A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln - Condensed from Nicolay & Hay's Abraham Lincoln: A History
by John G. Nicolay
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The world had many lessons to learn from this great conflict, which liberated a subject people and changed the tactics of modern warfare; but the greatest lesson it taught the nations of waiting Europe was the conservative power of democracy—that a million men, flushed with victory, and with arms in their hands, could be trusted to disband the moment the need for their services was over, and take up again the soberer labors of peace.

Friends loaded these veterans with flowers as they swung down the Avenue, both men and officers, until some were fairly hidden under their fragrant burden. There was laughter and applause; grotesque figures were not absent as Sherman's legions passed, with their "bummers" and their regimental pets; but with all the shouting and the laughter and the joy of this unprecedented ceremony, there was one sad and dominant thought which could not be driven from the minds of those who saw it—that of the men who were absent, and who had, nevertheless, richly earned the right to be there. The soldiers in their shrunken companies were conscious of the ever-present memories of the brave comrades who had fallen by the way; and in the whole army there was the passionate and unavailing regret for their wise, gentle, and powerful friend, Abraham Lincoln, gone forever from the house by the Avenue, who had called the great host into being, directed the course of the nation during the four years they had been fighting for its preservation, and for whom, more than for any other, this crowning peaceful pageant would have been fraught with deep and happy meaning.


The 14th of April—Celebration at Fort Sumter—Last Cabinet Meeting—Lincoln's Attitude toward Threats of Assassination—Booth's Plot—Ford's Theater—Fate of the Assassins—The Mourning Pageant

Mr. Lincoln had returned to Washington, refreshed by his visit to City Point, and cheered by the unmistakable signs that the war was almost over. With that ever-present sense of responsibility which distinguished him, he gave his thoughts to the momentous question of the restoration of the Union and of harmony between the lately warring sections. His whole heart was now enlisted in the work of "binding up the nation's wounds," and of doing all which might "achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace."

April 14 was a day of deep and tranquil happiness throughout the United States. It was Good Friday, observed by a portion of the people as an occasion of fasting and religious meditation; though even among the most devout the great tidings of the preceding week exerted their joyous influence, and changed this period of traditional mourning into an occasion of general thanksgiving. But though the Misereres turned of themselves to Te Deums, the date was not to lose its awful significance in the calendar: at night it was claimed once more by a world-wide sorrow.

The thanksgiving of the nation found its principal expression at Charleston Harbor, where the flag of the Union received that day a conspicuous reparation on the spot where it had first been outraged. At noon General Robert Anderson raised over Fort Sumter the identical flag lowered and saluted by him four years before; the surrender of Lee giving a more transcendent importance to this ceremony, made stately with orations, music, and military display.

In Washington it was a day of deep peace and thankfulness. Grant had arrived that morning, and, going to the Executive Mansion, had met the cabinet, Friday being their regular day for assembling. He expressed some anxiety as to the news from Sherman which he was expecting hourly. The President answered him in that singular vein of poetic mysticism which, though constantly held in check by his strong common sense, formed such a remarkable element in his character. He assured Grant that the news would come soon and come favorably, for he had last night had his usual dream which preceded great events. He seemed to be, he said, in a singular and indescribable vessel, but always the same, moving with great rapidity toward a dark and indefinite shore; he had had this dream before Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and Vicksburg. The cabinet were greatly impressed by this story; but Grant, most matter-of-fact of created beings, made the characteristic response that "Murfreesboro was no victory, and had no important results." The President did not argue this point with him, but repeated that Sherman would beat or had beaten Johnston; that his dream must relate to that, since he knew of no other important event likely at present to occur.

