all the Indian superintendents and agents, and to the missionaries with whom the Department corresponds. But they have no agent with the Nottoways, and we are fortunate that you should have been disposed to lend your aid on this occasion.

It is the intention of government that the result of these researches should be published, giving due credit to every individual who shall have assisted in a work that has been long expected from us, and which will be equally honorable to the persons concerned and to the country. It had been my intention to contribute my share in its further progress: this my approaching departure for Europe forbids. The inclosed papers, attending to the Notes and to the circular, are so full that I need not add any further explanation, and have only to request that you will have the goodness to transmit whatever vocabulary and other information you may obtain to Colonel Tho. L. McKinney, Office of Indian Affairs, under cover directed to the Secretary of War. Mr. McKinney will also be happy to answer any queries on the subject you may have to propose.

I have the honor to be respectfully, sir, Your most obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN

Mr. James Rochelle, Jerusalem, Southampton County, Virginia. Communicated by J. H. Rochelle, Jerusalem, Virginia.]

[Footnote 24: Among the most distinguished of those who have followed the pathway indicated by Mr. Gallatin was the late George Gibbs, an indefatigable student and an admirable ethnologist. His Chinook jargon was published by the Smithsonian Institution.]

[Footnote 25: Mr. du Ponceau became president of the learned societies of Pennsylvania: the Historical Society and the American Philosophical Society.]

[Footnote 26: His favorite novel was The Antiquary, which he read once a year. Novels, he said, should be read, the last chapter first, in order that appreciation of the style should not be lost in the interest excited by the story.]

[Footnote 27: Mr. Gallatin's assertion, which corresponded with that of Jefferson, that Washington had naturally strong passions, but had attained complete mastery over them, is quoted by the Earl of Stanhope (Lord Mahon) in his famous eulogy of Washington's attributes.]

[Footnote 28: The Gallatins claim to descend from one Callatinus, a Roman Consul.]

[Footnote 29: Souvenirs d'un Diplomate. Paris, 1882.]

[Footnote 30: This was the vault of the Witter family, a daughter of which Commodore Nicholson married.]

[Footnote 31: "In my youth the fashion was to decide in conformity with Lavater's precepts; then came Camper's facial angle, which gave a decided superiority to the white man and monkey; and both have been superseded by the bumps of the skull. This criterion is that which suits me best, for Spurzheim declared I had a capital head, which he might without flattery say to everybody." Gallatin to Lewis T. Cist of Cincinnati, November 21, 1837.]


Adams, Henry, calls treaty of Ghent the work of Gallatin, 324.

Adams, John, announces election of Gallatin as senator, 60; convenes Congress to consider relations with France, 132; his message, 133; replies coolly to resolution of House, 136, 137; remarks of McClanachan to, 138; his message in 1797, 139; visited by House to present answer, 140; wishes to establish new foreign missions, 141; informs Congress of French outrages, 147; and of preparations for war, 147; sends in X Y Z dispatches, 149; sends message on French relations, 152, 153; urges preparation for war, 155; thanks House for support, 155; delighted with support of Congress in 1799, 158; congratulates Congress on settlement at Washington, 162; supported for President by New England, 163; in election of 1800, 165; attributes distresses of Confederation to financial ignorance, 174; his breach with Hamilton, 177.

Adams, John Quincy, on results of Gallatin's proposed appointment as secretary of state, 295; meets Gallatin and Bayard at St. Petersburg, 302; his training, comparison with Gallatin, 302, 303; given new commission, 312; differs with Clay over fisheries and Mississippi navigation, 323; appointed minister to England, 326; advised by Gallatin concerning commercial treaty, 333; appointed secretary of state, 334; informed by Gallatin of disadvantages of a war with Spain, 336, 337; his arguments in Apollon case disregarded by Gallatin, 338; his indignation, 338; writes opinion of Gallatin in his diary, 333, 339; described by Gallatin to Badollet, 339, 356; his pugnacity complained of by Crawford, 339; negotiates treaty with De Neuville, 340; comments of Gallatin upon, 340; appoints Rush secretary of treasury, 342; offers mission to England to Gallatin, 342, 343; promises Gallatin carte blanche, but gives him full instructions, 343; his instructions to Rush printed, 345; warns Gallatin to yield nothing, 346; congratulates Gallatin on his success, 348; candidate for presidency, 356; elected by House of Representatives, 358; at meeting of New York Historical Society, 384; Gallatin's friendly greeting to, 384; eulogizes Gallatin, 384, 385; his changing party compared with Gallatin's steadiness, 385; death, 386.

Adams, William, on English peace commission, 316.

Addington, Henry, on Clay's tone as diplomat, 345.

Adet, P. A., French minister, imperils sympathy for France by impudence to Washington, 128; condemned by Federalists, 134; recommends tricolor, 153.

Aix-la-Chapelle, Congress of, 337.

Alexander, Emperor of Russia, authorizes renewal of mediation, 308; fails to inform Romanzoff of Castlereagh's refusal, 311, 312; vain efforts of Crawford to secure interview with, 315; promises Lafayette to use influence in behalf of United States, 315; has interview with Gallatin, 315; informs Gallatin that he can do nothing more, 316.

Algiers, treaty with, 117, 118.

Alien Bill, debate and passage in House, 152; petitions against, in Congress, 157.

Allegheny County, its part in Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 68, 78, 96; elects Gallatin to Congress, 93, 127.

Allegre, Sophie, marries Gallatin, her character and death, 30.

Allegre, William, father-in-law of Gallatin, 30.

Allen, ——, in debate on French relations, 136; attacks Gallatin as a French agent, 150.

Allston, Joseph W., at free trade convention, 1831, 241.

American Ethnological Society, founded by Gallatin, 379; its transactions, 379, 380.

Ames, Fisher, leading orator of Federalists, 99; his speech on the Jay treaty, 120, 121; reports answer to President's Message, 128; defends it against Giles, 129; leaves Congress, his oratory, 133.

Anderson, Professor, member of "The Club," 367.

Anti-Federalists, call convention to organize in favor of amending Constitution, 37; adopt resolutions to organize throughout the State, 39, 40; recommend amendments by petition, 40.

Apollon, seizure of, explained by Gallatin and Adams, 338.

Army, reduction of, advocated by Gallatin, 108, 123, 129, 130, 186, 188; his course defended, 216.

Arnold, Benedict, effect of his treason, 12; campaign of Lafayette against, 371.

Ashburton, Lord. See Baring, Alexander.

Astor, John Jacob, assists Gallatin to float loan, 214; wishes destruction of United States Bank, 259; subscribes capital of bank on condition that Gallatin manage its affairs, 269; his fur enterprise, 287; offered protection by Jefferson, 288; his settlement at Astoria, 288; unable to persuade Madison to support him, 288.

Astoria, foundation and history of, 288.

Atwater, ——, member of Ethnological Society, 379.

Bache, Franklin, educated at Geneva, 4; attacks Washington as a defaulter, in "Aurora," 104.

Bache, Richard, letter to, furnished by Franklin to Gallatin, 11.

Bacourt, M. de, describes Gallatin in old age, 386.