Questions of trade between the States, and of various phases of reconstruction, occupied the cabinet on this last day of Lincoln's firm and tolerant rule. The President spoke at some length, disclosing his hope that much could be done to reanimate the States and get their governments in successful operation before Congress came together. He was anxious to close the period of strife without over-much discussion. Particularly did he desire to avoid the shedding of blood, or any vindictiveness of punishment. "No one need expect that he would take any part in hanging or killing these men, even the worst of them." "Enough lives have been sacrificed," he exclaimed; "we must extinguish our resentments if we expect harmony and union." He did not wish the autonomy nor the individuality of the States disturbed; and he closed the session by commending the whole subject to the most careful consideration of his advisers. It was, he said, the great question pending—they must now begin to act in the interest of peace. Such were the last words that Lincoln spoke to his cabinet. They dispersed with these sentences of clemency and good will in their ears, never again to meet under his wise and benignant chairmanship. He had told them that morning a strange story, which made some demand upon their faith, but the circumstances under which they were next to come together were beyond the scope of the wildest fancy.

The day was one of unusual enjoyment to Mr. Lincoln. His son Robert had returned from the field with General Grant, and the President spent an hour with the young captain in delighted conversation over the campaign. He denied himself generally to the throng of visitors, admitting only a few friends. In the afternoon he went for a long drive with Mrs. Lincoln. His mood, as it had been all day, was singularly happy and tender. He talked much of the past and future; after four years of trouble and tumult he looked forward to four years of comparative quiet and normal work; after that he expected to go back to Illinois and practise law again. He was never simpler or gentler than on this day of unprecedented triumph; his heart overflowed with sentiments of gratitude to Heaven, which took the shape, usual to generous natures, of love and kindness to all men.

From the very beginning of his presidency, Mr. Lincoln had been constantly subject to the threats of his enemies. His mail was infested with brutal and vulgar menace, and warnings of all sorts came to him from zealous or nervous friends. Most of these communications received no notice. In cases where there seemed a ground for inquiry, it was made, as carefully as possible, by the President's private secretary, or by the War Department; but always without substantial result. Warnings that appeared most definite, when examined, proved too vague and confused for further attention. The President was too intelligent not to know that he was in some danger. Madmen frequently made their way to the very door of the executive office, and sometimes into Mr. Lincoln's presence. But he had himself so sane a mind, and a heart so kindly, even to his enemies, that it was hard for him to believe in political hatred so deadly as to lead to murder.

He knew, indeed, that incitements to murder him were not uncommon in the South, but as is the habit of men constitutionally brave, he considered the possibilities of danger remote, and positively refused to torment himself with precautions for his own safety; summing the matter up by saying that both friends and strangers must have daily access to him; that his life was therefore in reach of any one, sane or mad, who was ready to murder and be hanged for it; and that he could not possibly guard against all danger unless he shut himself up in an iron box, in which condition he could scarcely perform the duties of a President. He therefore went in and out before the people, always unarmed, generally unattended. He received hundreds of visitors in a day, his breast bare to pistol or knife. He walked at midnight, with a single secretary, or alone, from the Executive Mansion to the War Department and back. He rode through the lonely roads of an uninhabited suburb from the White House to the Soldiers' Home in the dusk of the evening, and returned to his work in the morning before the town was astir. He was greatly annoyed when it was decided that there must be a guard at the Executive Mansion, and that a squad of cavalry must accompany him on his daily drive; but he was always reasonable, and yielded to the best judgment of others.

Four years of threats and boastings that were unfounded, and of plots that came to nothing, thus passed away; but precisely at the time when the triumph of the nation seemed assured, and a feeling of peace and security was diffused over the country, one of the conspiracies, apparently no more important than the others, ripened in the sudden heat of hatred and despair. A little band of malignant secessionists, consisting of John Wilkes Booth, an actor of a family of famous players; Lewis Powell, alias Payne, a disbanded rebel soldier from Florida; George Atzerodt, formerly a coachmaker, but more recently a spy and blockade-runner of the Potomac; David E. Herold, a young druggist's clerk; Samuel Arnold and Michael O'Laughlin, Maryland secessionists and Confederate soldiers; and John H. Surratt, had their ordinary rendezvous at the house of Mrs. Mary E. Surratt, the widowed mother of the last named, formerly a woman of some property in Maryland, but reduced by reverses to keeping a small boarding-house in Washington.

Booth was the leader of the little coterie. He was a young man of twenty-six, strikingly handsome, with that ease and grace of manner which came to him of right from his theatrical ancestors. He had played for several seasons with only indifferent success, his value as an actor lying rather in his romantic beauty of person than in any talent or industry he possessed. He was a fanatical secessionist, and had imbibed at Richmond and other Southern cities where he played a furious spirit of partizanship against Lincoln and the Union party. After the reelection of Mr. Lincoln, he visited Canada, consorted with the rebel emissaries there, and—whether or not at their instigation cannot certainly be said—conceived a scheme to capture the President and take him to Richmond. He passed a great part of the autumn and winter pursuing this fantastic enterprise, seeming to be always well supplied with money; but the winter wore away, and nothing was accomplished. On March 4 he was at the Capitol, and created a disturbance by trying to force his way through the line of policemen who guarded the passage through which the President walked to the east front of the building. His intentions at this time are not known; he afterward said he lost an excellent chance of killing the President that day.

His ascendancy over his fellow-conspirators seems to have been complete. After the surrender of Lee, in an access of malice and rage akin to madness he called them together and assigned each his part in the new crime which had risen in his mind out of the abandoned abduction scheme. This plan was as brief and simple as it was horrible. Powell, alias Payne, the stalwart, brutal, simple-minded boy from Florida, was to murder Seward; Atzerodt, the comic villain of the drama, was assigned to remove Andrew Johnson; Booth reserved for himself the most conspicuous role of the tragedy. It was Herold's duty to attend him as page and aid him in his escape. Minor parts were given to stage-carpenters and other hangers-on, who probably did not understand what it all meant. Herold, Atzerodt, and Surratt had previously deposited at a tavern at Surrattsville, Maryland, owned by Mrs. Surratt, but kept by a man named Lloyd, a quantity of arms and materials to be used in the abduction scheme. Mrs. Surratt, being at the tavern on the eleventh, warned Lloyd to have the "shooting-irons" in readiness, and, visiting the place again on the fourteenth, told him they would probably be called for that night.

The preparations for the final blow were made with feverish haste. It was only about noon of the fourteenth that Booth learned that the President was to go to Ford's Theater that night to see the play "Our American Cousin." It has always been a matter of surprise in Europe that he should have been at a place of amusement on Good Friday; but the day was not kept sacred in America, except by the members of certain churches. The President was fond of the theater. It was one of his few means of recreation. Besides, the town was thronged with soldiers and officers, all eager to see him; by appearing in public he would gratify many people whom he could not otherwise meet. Mrs. Lincoln had asked General and Mrs. Grant to accompany her; they had accepted, and the announcement that they would be present had been made in the evening papers; but they changed their plans, and went north by an afternoon train. Mrs. Lincoln then invited in their stead Miss Harris and Major Rathbone, the daughter and the stepson of Senator Ira Harris. Being detained by visitors, the play had made some progress when the President appeared. The band struck up "Hail to the Chief," the actors ceased playing, the audience rose, cheering tumultuously, the President bowed in acknowledgment, and the play went on.

From the moment he learned of the President's intention, Booth's every action was alert and energetic. He and his confederates were seen on horseback in every part of the city. He had a hurried conference with Mrs. Surratt before she started for Lloyd's tavern. He intrusted to an actor named Matthews a carefully prepared statement of his reasons for committing the murder, which he charged him to give to the publisher of the "National Intelligencer," but which Matthews, in the terror and dismay of the night, burned without showing to any one. Booth was perfectly at home in Ford's Theater. Either by himself, or with the aid of friends, he arranged his whole plan of attack and escape during the afternoon. He counted upon address and audacity to gain access to the small passage behind the President's box. Once there, he guarded against interference by an arrangement of a wooden bar to be fastened by a simple mortise in the angle of the wall and the door by which he had entered, so that the door could not be opened from without. He even provided for the contingency of not gaining entrance to the box by boring a hole in its door, through which he might either observe the occupants, or take aim and shoot. He hired at a livery-stable a small, fleet horse.