Badollet, Jean, college friend of Gallatin, 5; Arcadian schemes of, 9; letter of Gallatin to, 9; letters of Serre to, on life in Maine, 15, 25; informs Gallatin of troubles in Geneva, 25; at Gallatin's invitation, joins him in America, 25, 26; established at Greensburg, 27; letter of Gallatin to, 43; with Gallatin at anti-excise convention, 52; advised by Gallatin to avoid United States marshal, 55; letter of Gallatin to, on French Revolution, 56; letter of Gallatin to, on his wife, 59; instructed by Gallatin to secure reelection of unseated members of legislature, 95; given an office by Gallatin, 287, 326; remark of Gallatin to, 299; letter of Gallatin to, on J. Q. Adams, 339; takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361; manages store for Gallatin, 362; letters of Gallatin to, 365, 370.

Balbi, quotes Gallatin in his Atlas, 374.

Baldwin, Abraham, on committee on finance, 106.

Bank of North America, established by Morris, 172, 248; its purpose, 248; organization, 248, 249; difficulties of starting, 249, 260; its services, 249; jealousy of Pennsylvania toward, 250.

Bank of United States, established by Hamilton, 175, 250, 251; its organization, 251, 252; borrowed from, by Gallatin, 204; petitions for a re-charter, 252; Gallatin's report in favor of, 252-254; a re-charter refused, 231, 254; its value, 255; opinion of Gallatin on, 255; controls state banks, 259; desire of Astor to crush, 259; remits specie to foreign stockholders, 260; its dissolution causes panic, 262, 263; reincorporation proposed, 265; vetoed, then approved, by Madison, 265; its subsequent history, 266; helps resumption of specie payments, 267; presidency of, declined by Gallatin, 268; deposits removed from, by Taney, 269; accepts charter from Pennsylvania, 271; its subsequent career, 271; fails in 1839, 276; weakness of Madison in 1812 in allowing its dissolution, 296.

Bank, National, of New York, connection of Gallatin with, 269-277.

Banks, state, difficulty of controlling their issues, 256; their evil effects, 257; status in 1811, 258; increase after termination of Bank of United States, 261, 262; suspend payment in 1815, 262; agree to resume, 267; supported by second Bank of United States, 267; Gallatin's "Considerations on," etc., 268; connection of Gallatin with, 269-277; speculation craze of, in 1836, 271, 272; suspend payment in 1837, 272; conventions of, to prepare for resumption, 273-275; aided by Treasury, 275; "Suggestions" of Gallatin, 277.

Barbour, Philip P., presides over free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Baring, Alexander, explains to Gallatin British reasons for refusing Russian mediation, 306, 307; reply of Gallatin, 309; urges Gallatin to visit England, 311; requested by Gallatin to send passports, 313; his mission to America, 349, 350; his manner of negotiation with Webster, 350; visits Gallatin, 350; comparison with Gallatin, 350; his death, 386.

Barings, connection with Louisiana purchase, 193, 195; competition of Bank of United States with, 271; letter of Gallatin to, 305.

Barras, Comte, encouraged by Napoleon's success to bold measures against United States, 132.

Bartlett, John Russell, gives anecdotes of Gallatin, 13, 22.

Bartlett, ——, member of Ethnological Society, 379.

Bathurst, Lord, promises to appoint peace commissioners, 314; reopens negotiations, 319; insists on possession of part of Maine, 321.

Bayard, James A., elected to Congress, 132; on legislative encroachments on executive, 143; on resolution to furnish foreign correspondence, 156; defends Sedition Law by a clever amendment, 159; moves committee to arrange for balloting in 1800, 166; accompanies Gallatin as peace commissioner, 301, 302; willing to accept an informal renunciation of impressment, 305; goes to Amsterdam, 312; on new commission to treat directly, 312; visits London, 313; asks Monroe for authority to negotiate anywhere, 314; appointed minister to Russia, 326.

Baylies, ——, his report on Western territory complained of by England, 345.

Bentham, Jeremy, works translated by Dumont, 5; influences Gallatin, 388.

Bentson, ——, on Astor's hostility to United States Bank, 259.

Berlin and Milan decrees, negotiations for compensation for seizures under, 333.

Biddle, C. C., at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Biddle, Nicholas, in panic of 1837, 275.

Blount, William, on committee on finance, 107; impeached, 138.

Bonaparte, Jerome, his flight to America, 332.

Bonaparte, Napoleon, his precocity compared to that of Gallatin, 32; effect of his Italian successes on French policy, 132, 139; adopts conciliatory tone, 160; issues Milan decree, 229; seen by Gallatin during Hundred Days, 326; American sympathy for, explained by Gallatin, 331.

Boorman, James, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Borgo, Pozzo di, compared to Gallatin, 32.

Boston, visit of Gallatin to, 12-14, 17; Puritanical society in, 13; prejudice against French, 13; Gallatin's opinion of, 18; protests against Jay treaty, 103.

Botts, John M., letter of Gallatin to, on bank, 256.

Boundary, northeast, in treaty of Ghent, 321, 322; discussed in 1826, 343; referred to arbitration, 347; argument concerning, prepared by Gallatin, 349; decision of King of Netherlands rejected by United States, 349; documents concerning, published by Gallatin, 349; settled by Ashburton treaty, 350.

Bourdillon, ——, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Bourne, Shearjashub, on committee on finance, 106.

Brackenridge, Judge H. H., on Gallatin's part in anti-excise agitation, 50; in Washington County, advises moderation, 69; an authority for history of insurrection, 71; his character and policy, 71; leads Pittsburgh committee to urge moderation upon rioters, 72; describes Bradford's behavior, 72; his estimate of numbers under arms, 72; compares excitement with that in 1765 and 1775, 74; at Parkinson's Ferry meeting, 78; supports Gallatin's efforts to prevent rebellion, 80, 82; on committee to confer with United States commissioners, 81; describes Gallatin's speech, 82; claims credit for preventing civil war, 84; on threats of secession, 86; defeated by Gallatin for Congress, 93.

Bradford, David, represents Washington County in anti-excise proceedings, 51; elected to legislature, 54; low opinion of Gallatin concerning, 54; tries to shirk responsibility, 69; then determines on extreme measures, robs mail, 69; calls for armed resistance, 70; unable to countermand order, 70; assumes office of major-general, 72; his harangue to the insurgents, 73; at meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, 78; advocates armed resistance, 79; on committee on resolutions, 80; named to confer with United States commissioners, 81; urges rejection of their terms, 81, 82; excepted from amnesty, flies from the country, 84, 85.

Bradford, James, in anti-excise convention, 52.

Bradford, ——, member of Ethnological Society, 379.

Bradish, Luther, his eulogy of Gallatin, 388.

Breading, Nicholas, in Pennsylvania ratifying convention, 35.

Breckenridge, John, his brief career, 355.

Brevoort, ——, member of "The Club," 367.

Brodhead, John Romeyn, orator at fortieth anniversary of New York Historical Society, 384.

Buck, Daniel, on committee on finance, 107.

Burke, Edmund, on place of revenue in the state, 218.

Burr, Aaron, his connection with Dayton, 104; in presidential election of 1800, 163, 164, 166, 167; alienated from Jefferson by refusal to appoint Davis, 282.

Cabinet, its lack of financial cooeperation under Jefferson, 188; criticises Jefferson's messages, 283; weekly meetings of, suggested by Gallatin, 283; absence of system in, 284; dissensions and reorganization under Madison, 296, 297.