A few minutes before ten o'clock, leaving his horse at the rear of the theater in charge of a call-boy, he went into a neighboring saloon, took a drink of brandy, and, entering the theater, passed rapidly to the little hallway leading to the President's box. Showing a card to the servant in attendance, he was allowed to enter, closed the door noiselessly, and secured it with the wooden bar he had previously made ready, without disturbing any of the occupants of the box, between whom and himself yet remained the partition and the door through which he had made the hole.

No one, not even the comedian who uttered them, could ever remember the last words of the piece that were spoken that night—the last Abraham Lincoln heard upon earth. The tragedy in the box turned play and players to the most unsubstantial of phantoms. Here were five human beings in a narrow space—the greatest man of his time, in the glory of the most stupendous success of our history; his wife, proud and happy; a pair of betrothed lovers, with all the promise of felicity that youth, social position, and wealth could give them; and this handsome young actor, the pet of his little world. The glitter of fame, happiness, and ease was upon the entire group; yet in an instant everything was to be changed. Quick death was to come to the central figure—the central figure of the century's great and famous men. Over the rest hovered fates from which a mother might pray kindly death to save her children in their infancy. One was to wander with the stain of murder upon his soul, in frightful physical pain, with a price upon his head and the curse of a world upon his name, until he died a dog's death in a burning barn; the wife was to pass the rest of her days in melancholy and madness; and one of the lovers was to slay the other, and end his life a raving maniac.

The murderer seemed to himself to be taking part in a play. Hate and brandy had for weeks kept his brain in a morbid state. Holding a pistol in one hand and a knife in the other, he opened the box door, put the pistol to the President's head, and fired. Major Rathbone sprang to grapple with him, and received a savage knife wound in the arm. Then, rushing forward, Booth placed his hand on the railing of the box and vaulted to the stage. It was a high leap, but nothing to such an athlete. He would have got safely away but for his spur catching in the flag that draped the front of the box. He fell, the torn flag trailing on his spur; but, though the fall had broken his leg, he rose instantly and brandishing his knife and shouting, "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" fled rapidly across the stage and out of sight. Major Rathbone called, "Stop him!" The cry rang out, "He has shot the President!" and from the audience, stupid at first with surprise, and wild afterward with excitement and horror, two or three men jumped upon the stage in pursuit of the assassin. But he ran through the familiar passages, leaped upon his horse, rewarding with a kick and a curse the boy who held him, and escaped into the night.

The President scarcely moved; his head drooped forward slightly, his eyes closed. Major Rathbone, not regarding his own grievous hurt, rushed to the door of the box to summon aid. He found it barred, and some one on the outside beating and clamoring for admittance. It was at once seen that the President's wound was mortal. A large derringer bullet had entered the back of the head, on the left side, and, passing through the brain, lodged just behind the left eye. He was carried to a house across the street, and laid upon a bed in a small room at the rear of the hall on the ground floor. Mrs. Lincoln followed, tenderly cared for by Miss Harris. Rathbone, exhausted by loss of blood, fainted, and was taken home. Messengers were sent for the cabinet, for the surgeon-general, for Dr. Stone, Mr. Lincoln's family physician, and for others whose official or private relations to the President gave them the right to be there. A crowd of people rushed instinctively to the White House, and, bursting through the doors, shouted the dreadful news to Robert Lincoln and Major Hay, who sat together in an upper room. They ran down-stairs, and as they were entering a carriage to drive to Tenth Street, a friend came up and told them that Mr. Seward and most of the cabinet had been murdered. The news seemed so improbable that they hoped it was all untrue; but, on reaching Tenth Street, the excitement and the gathering crowds prepared them for the worst. In a few moments those who had been sent for and many others were assembled in the little chamber where the chief of the state lay in his agony. His son was met at the door by Dr. Stone, who with grave tenderness informed him that there was no hope.

The President had been shot a few minutes after ten. The wound would have brought instant death to most men, but his vital tenacity was remarkable. He was, of course, unconscious from the first moment; but he breathed with slow and regular respiration throughout the night. As the dawn came and the lamplight grew pale, his pulse began to fail; but his face, even then, was scarcely more haggard than those of the sorrowing men around him. His automatic moaning ceased, a look of unspeakable peace came upon his worn features, and at twenty-two minutes after seven he died. Stanton broke the silence by saying:

"Now he belongs to the ages."

Booth had done his work efficiently. His principal subordinate, Payne, had acted with equal audacity and cruelty, but not with equally fatal result. Going to the home of the Secretary of State, who lay ill in bed, he had forced his way to Mr. Seward's room, on the pretext of being a messenger from the physician with a packet of medicine to deliver. The servant at the door tried to prevent him from going up-stairs; the Secretary's son, Frederick W. Seward, hearing the noise, stepped out into the hall to check the intruders. Payne rushed upon him with a pistol which missed fire, then rained blows with it upon his head, and, grappling and struggling, the two came to the Secretary's room and fell together through the door. Frederick Seward soon became unconscious, and remained so for several weeks, being, perhaps, the last man in the civilized world to learn the strange story of the night. The Secretary's daughter and a soldier nurse were in the room. Payne struck them right and left, wounding the nurse with his knife, and then, rushing to the bed, began striking at the throat of the crippled statesman, inflicting three terrible wounds on his neck and cheek. The nurse recovered himself and seized the assassin from behind, while another son, roused by his sister's screams, came into the room and managed at last to force him outside the door—not, however, until he and the nurse had been stabbed repeatedly. Payne broke away at last, and ran down-stairs, seriously wounding an attendant on the way, reached the door unhurt, sprang upon his horse, and rode leisurely away. When surgical aid arrived, the Secretary's house looked like a field hospital. Five of its inmates were bleeding from ghastly wounds, and two of them, among the highest officials of the nation, it was thought might never see the light of another day; though all providentially recovered.

The assassin left behind him his hat, which apparently trivial loss cost him and one of his fellow conspirators their lives. Fearing that the lack of it would arouse suspicion, he abandoned his horse, instead of making good his escape, and hid himself in the woods east of Washington for two days. Driven at last by hunger, he returned to the city and presented himself at Mrs. Surratt's house at the very moment when all its inmates had been arrested and were about to be taken to the office of the provost-marshal. Payne thus fell into the hands of justice, and the utterance of half a dozen words by him and the unhappy woman whose shelter he sought proved the death-warrant of them both.

Booth had been recognized by dozens of people as he stood before the footlights and brandished his dagger; but his swift horse quickly carried him beyond any haphazard pursuit. He crossed the Navy-Yard bridge and rode into Maryland, being joined very soon by Herold. The assassin and his wretched acolyte came at midnight to Mrs. Surratt's tavern, and afterward pushed on through the moonlight to the house of an acquaintance of Booth, a surgeon named Mudd, who set Booth's leg and gave him a room, where he rested until evening, when Mudd sent them on their desolate way south. After parting with him they went to the residence of Samuel Cox near Port Tobacco, and were by him given into the charge of Thomas Jones, a contraband trader between Maryland and Richmond, a man so devoted to the interests of the Confederacy that treason and murder seemed every-day incidents to be accepted as natural and necessary. He kept Booth and Herold in hiding at the peril of his life for a week, feeding and caring for them in the woods near his house, watching for an opportunity to ferry them across the Potomac; doing this while every wood-path was haunted by government detectives, well knowing that death would promptly follow his detection, and that a reward was offered for the capture of his helpless charge that would make a rich man of any one who gave him up.

With such devoted aid Booth might have wandered a long way; but there is no final escape but suicide for an assassin with a broken leg. At each painful move the chances of discovery increased. Jones was able, after repeated failures, to row his fated guests across the Potomac. Arriving on the Virginia side, they lived the lives of hunted animals for two or three days longer, finding to their horror that they were received by the strongest Confederates with more of annoyance than enthusiasm, though none, indeed, offered to betray them. Booth had by this time seen the comments of the newspapers on his work, and bitterer than death or bodily suffering was the blow to his vanity. He confided his feelings of wrong to his diary, comparing himself favorably with Brutus and Tell, and complaining: "I am abandoned, with the curse of Cain upon me, when, if the world knew my heart, that one blow would have made me great."