Cabot, George, on committee to consider Gallatin's eligibility to senate, 61.

Calhoun, John C., reports plan for a national bank, 265; ascribes Gallatin's disregard of Adams's arguments in Apollon case to "pride," 338; Gallatin's opinion of, 355; elected Vice-President, 358; on Gallatin's ethnological studies, 378.

California, discovery of gold in, 353, 354.

Campbell, George W., furnished with report by Gallatin on injuries of Great Britain, 292, 303; secretary of treasury, 312.

Canning, George, his policy toward United States, 225, 295, 344; attitude of Gallatin toward, in negotiation, 345; death, 347.

Carnahan, Dr., describes entry of Whiskey Rebellion prisoners into Cannonsburg, 91.

Castlereagh, Lord, discourages offer of Russia to mediate, 304; gives assurance of safety to cartel-ship, 307; refuses second offer of mediation, 311; offers to deal directly, 312; member of cabinet most favorable to America, 314; advises English commissioners to moderate demands, 319; approves treaty of Ghent, 326; arranges commercial convention with Gallatin, 326; expresses friendly feelings, 335.

Cazenove, ——, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Charles X., in Revolution of 1830, 370, 372.

Chase, Salmon P., negotiations with Treasury Note Committee, 196 and note; follows Gallatin's treasury-note plan, 209; organizes national banking system, 256.

Chateaubriand, succeeds Montmorenci, 340; negotiates unsuccessfully with Gallatin, 341; quotes Gallatin's statement of Cuban question, 346.

Cheriot, ——, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Chesapeake, captured by Leopard, 224.

Chevalier, Michel, his studies on money, 278.

Cheves, Langdon, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Choteau, Pierre Louis, meets Gallatin, his influence over Indians, 287, 374.

Circourt, Count de, reviews Gallatin's "Synopsis of the Indian Tribes," 378.

Civil service, monopolized by Federalists, 280; demands of Republicans for a share in, 281; Gallatin's opinion of appointments to and conduct of, 281; intention of Jefferson to give one half of, to Republicans, 282.

Clare, Thomas, his house the headquarters of Gallatin in 1784, 22, 24; rents Gallatin a house, 25.

Clay, Henry, denounces Gallatin for advocating free trade, 242; apologizes, 242; on peace commission, 312; arrives at Gottenburg, 313; corresponds with Gallatin concerning place of negotiation, 314; differs with Adams over Mississippi navigation and fisheries, 323; joins Gallatin in England, 326; urges Gallatin to accept mission to Panama Congress, 342; letter of Gallatin to, on instructions as minister to England, 343; tone of his diplomatic correspondence, 345; Gallatin's opinion of, 356; resignation of Gallatin in his favor, 358; secures election of Adams, 358.

Clinton, George, marriage of his daughter to Genet, 102.

"Club, The," in New York, Gallatin's membership of, 366, 367.

Coast survey, established, 290.

Coinage, debate concerning, in Congress, 140; regulated by Morris, 172.

Coles, Edward, letter of Gallatin to, 284.

Confederation, Articles of, political conditions under, 33, 34.

Congress, adopts amendments to Constitution suggested by New York and Virginia, 40; passes excise law, 49; modifies it, 52; gives state courts jurisdiction in excise cases, 67; receives tricolor from France, 130; complained of by Jefferson as weak, 138; suspends commercial intercourse with France, 151; passes acts authorizing naval defense, 153; presence of Washington, Pinckney, and Hamilton at, in 1798, 155; speech of Adams to, 155; responsibility for war thrown upon, by Madison, 205; authorizes loan in 1812, 209, 212; damages Treasury by procrastination, 212; supports Gallatin's policy of extinguishing debt, 215; repeals internal revenue act, 221; passes embargo, 225; extends terms of credit on revenue bonds, 226; refuses to recharter the bank, 231, 254; declares war, imposes increased duties, 234; reimposes internal taxes, 236; adopts non-importation against England and France, 292; orders out naval force, 294; repeals embargo, 294.

Constable, John, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Constellation, defeats La Vengeance, 160.

Constitution of Pennsylvania, convention called to revise, 40, 41; its membership and ability, 42, 43.

Constitution of the United States, adopted, 35; struggle over ratification in Pennsylvania, 35; movement in favor of new convention to amend, 36-40; amended, 40; power of Representatives to appropriate, 109; debate in Congress on relation of treaty power to House of Representatives, 110-115; argument of Washington on treaty power, 114, 115; debate in House on relation of Executive to Congress, 142-147; power of Senate to require treasury reports, 161; in relation to state bills of credit, 257; question of power of United States to acquire territory, 285; in relation to National University, 291; to annexation of Texas, 351.

Cook, Edward, presides over meeting of whiskey insurgents at Parkinson's Ferry, 79; indorses resolution to submit to terms of United States commissioners, 83.

Cooper, Dr. Samuel, interested in Gallatin through Madame Pictet, 17.

Couronne, ——, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Crawford, William H., follows Gallatin's treasury policy, 215; at Gallatin's suggestion, urges Emperor again to mediate, 315; complains of Adams's pugnacity, 339; wishes Gallatin to stand for Vice-President, 341; looked upon by Gallatin as strongest leader after the triumvirate, 355; supported by Gallatin, Jefferson, and Madison against Adams, 356; stricken with paralysis, 357; nominated for President by caucus, 357; defeated by Adams, 358.

Cuba, avowed intention of United States to prevent English seizure of, by war if necessary, 346.

Cumberland Road, reported to Congress in 1807, 290.

Dallas, Alexander J., his career compared to that of Gallatin, 28, 58; his parentage, 58; secretary of state for Pennsylvania, 58; friendship with Gallatin, 58; excursion with Gallatin, 58, 59; describes to Gallatin his experiences with militia in suppressing Whiskey Rebellion, 92; follows Gallatin's loan policy, 215; regrets absence of internal taxes, 236; proposes a national bank, 265; resigns, 266.

Dallas, Mrs. A. J., on excursion with her husband and Gallatin, 58, 59.

Dallas, George M., accompanies Gallatin to Europe, 301; sent to London, his instructions, 310; informs Gallatin of English offer to treat directly, 311; takes dispatch to Monroe, 318.

Davis, Garrett, letter of Gallatin to, on manifest destiny, 352.

Davis, Matthew L., quarrel between Jefferson and Burr over his appointment, 282.

Dawson, John, on Sedition Law, 162.

Dayton, Jonathan, elected speaker of House by Democrats, 98; anti-British in feeling, 104; not influenced by connection with Burr, 104; reelected speaker, 132; introduces resolution on Adams's message, 134; joins Federalists after X Y Z affair, 149; refuses to answer Gallatin, 153; vote of thanks to, 158.

Debt, public, payment by public lands urged by Gallatin, 122; its permanence condemned by Gallatin, 126; controversy between Gallatin and Smith as to increase of, 126; attempt of Continental Congress to investigate, 171; attempts of Morris to secure its funding, 172, 173; funded by Hamilton, 174, 175; increased under Wolcott, 178; creation of domestic loans, 178; Gallatin's subdivision of, 184, 185; its extinction Gallatin's main desire, 186, 188, 198, 203, 208; stated by Gallatin in 1801-2, 191; plan for its discharging, 191; actual reduction of, 192; increased through Louisiana purchase, 192, 193, 195; new funds, 195, 196; funding of debt in 1807, 198; statement regarding, in 1808, 202; its increase during war foreseen by Gallatin, 203; reduction in 1812, 205; loan of 1812, 209; declines below par, 210; revives, 211; loan of twenty-one millions, 212; increase in 1816, 215; Gallatin's policy toward, continued by Dallas and Crawford, 215; eventually extinguished, 215, 269, 271; absence regretted by Woodbury, 271.

De Fersen, his correspondence proves guilt of Louis XVI., 57.

De Lolme, ——, school companion of Gallatin, 5.

Democratic party. See Republican party especially, 358-360.

De Neuville, Hyde, French minister, demands dismissal of insolent postmaster, 333; negotiates commercial convention with Adams, 340.

De Rham, ——, member of "The Club," 367.

Dexter, Samuel, succeeds Wolcott in Treasury Department, 177; consents to hold over until appointment of successor, 181.

Diplomatic history, mission of Genet to United States, 57, 102; Jay's treaty with England, 102, 103, 117; Fauchet's dealings with Randolph, 103; Wayne's treaty with Indians, 117; Pinckney's treaty with Spain, 117; expulsion of Pinckney from France, 132; X Y Z affair and consequences, 149, 152, 153; events leading up to war of 1812, 295; offer of Russia to mediate, 299; mission of Gallatin, Bayard, and Adams to Russia, 301, 303; correspondence of Gallatin with Baring, 305-307, 309; renewed offers by Russia, 308; again refused by England, 311; offer of England to treat directly, 311; appointment of a new commission, 312; place of negotiation, 314; futile appeal of Lafayette to Emperor to mediate, 315, 316; appointment of English commissioners, 316; exorbitant English demands, 317; suspension of negotiations, 318; alteration of British tone, 319; resumption of negotiations and refusal by Americans of English demands, 319; further English demands for cession of territory refused, 321; discussion over boundaries, fisheries, and Mississippi navigation, 322, 323; these points abandoned, 323; article against slave trade adopted, 323; conclusion of treaty, 324; part played by Gallatin, 324, 325; commercial convention with England, 326, 327; mission of Gallatin to France, 330-341; negotiations over French captures under Berlin and Milan decrees, 332, 333; over an impudent postmaster, 333; negotiations with Holland, 334; commercial convention with England, 334, 335; negotiations with France over Apollon case, 338; commercial convention with France, 340; failure to settle American claims, 341; Gallatin's mission to England, 343-347; instructions, 343; negotiations with Canning, 345, 346; conclusion of convention with Goderich's ministry, 347; Ashburton treaty negotiations, 349, 350.

Disunion, threatened in 1795, 116; planned by New England in 1812, 213.

Duane, William, intimate with Jefferson, 286; abuses Gallatin in "Aurora," 286, 297; appointed adjutant-general by Madison, 299.

Duby, ——, takes shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Dumont, Etienne, college friend of Gallatin, his subsequent career, 5; Gallatin's opinion of, 5; invited by Gallatin to come to America, 26; on shape of Gallatin's head, 389.

Du Ponceau, Peter Stephen, friend of Gallatin, his philological studies upon Indians, 376, 377.

D'Yvernois, proposes to transport University of Geneva to United States, 291; receives shares in Gallatin's land scheme, 362.

Edgar, James, on committee of whiskey insurgents to confer with United States commissioners, 81; supports Gallatin, 82; presides over last meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, 89.

Elliott, ——, on controversy between Wolcott and Gallatin, as to surplus, 190, 191.

Ellsworth, Oliver, on committee to consider Gallatin's eligibility to Senate, 61.

Embargo, opposed by Gallatin, 201; its effect stated by him, 201, 202; adopted as answer to Orders in Council, 225; its enforcement or abandonment urged by Gallatin, 228, 229, 230, 291; enforced, 292; repealed, 294.

Emlen, George, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

England, anger against, at time of Jay treaty, 103; renews provision order, 103; danger of war with, 116, 118, 120; hard pressed by France in 1797, 139; its friendship more dangerous than France's enmity, 163; adopts Orders in Council, 201, 225; commercial policy toward United States, 224, 225, 295; danger of war with, 224, 229; Madison's preference for, 295; events leading up to war with, 295, 296; mistaken view of Gallatin concerning its diplomacy, 304; unwilling to tolerate Russian mediation, 304, 306, 311; its policy explained by Baring, 306, 307; offers to treat directly, 311; willing to push on war after fall of Napoleon, 313, 316; hopes to divide United States, 313; appoints commissioners, 316; makes exorbitant demands, 317; its policy modified by Castlereagh, 319; demands cession of territory, 321; loses interest in war, 322; rejects article on impressment, 322; negotiation of convention with, in 1815, 334, 335; at Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 337; mission of Gallatin to, 343-347; complains of tone of American diplomacy, 344, 345; negotiations with, 345, 346; agrees to renew commercial convention, 347; refuses to negotiate on impressment, 347; makes Ashburton treaty, 349, 350.

Eppes, John W., letter of Gallatin to, on public lands, 239.

Erskine, D. M., his negotiations, 295.

Etsko, ——, Polish refugee, helped by Gallatin, 372.

Eustis, William, advised by Gallatin concerning treaty with Netherlands, 333, 334.

Ewbank, ——, member of Ethnological Society, 379.

Excise (see Whiskey Insurrection), recommended by Hamilton, 175.

Fauchet, his dealings with Randolph, 103; condemned by Federalists, 134.

Fayette County, settlement of Gallatin, 22, 26, 27; life in, 28, 43, 67; elects Gallatin to legislature, 44; in Whiskey Insurrection, 49, 51, 52, 68, 78, 85, 96; reelects Gallatin, 93, 95; visited by Lafayette, 365.

Fazzi, ——, takes share in Gallatin's land scheme, 361.

Federalist party, its origin, 57; prejudiced against Gallatin by his resolution demanding information from Hamilton, 64, 65; opposes his election to Congress, 95; reconstructs cabinet, 97, 98; its leaders in House, 98, 99; attitude toward France and England, 100, 101; charged with being bribed by England, 103; in debate on appropriating power, 108, 109; in debate on treaty power, 111-115; defends Jay treaty, 118; strengthened in fourth Congress, 128; retains nominal majority in fifth Congress, 133; in debate on French relations, 134-136; in debate on checks on executive, 143-147; strengthened by X Y Z affair, 149; commits mistakes, 151, 152; its badge, 153; controls sixth Congress, 158; refuses to repeal Sedition Law, 159; defeated in 1800, 163; forced to choose between Burr and Jefferson, 164; bargain with Jefferson, 164; its possible plans for defeating any choice, 165; and for nominating a president pro tempore, 165; allows Jefferson's election, 166, 167; its share in building country, 169; breach in, 177; enjoys Republican inconsistency, 237; monopolizes offices, 280; extinguished by battle of New Orleans, 358.

Few, William, connected by marriage with Gallatin, 59.