On the night of April 25, he and Herold were surrounded by a party under Lieutenant E.P. Doherty, as they lay sleeping in a barn belonging to one Garrett, in Caroline County, Virginia, on the road to Bowling Green. When called upon to surrender, Booth refused. A parley took place, after which Doherty told him he would fire the barn. At this Herold came out and surrendered. The barn was fired, and while it was burning, Booth, clearly visible through the cracks in the building, was shot by Boston Corbett, a sergeant of cavalry. He was hit in the back of the neck, not far from the place where he had shot the President, lingered about three hours in great pain, and died at seven in the morning.

The surviving conspirators, with the exception of John H. Surratt, were tried by military commission sitting in Washington in the months of May and June. The charges against them specified that they were "incited and encouraged" to treason and murder by Jefferson Davis and the Confederate emissaries in Canada. This was not proved on the trial; though the evidence bearing on the case showed frequent communications between Canada and Richmond and the Booth coterie in Washington, and some transactions in drafts at the Montreal Bank, where Jacob Thompson and Booth both kept accounts. Mrs. Surratt, Payne, Herold, and Atzerodt were hanged on July 7; Mudd, Arnold, and O'Laughlin were imprisoned for life at the Tortugas, the term being afterward shortened; and Spangler, the scene-shifter at the theater, was sentenced to six years in jail. John H. Surratt escaped to Canada, and from there to England. He wandered over Europe, and finally was detected in Egypt and brought back to Washington in 1867, where his trial lasted two months, and ended in a disagreement of the jury.

Upon the hearts of a people glowing with the joy of victory, the news of the President's assassination fell as a great shock. It was the first time the telegraph had been called upon to spread over the world tidings of such deep and mournful significance. In the stunning effect of the unspeakable calamity the country lost sight of the national success of the past week, and it thus came to pass that there was never any organized expression of the general exultation or rejoicing in the North over the downfall of the rebellion. It was unquestionably best that it should be so; and Lincoln himself would not have had it otherwise. He hated the arrogance of triumph; and even in his cruel death he would have been glad to know that his passage to eternity would prevent too loud an exultation over the vanquished. As it was, the South could take no umbrage at a grief so genuine and so legitimate; the people of that section even shared, to a certain degree, in the lamentations over the bier of one whom in their inmost hearts they knew to have wished them well.

There was one exception to the general grief too remarkable to be passed over in silence. Among the extreme radicals in Congress, Mr. Lincoln's determined clemency and liberality toward the Southern people had made an impression so unfavorable that, though they were naturally shocked at his murder, they did not, among themselves, conceal their gratification that he was no longer in the way. In a political caucus, held a few hours after the President's death, "the feeling was nearly universal," to quote the language of one of their most prominent representatives, "that the accession of Johnson to the presidency would prove a godsend to the country."

In Washington, with this singular exception, the manifestation of public grief was immediate and demonstrative. Within an hour after the body was taken to the White House, the town was shrouded in black. Not only the public buildings, the shops, and the better residences were draped in funeral decorations, but still more touching proof of affection was seen in the poorest class of houses, where laboring men of both colors found means in their penury to afford some scanty show of mourning. The interest and veneration of the people still centered in the White House, where, under a tall catafalque in the East Room, the late chief lay in the majesty of death, and not at the modest tavern on Pennsylvania Avenue, where the new President had his lodging, and where Chief-Justice Chase administered the oath of office to him at eleven o'clock on the morning of April 15.

It was determined that the funeral ceremonies in Washington should be celebrated on Wednesday, April 19, and all the churches throughout the country were invited to join at the same time in appropriate observances. The ceremonies in the East Room were brief and simple—the burial service, a prayer, and a short address; while all the pomp and circumstance which the government could command was employed to give a fitting escort from the White House to the Capitol, where the body of the President was to lie in state. The vast procession moved amid the booming of minute-guns, and the tolling of all the bells in Washington Georgetown, and Alexandria; and to associate the pomp of the day with the greatest work of Lincoln's life, a detachment of colored troops marched at the head of the line.