Finances, efforts of Gallatin to secure minute supervision of by Congress, 64, 106, 107; efforts to establish permanent appropriations, 107; appropriations, power of Congress over, 108, 109; their necessity to successful government, 170; finances of the Revolution under Morris, 170-174; under treasury board, 173, 174; under Hamilton, 174-176; under Wolcott, 176-178; under Gallatin, 186-215; sketch of, by Gallatin, 184; "View of," by Gallatin, 185; preliminary sketch on Gallatin's assuming office, 186; estimate of sources of wealth, 187; estimate for 1801, 190; denial of a surplus, 190, 191; plan for discharging debt, 191, 192; its execution, 192, 194; report for 1803 on reduction of debt, 195; Louisiana purchase, 193, 195; place of payment of principal and interest, 195, 196; addition to sinking fund, 196; report for first four years, 197; estimates of revenue for Jefferson's second term, 198; conversion of debt, 198; full treasury in 1807, 198; Gallatin's consideration of military value of surplus, 199; on war revenue, 200, 201; effect of embargo, 201; sources of revenue, 204; deficiency in 1809, 204; report of 1811, 205; demand of Gallatin for internal revenue, 206; war estimates, 206-209; including "treasury notes," 207, 210; loan of 1812, 209; estimates for 1812, 210; report for 1812, 211; success of loan, 210, 211; report of loan of twenty-one millions, 212; stock not taken by New England and Southern States, 213; saved by Parish, Girard, and Astor, 213, 214; review of Gallatin's influence, 215-216; table of revenue and expenditure, 217; revenue established by Hamilton, 217; its character, 218; and amount, 219; permanent estimate of, 220; internal revenue retained by Gallatin, 220; his proposed expenditures, 220; repeal of internal revenue, 221; increased income, 221; establishment of Mediterranean fund, 222; income during Jefferson's first term, 223; increased estimates of Gallatin, 223; internal improvements planned, 224; doubling of duties recommended as a war measure, 225; effect of embargo on revenue, 225, 227; review of revenue during Jefferson's administrations, 226, 227; surplus in 1808, 226; internal improvements advocated by Jefferson, 226, 227; estimates of receipts for 1809, 228; report of Gallatin to Congress on need for new revenues, 229; vagueness of Madison concerning, 229, 230; report for 1809, 230; refusal of Congress to re-charter bank, 231; report for 1810, 231; report of Gallatin in January, 1812, 232; proposal to impose internal taxes, 234; increased war duties, 234; war budget for 1813, 235; internal taxes, their history, 235; reimposed by Congress, 236; receipts from, 237; public lands, receipts from, 238, 239; administration of Treasury under Gallatin, 244-246; history of Bank of North America, 248-250; of Bank of United States, 250-255; panic of 1815, 262-264; second United States Bank, 265-268; resumption of specie payment, 267; report of Gallatin on ratio of gold and silver, 268; "Considerations on Currency and Banking," 268; diminution of debt in 1832, 269; removal of deposits from Bank of United States, 269, 270; extinction of debt by Woodbury, 270, 271; distribution of surplus among States, 271; inflation in 1836, 272; panic of 1837, 272, 273.

Findley, James, in Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention, 43; represents Fayette County in legislature, 44.

Findley, William, describes Whiskey Insurrection, 71; at Parkinson's Ferry meeting, 78; describes Gallatin's speech, 83; on threats of secession, 86; takes resolutions to Washington urging him to stop march of troops, 89; describes seizure of prisoners, 90.

Fish, Preserved, at free trade convention in 1831, 241.

Fisheries, discussed in treaty of Ghent, 322, 323; unfavorable settlement of question in 1818, 335.

Florida, question of its annexation, 285.

Forsyth, John, asks Gallatin's advice as to Smithson's bequest, 378.

Fox, C. J., his precocity compared to Gallatin's, 32.

France, sympathy of Republicans for, 116; sends tricolor to Congress, 130; its policy in Revolution, 131; situation in 1796, 131; endeavors to get aid of United States, 131; determines to coerce it, 132; refuses to receive Pinckney, 132; policy of Adams toward, 137; success in 1797, 139; danger of war with, in 1798, 147; question of war with, debated in Congress, 148-151; non-intercourse with, 151, 159, 160; adopts conciliatory measures, 160; commercial convention with, 162; adopts Milan decree, 229; mission of Gallatin to, 331-341; refuses to pay for seizures under Berlin and Milan decrees, 333; urges peace with Spain, 336; offers to mediate with United States between Spain and her colonies, 336; conduct at Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, 337; Apollon case, 338; commercial convention with, 340; fails to settle claims, 340, 341; Revolution of 1830 in, 370, 371, 372.

Franklin, Benjamin, gives Gallatin letter to Richard Bache, 11; compared to Gallatin, 389.

Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, friend of Madame Voltaire, 7; sends her a portrait, 7; sells troops to England in American war, 8; called a tyrant by Gallatin, 8.

Free trade, advocated by Gallatin, 240; becomes a party question in 1832, 240; convention in favor of, 241; Gallatin's memorial in behalf of, 241, 242; subsequent history of, 242, 243.

French Revolution, premonitions of, in Europe, 6; Gallatin's opinion of, in 1794, 56, 57; its reaction on America, 57, 100; attitude of parties toward, 101, 102; its effect described by Gallatin, 327, 328.

Gallatin, Abraham, grandfather of Albert, 2; lives at Pregny, 7; friend of Voltaire, 7.

Gallatin, Albert, his place in United States history, 1; birth and ancestry, 2; adopted by Mlle. Pictet, 2; his schooling and home training, 2, 3; benefits from cosmopolitan society of Geneva, 4; academic friendships, 4, 5; restless, although not ambitious, 5; discontented with political conditions, 6; visits Voltaire, 7, 8; refuses offer of commission in Hessian service, 8; quarrels with grandmother, 8; plans to find freedom in America, 9, 10; leaves Geneva secretly, 9; plans to rise by land speculation and commerce, 10; at Nantes receives letters from family, 10, 11; relations with guardian, 11; invests money in tea, 12; voyage to Boston, 12; finds difficulty in selling tea, 12; finds Boston bigoted and unfriendly, 13; his walk to Blue Hill, 13; encounter with inquisitive landlord, 13, 14; persuaded by Madame De Lesdernier, makes trading voyage to Machias, 14; frontier life there, 15, 16; commands earthwork at Passamaquoddy, 16; meets La Perouse, 16; returns to Boston and teaches French, 17; recommended by Mlle. Pictet to Dr. Cooper, 17; teaches French successfully in Harvard College, 17, 18; glad to leave Boston at conclusion of war, 18; visits New York, 18; meets Savary, 19; dissolves partnership with Serre, 19; meets Pelatiah Webster at Philadelphia, 19; accompanies Savary to Richmond, 19; decides definitely not to return to Geneva, 20; joins Savary in land speculations in West Virginia, 20, 21; his aversion to debt, 21; returns to Philadelphia and leads exploring party down Ohio, 21; at George's Creek builds log-house and opens store, 22; encounters Washington, 22; declines Washington's offer to become land agent, 23; enjoys a winter in Richmond society, 23; his gratitude for hospitality and kindness, 24; commissioned by Henry, locates lands in Western Virginia, 24; interrupted by Indian troubles, 24; takes oath of allegiance to Virginia, 25; invites Badollet to join him from Geneva, 25, 26; purchases Friendship Hill, 26; rumor of his death causes inquiries from Geneva, 27; attains majority and calls for property, 28; difficulties of his life on frontier, 28; not to be blamed for his choice of location, 28, 29; offered place in office by Marshall, 29; advised by Patrick Henry to begin in West, 29; visits Richmond and Philadelphia, 29; journey to Maine, 29, 30; kindness towards Lesdernier, 30; marries Sophie Allegre, her sudden death, 30; disheartened, wishes to abandon Western lands, 30, 31; his maturity in political thought, 32; early an advocate of democracy, 32, 33; probably dislikes the Federal Constitution, 34, 36; an opponent of centralization, 34; influences arguments of Smilie in Pennsylvania ratifying convention, 36; represents Fayette County at convention of anti-Federalists, 37; friendship with Smilie, 38; drafts resolutions providing for vigorous organization against Constitution, 38, 39.

In Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention. Elected a delegate from Fayette County, 40; his opposition to alteration of form of government, 41; advocates enlarged popular representation, manhood suffrage, easy naturalization, 42; takes minor part in convention, his high opinion of its ability, 42, 43; after convention, falls into melancholy, 43; wishes to leave America, 43; reproached by Genevese friends with indolence, 43, 44.

In Pennsylvania Legislature. Elected to represent Fayette County, 44; describes his legislative career, 45-47; his influence and activity, 45; advocates improved education, 45; supports turnpike, 45; gains reputation by report of Ways and Means Committee, 46; advocates redemption of paper money and financial reform, 46; reports a resolution for abolition of slavery, 47; at first dislikes Philadelphia, later prefers it to New York for democracy, 47, 48; drafts resolutions condemning Hamilton's excise bill, 48; takes part in public meeting in Washington County against the bill, 50; secretary of convention of western counties at Pittsburgh, 52; signs resolutions advocating resistance, 53; draws petition to Congress, 53; returns to Philadelphia to find cause damaged by action of counties, 54; advises evasion of federal writs to arrest, 55; in legislature proposes a township veto on taxation and popular education, 55; wishes to visit Geneva in 1793, 56, 57; views on French Revolution, 56, 57; elected senator in spite of insufficient residence, 58; acquaintance with Dallas, 58; on journey with him, meets Hannah Nicholson, 59; marriage, 59; his family connections by marriage, 59; later business connections with brother-in-law, J. W. Nicholson, 60; takes seat as United States senator, 60; his election protested on ground of insufficient residence, 60, 61; complains of membership of committee to consider case, 61; his exact status, 62; submits statement of facts to Senate, 62; is declared disqualified by narrow majority, 62, 63; his dignified conduct of case, 63; pending the decision, introduces resolution calling upon Hamilton to make a minutely itemized report, 64; probably causes his own expulsion by thus irritating Federalists, 64, 65; later obliged to answer a similar demand from Federalists, 65; not cast down by exclusion, 65; gains increased popularity in Pennsylvania, 65, 66.

In Whiskey Insurrection. Takes wife to Fayette County, 67; at outbreak of violence advises distillers to submit to law, 69; his estimate of numbers of insurgents in arms, 73; remains at first aloof from excitement, 75; determines to take control of movement, 75, 76; alarmed at probable excesses of mob and danger of repression, 76; delegate to convention at Parkinson's Ferry, 78; confers with Marshall, 78; chosen secretary, 79; opposes resolution to resist by force, and moves reference of resolutions to a committee, 80; succeeds in modifying resolutions not to obey excise and trial laws, 80; on committee on resolutions, 80; on committee to confer with government commissioners, 81; points out folly of resistance, 81; counsels submission, 81; his eloquent speech, 82, 83; prevents anarchy, 82; charged by J. C. Hamilton with cowardice, 84; his real courage, 84; hastens submission of Fayette County, 85; secures adoption of declaration defending county's action, 85; secretary of meeting at Parkinson's Ferry, which makes complete submission, 89; considered by Federalists to be chief instigator of the insurrection, 90; describes conversation with Dallas, 92; again chosen to legislature and also to Congress, 93; his election to Assembly contested and declared void, 93, 94; in his speech during debate admits error of his course, 94; urges Badollet to secure reelection of all Western assemblymen, 95; re-elected to legislature, 95; witness before grand jury in trial of prisoners, 96; draws petition to Washington for pardon of offenders, 96; his loyalty to constituents, 96.

Member of Congress. Moves appointment of committee on finance to control Treasury, 106; appointed upon it, 106; wishes to put appropriations on permanent footing, 107, 108; refuses to devote military funds to establishing Indian trading posts, 108; opposes habit of appropriating without debate, even to objects already approved, 109; supports resolutions calling for papers in Jay treaty, 110; upholds power of House of Representatives, 111, 112; denies that treaties override discretion of House, 112, 113; appointed to carry call to Washington, 114; claims right of House to participate in treaties, 114; stands beside Madison as leader of debate, 115; insists on separate consideration of treaties, 118; objects to Federalists' threats of war with England, 118, 119; complains of abandonment of "free ships" principle in Jay's treaty, 119; low opinion of Indians, 122; urges resistance to impressment, 122; suggests plan for advantageous sale of public lands, 122; and their use to pay debt, 122; views on taxation, 123; opposes military establishment and navy, 123, 124; laments necessity of payment to United States Bank, 124; attacked for participation in Whiskey Insurrection, 124; makes no reply, 125; criticises conduct of Treasury Department, 125; opposes principle of a national debt, 125; asserts a great increase in public debt, 126; defends assertion against W. Smith, 126; objects to adjournment to pay respects to Washington on birthday, 126; recognized as leader of opposition by Federalists, 127; does not expect or desire renomination, 127; reelected to Congress, 127; becomes leader of Republicans in House, 128; wishes House to compliment Washington personally on his retirement, but not his administration, 129; describes Andrew Jackson's appearance, 129 n.; insists on payment of indebtedness of States to government, 129; chairman of conference committee, 129; opposes army and navy expenditure, 129, 130; secures passage of bill confining treasury expenditures, 130; in sympathy and confidence of Jefferson, 133; deprecates debating foreign relations, 134; wishes to treat France like other nations, 134; opposes threatening France, 135; joins moderate Republicans in voting with Federalists for address to President, 136; opposes appropriation for defense, 137; objects to employment of frigates, 137; favors defense of ports and harbors only, 137; opposes salt duty, 137; and excessive loans, 137; points out method of impeachment in Blount case, 138; describes his desire for moderation, 138; calls Federalists aristocrats, 139; votes against presenting answer to message in person, 140; now acknowledged leader of Republicans, 140; presents anti-slavery petitions from Pennsylvania, 140; his opinion of use of foreign coins, 140; estimate of specie in United States, 141; opposes proposal to expel Lyon, 141; on executive power of appointment, 142; wishes to abandon foreign political intercourse, 143; upholds power of House to check executive through appropriations, 143; makes elaborate speech on checks of legislature on executive, 144-146; and on necessity of abstention from European politics, 145; practical drawbacks to his theory, 147; his speech circulated by party, 147; opposes war measures against France, 148; supports call for papers of envoys to France, 148; presents petition against authorizing private citizens to arm vessels, 149; opposes bill to authorize President to arm convoys, 149; prefers submission to French outrages rather than war, 150, 151; attacked by Allen of Connecticut, his reply, 150, 151; opposes non-intercourse with France, 151; declares Sedition Bill unconstitutional, 152; high words with Harper over Alien Bill, 152; taunted by Harper, 152; opposes declaration of state of relations by Congress, 153; votes against abrogating treaty with France, 154; continues to harass Wolcott in the Treasury, 154; his even temper, 154; opposes bill to punish correspondence with foreign princes, 155, 156; opposes bill to incite French West Indies to revolt, 156, 157; opposes authorization of President to suspend commerce in certain cases, 157; opposes building ships of the line, 157; tries to defeat or ameliorate Alien and Sedition Laws, 157, 158; aided in sixth Congress by Nicholas and Macon, 159; votes with Federalists to suspend commercial intercourse with France, 159; opposes proposal to amend Foreign Intercourse Act, 160, 161; opposes bill requiring report from secretary of treasury, because originating in Senate, 161; opposes continuance of non-intercourse, 162; his position in presidential contest in 1800, 164; irritated by influence of S. Smith over Jefferson and Madison, 164; reasons that attempt of Federalists to defeat an election by the House is constitutional, 164, 165; but any president pro tempore would be unconstitutional, 165; suggests course of action for Republicans, 165; probably expects to use violence against Federalists, 166; review of his congressional career, 167; leader of party, yet not a partisan, 167, 168; one of Republican triumvirate, 168; his departure leaves party without a legislative leader, 168.

Secretary of the Treasury: Funding. His place as financier in United States history, 170; Jefferson's choice for secretary of treasury, 178, 179; hated by Federalists in Senate, 178; assigned to Treasury by public opinion, 179; doubts his abilities and chances of confirmation by Senate, 180; plans to move to New York, 180; refuses to accept until confirmed by Senate, 181; finally agrees to serve, 181; brings family to Washington and enters on duties, 181, 182; his thoroughness, 182; exhausts himself by his energy, 182; sketch of his financial career in Pennsylvania and in Congress, 183, 184; his one principle the extinguishment of debt, 184; publishes sketch of the finances in 1796, 184; publishes in July, 1800, "Views of Public Debt," etc., 184, 185; ability of these essays, 185; outlines policy of expenditures and receipts to Jefferson, 186; endeavors to systematize treasury statements, 186; points out economic reasons for increase of revenue, 187; urges specific appropriations by Congress and absence of departmental discretion, 187; urges reduction, both of debt and of taxes, 188; unable to work with other departments because of Jefferson's habits, 188; lack of elasticity in his plans, 189; embarrassed by complications in department, 189; his first report to Congress, 190; denies existence of any surplus, 190; explains plan for extinction of debt by 1817, 191; given authority by Congress, 192; table showing success of his measures, 192; in spite of Louisiana purchase, reduces debt by one third, 192, 194; dissatisfied with financial terms of Louisiana purchase, 193; novelty of his distinction between place of payment of interest and principal, 195; arranges that Louisiana debt shall not retard payment of old debt, 196, 197; his report of 1805, 107; proposes funding of outstanding obligations in 1807, 198; reports a full Treasury on occasion of threatened war with England, 198; discusses application of surplus to war expenses, 199; suggests methods of war taxation, 200; prefers war to embargo, 201; draws the embargo bill, 201; discusses its financial effect, 201, 202; confident attitude as to war loans, 202; his policy supported by Jefferson, 203; realizes that war will prevent reduction of debt, 203, 204; relies on customs, tonnage dues, and land sales for revenue, 204; reports deficiency owing to embargo, 204; forced to borrow, 204; reviews situation in 1811 with satisfaction, 205, 206; asks for increase of revenue in case of war, 206; proposes war loans, 207; and interest-bearing treasury notes, 207; insists on actual increased receipts, not apparent measures, 207, 208; on necessity of upholding credit, 209; receives authority from Congress, 209; submits war budget, 209, 210; his last annual statement in 1812, 211; reports need of new loans, 212; his personal friends, Parish, Girard, and Astor, save government credit, 213, 214; fails to negotiate loan at par, 214; failure of his hopes to extinguish debt, 215; his policy vindicated by successors, 215; charged with sacrificing defenses of country to reduction of debt, 216; attempted defense of his course by "Democratic Review," 216; his determination to follow financial principles and not a partisan course, 216, 218; does not invent new sources of revenue, 218; his estimates follow those of Hamilton, 219; estimates permanent revenue, 220; unable to abandon internal revenue, 220; does not protest against its abolition by Congress, 221; does not alter estimates in spite of increase of revenue, 221; proposes additional tax to meet war with Tripoli, 222; applies surplus as far as possible to Louisiana purchase, 222; political effect of his success during Jefferson's first term, 223; in 1805 raises estimate of permanent revenue, 223; impresses economy upon other departments, 223; prepares scheme of internal improvements, 224; after Chesapeake affair recommends borrowing, 224; and doubling duties in case of war, 225; receipts during his second term, 226; his warning of diminished resources in future ignored by Jefferson, 226; estimates for 1809, 228; points out necessity of submitting to war or loss of foreign trade, 228, 229; promises not to use internal taxes, 229; reports diminished income and deficiency in 1809, 230; declares for a strict enforcement or abandonment of embargo, 230; disgusted at refusal of Congress to recharter United States Bank, 231; tenders resignation to Madison, 231; obliged to remain for lack of possible successor, 231; continues to advocate increased customs, 232; points out that, had his recommendations been followed in 1809, there would have been a large surplus, 232, 233; forces Congress to choose between a bank or internal taxes, 233, 234; himself proposes internal taxes, 234; his last report predicts deficiency and asks a loan, 235; his recommendations of internal taxes disregarded, 235; his previous use of Hamilton's internal taxes, 235; his suggestions followed in 1813, 236; connection with sale of public lands, 238; unable fully to utilize this resource, 239; earliest public advocate of free trade, 240; later in career becomes leader of cause, 241; his part in convention of 1831, 241; draws memorial to Congress, 242; his views followed in tariff of 1846, 242; opposed to protection, 242; violently attacked by Clay, who apologizes, 242; introduces reforms in annual report, 245; tries to induce Congress and departments to adopt scheme of minute appropriations, 245, 246; carries system into his own household, 246; effects of his methods, 247; on Jefferson's dislike of banks, 251; his report of 1809 on Hamilton's bank, 252, 253; suggests its renewal, with modifications, 253, 254; his testimony as to its value, 255, 256; estimate as to state banks in 1811, 258; describes hostility of Astor to bank, 259; left, by failure to renew bank charter, at mercy of capitalists, 260; his opinion that absence of bank caused suspension of specie payments in 1815, 262; on Jefferson's proposal to issue paper money, 264; his success a vindication of Federalist finance, 266; opinion of services of second national bank, 266; declines offer of secretaryship in 1816, 266, 267; urges Madison to restore specie payment, 267; declines position as president of Bank of United States in 1822, 268; prepares statement of relative value of gold and silver, 268; writes "Considerations on Currency and Banking," 268; advocates use of specie and limited use of paper money, 268; accepts presidency of National Bank of New York, 269; his opinion of Jackson, 270; his bank involved in panic of 1837, 272; conducts resumption, 273; chairman of committee of banks, 273; submits reports, 275; declines presidency of Bank of Commerce, 276; resigns presidency of National Bank, 277; publishes "Suggestions on Banks and Currency," 277; condemns paper money, 277; declines offer of Treasury Department from Tyler, 278; in the cabinet, agrees with Republican leaders on all points except bank, 279, 280; prepares circular announcing disregard of party in appointments, 281; and condemning political influence of officials, 281; his policy opposed by Jefferson, 282; obliged to follow cabinet in policy of partisan appointments, 282; advises early preparation for campaign of 1804, 283; wishes States divided into election districts, 283; criticises annual messages of Jefferson, 283; his proposal to appoint a woman to office condemned by Jefferson, 283; suggests in vain regular cabinet consultations, 283, 284; urges payment of tribute to Tripoli rather than war, 284; opinion asked on points of constitutional law, 284; holds inherent right of United States to acquire territory, 285; disapproves of Texas annexation, 285; advises Jefferson concerning Louisiana treaty, 285, 286; attacked by Duane, for not turning out Federalists, 286; absence of favoritism in his appointments, 286, 287; supervises sale of lands, 287; acquaintance with Choteau, 278; drafts promise of protection for Astor's fur trade, 288; opposes vainly Jefferson's gunboat scheme, 289; submits plan of defense against England, 289; urges moderate tone in message, 290; devises scheme of internal improvements, 290; doubts success of a National University, 291; opposes a permanent embargo, 291; prepares Campbell's report urging resistance, 292; receives authority from Congress to enforce non-intercourse, 293; favors war, 293; submits "Notes on Political Situation," 294; opposes ordering out naval force in favor of letters of marque, 294; his appointment as secretary of state prevented by Republican opponents in Senate, 294, 295; continues to advise Madison, 295; his measures meet opposition in Senate, 295; deserted by Madison in his attempt to secure re-chartering of bank, 296; tenders resignation, 296; bitterly attacked in "Aurora," 297; accused of dominating Madison and of corruption, 297, 298; considered by Jefferson ablest man in administration except Madison, 298; unable to command support in Congress, submits to war policy, 298, 299; asks leave of absence and appointment as minister to Russia, 299; attempts made to alienate him from Jefferson and Madison, 299; his high regard for Jefferson, 300; continued good terms with Madison, 300.