As soon as it was announced that Mr. Lincoln was to be buried at Springfield, Illinois, every town and city on the route begged that the train might halt within its limits and give its people the opportunity of testifying their grief and reverence. It was finally arranged that the funeral cortege should follow substantially the same route over which he had come in 1861 to take possession of the office to which he had given a new dignity and value for all time. On April 21, accompanied by a guard of honor, and in a train decked with somber trappings, the journey was begun. At Baltimore through which, four years before, it was a question whether the President-elect could pass with safety to his life, the coffin was taken with reverent care to the great dome of the Exchange, where, surrounded with evergreens and lilies, it lay for several hours, the people passing by in mournful throngs. The same demonstration was repeated, gaining continually in intensity of feeling and solemn splendor of display, in every city through which the procession passed. The reception in New York was worthy alike of the great city and of the memory of the man they honored. The body lay in state in the City Hall, and a half-million people passed in deep silence before it. Here General Scott came, pale and feeble, but resolute, to pay his tribute of respect to his departed friend and commander.

The train went up the Hudson River by night, and at every town and village on the way vast waiting crowds were revealed by the fitful glare of torches, and dirges and hymns were sung. As the train passed into Ohio, the crowds increased in density, and the public grief seemed intensified at every step westward. The people of the great central basin were claiming their own. The day spent at Cleveland was unexampled in the depth of emotion it brought to life. Some of the guard of honor have said that it was at this point they began to appreciate the place which Lincoln was to hold in history.

The last stage of this extraordinary progress was completed, and Springfield reached at nine o'clock on the morning of May 3. Nothing had been done or thought of for two weeks in Springfield but the preparations for this day, and they had been made with a thoroughness which surprised the visitors from the East. The body lay in state in the Capitol, which was richly draped from roof to basement in black velvet and silver fringe. Within it was a bower of bloom and fragrance. For twenty-four hours an unbroken stream of people passed through, bidding their friend and neighbor welcome home and farewell; and at ten o'clock on May 4, the coffin lid was closed, and a vast procession moved out to Oak Ridge, where the town had set apart a lovely spot for his grave, and where the dead President was committed to the soil of the State which had so loved and honored him. The ceremonies at the grave were simple and touching. Bishop Simpson delivered a pathetic oration; prayers were offered and hymns were sung; but the weightiest and most eloquent words uttered anywhere that day were those of the second inaugural, which the committee had wisely ordained to be read over his grave, as the friends of Raphael chose the incomparable canvas of the Transfiguration to be the chief ornament of his funeral.


Lincoln's Early Environment—Its Effect on his Character—His Attitude toward Slavery and the Slaveholder—His Schooling in Disappointment—His Seeming Failures—His Real Successes—The Final Trial—His Achievements—His Place in History

A child born to an inheritance of want; a boy growing into a narrow world of ignorance; a youth taking up the burden of coarse manual labor; a man entering on the doubtful struggle of a local backwoods career—these were the beginnings of Abraham Lincoln, if we analyze them under the hard practical cynical philosophy which takes for its motto that "nothing succeeds but success." If, however, we adopt a broader philosophy, and apply the more generous and more universal principle that "everything succeeds which attacks favorable opportunity with fitting endeavor," then we see that it was the strong vitality, the active intelligence, and the indefinable psychological law of moral growth that assimilates the good and rejects the bad, which Nature gave this obscure child, that carried him to the service of mankind and to the admiration of the centuries with the same certainty with which the acorn grows to be the oak.

We see how even the limitations of his environment helped the end. Self-reliance, that most vital characteristic of the pioneer, was his by blood and birth and training; and developed through the privations of his lot and the genius that was in him to the mighty strength needed to guide our great country through the titanic struggle of the Civil War.