Minister to Russia; Treaty of Ghent. His voyage with Bayard, 301; visits Gottenburg and Copenhagen, 301; at St. Petersburg meets J. Q. Adams, 302; his knowledge of history, 302; lack of diplomatic experience as compared with Adams, 302; contrast in character with Adams, 303; considers peace necessary because of inefficiency in conduct of war, 303; abandons his former opposition to a navy, 303; low opinion of English diplomacy, 304; view of necessity of an English renunciation of impressment, 305; writes to Barings, 305; receives Baring's reply, 306, 307; explains case to Romanzoff, 307; assured by Moreau of imperial sympathy, 308; warned by him of England's purposes, 308; writes to Monroe asking instructions, 308, 309; informs Baring of inability to negotiate except through Russia, 309; writes to Moreau, 309, 310; instructs Dallas as to duties in London, 310; receives news of refusal of Senate to confirm his nomination, 310; contemplates visit to London, 311; hears that British government proposes to treat directly, 311; unable to return home, 312; journey to Amsterdam, 312; not at first included in second commission, but later added, 312; visits London, 313; learns of arrival of Clay and Russell, 313; urges Lafayette to mediate, 313; wishes to change place of negotiation from Gottenburg, 314; urges Crawford to secure interposition of emperor, 315; receives letter from Lafayette through Humboldt, promising aid, 315; makes official appeal to emperor, 315; learns of refusal of England to admit intervention, 316; warns Monroe of English preparations, 316; visits Paris, 316; meets British commissioners at Ghent, 316; notifies Monroe of determination of England to dismember United States and attack New Orleans, 317, 318; despairs of peace, 318; draws reply of commissioners rejecting British demands, 319; explains reasons for willingness to discuss Indian article, 319, 320; condemns burning of public buildings at Washington, 320; expresses confidence in American securities, 320; has difficulty in mediating between Clay and Adams on fisheries and Mississippi navigation, 322, 323; proposes engagement to abandon use of savages in future war, 323; the credit of treaty due to him, 324; his diplomatic skill, 324; wins European admiration, 325; visits Geneva, 325, 326; sees Napoleon during Hundred Days, 326; appointed minister to France, 326; with Clay and Adams negotiates commercial convention, 326, 327; friendly attitude of Castlereagh toward, 326; on value of abolition of discriminating duties, 327; returns to New York, 327; withholds acceptance of French mission, 327; describes to Jefferson European opinion of United States, 327; describes condition of France after Revolution, 327, 328; does not consider republican form of government suitable everywhere, 328; weary of politics, declines nomination to Congress, 329; declines French mission on ground of poverty, 329; finally yields to Monroe's requests, 329; refuses offer of Treasury Department, his reasons, 330; rejoicings of Jefferson over his appointment, 331.

Minister to France. Received by Richelieu, 331; discusses American sympathy for Bonaparte, 331, 332; received by Louis XVIII., 332; familiar relations with royal family, 332; negotiates for indemnity for seizures, 332; annoyed by French demand for dismissal of a disrespectful American postmaster, 333; advises Adams and Eustis in negotiations, 333; returns to Paris, 334; with Rush conducts negotiations with England, 334, 335; tries to explain Jackson's occupation of Pensacola, 336; refuses to mediate with France between Spain and revolted colonies, 336; points out disadvantages of war with Spain, 337; succeeds in pacifying French indignation at seizure of Apollon, 338; does not adopt Adams's line of defense, 338; Adams's opinion of, in diary, 338, 339; his opinion of Adams, 329; continues to negotiate with regard to commerce, 340; loath to return without success, 340; criticises Adams's terms of French treaty as unfavorable, but advises signing, 340; fails to secure satisfaction and returns to America, 341; settles at Friendship Hill, 341; pressed by Monroe to return to France, 341, 342; declines mission to Panama Congress, 342.

Minister to England. Appointed envoy and minister, with liberty to return on completion of negotiations, 342, 343; secures modification of instructions, 343; complains of peremptory character of instructions, 344; his voyage, 344; dislike of English and French diplomacy, 344; learns of English resentment at tone of American ministers, 344, 345; negotiates with Canning, 345; asks for instructions as to renewal of convention of 1815, 345; pleased with ability of Lawrence as charge d'affaires, 346; his threat of war quoted by Chateaubriand, 346; warned by Adams to yield nothing, 346; concludes negotiation with Goderich, 347; thinks Canning meant to discuss impressment, 247; returns to America, congratulated by Adams, 348; his social life in London, 348; ready to accept French mission in 1834, 349; prepares argument in Northeastern boundary arbitration, 349; publishes an account of facts in the case, 349; visited by Ashburton, 350; publishes pamphlet on Oregon question, 351; presides at meeting to protest against annexation of Texas, 351; condemns Mexican war, 352; publishes pamphlet concerning it, 352; condemns "manifest destiny" talk, 352, 353.

Republican Leader. His opinion of contemporary political leaders, 355, 356; prefers Crawford to Adams, 356; requests Macon to take part in caucus for Crawford, 356; thinks universal suffrage compensates for dangers of consolidation, 356; accepts reluctantly nomination for vice-president, 357; dislikes formality of nomination, 357; withdraws to help ticket, 358; considers the election to prove decease of Republican party, 359; condemns Jackson's violations of law, 359; favors an insignificant or weak executive, 359; visits Washington in 1829, notes disappearance of old regime, 330.

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