The sense of equality was his, also by virtue of his pioneer training—a consciousness fostered by life from childhood to manhood in a state of society where there were neither rich to envy nor poor to despise, where the gifts and hardships of the forest were distributed impartially to each, and where men stood indeed equal before the forces of unsubdued nature.

The same great forces taught liberality, modesty, charity, sympathy—in a word, neighborliness. In that hard life, far removed from the artificial aids and comforts of civilization, where all the wealth of Croesus, had a man possessed it, would not have sufficed to purchase relief from danger, or help in time of need, neighborliness became of prime importance. A good neighbor doubled his safety and his resources, a group of good neighbors increased his comfort and his prospects in a ratio that grew like the cube root. Here was opportunity to practise that virtue that Christ declared to be next to the love of God—the fruitful injunction to "love thy neighbor as thyself."

Here, too, in communities far from the customary restraints of organized law, the common native intelligence of the pioneer was brought face to face with primary and practical questions of natural right. These men not only understood but appreciated the American doctrine of self-government. It was this understanding, this feeling, which taught Lincoln to write: "When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government—that is despotism"; and its philosophic corollary: "He who would be no slave must consent to have no slave."

Abraham Lincoln sprang from exceptional conditions—was in truth, in the language of Lowell, a "new birth of our new soil." But this distinction was not due alone to mere environment. The ordinary man, with ordinary natural gifts, found in Western pioneer communities a development essentially the same as he would have found under colonial Virginia or Puritan New England: a commonplace life, varying only with the changing ideas and customs of time and locality. But for the man with extraordinary powers of body and mind; for the individual gifted by nature with the genius which Abraham Lincoln possessed; the pioneer condition, with its severe training in self-denial, patience, and industry, was favorable to a development of character that helped in a preeminent degree to qualify him for the duties and responsibilities of leadership and government. He escaped the formal conventionalities which beget insincerity and dissimulation. He grew up without being warped by erroneous ideas or false principles; without being dwarfed by vanity, or tempted by self-interest.

Some pioneer communities carried with them the institution of slavery; and in the slave State of Kentucky Lincoln was born. He remained there only a short time, and we have every reason to suppose that wherever he might have grown to maturity his very mental and moral fiber would have spurned the doctrine and practice of human slavery. And yet so subtle is the influence of birth and custom, that we can trace one lasting effect of this early and brief environment. Though he ever hated slavery, he never hated the slaveholder. This ineradicable feeling of pardon and sympathy for Kentucky and the South played no insignificant part in his dealings with grave problems of statesmanship. He struck slavery its death-blow with the hand of war, but he tendered the slaveholder a golden equivalent with the hand of friendship and peace.

His advancement in the astonishing career which carried him from obscurity to world-wide fame; from postmaster of New Salem village to President of the United States; from captain of a backwoods volunteer company to commander-in-chief of the army and navy, was neither sudden, nor accidental, nor easy. He was both ambitious and successful, but his ambition was moderate and his success was slow. And because his success was slow, his ambition never outgrew either his judgment or his powers. From the day when he left the paternal roof and launched his canoe on the head waters of the Sangamon River to begin life on his own account, to the day of his first inauguration, there intervened full thirty years of toil, of study, self-denial, patience; often of effort baffled, of hope deferred; sometimes of bitter disappointment. Given the natural gift of great genius, given the condition of favorable environment, it yet required an average lifetime and faithful unrelaxing effort to transform the raw country stripling into a competent ruler for this great nation.

Almost every success was balanced—sometimes overbalanced by a seeming failure. Reversing the usual promotion, he went into the Black Hawk War a captain and, through no fault of his own, came out a private. He rode to the hostile frontier on horseback, and trudged home on foot. His store "winked out." His surveyor's compass and chain, with which he was earning a scanty living, were sold for debt. He was defeated in his first campaign for the legislature; defeated in his first attempt to be nominated for Congress; defeated in his application to be appointed commissioner of the General Land Office; defeated for the Senate in the Illinois legislature of 1854, when he had forty-five votes to begin with, by Trumbull, who had only five votes to begin with; defeated in the legislature of 1858, by an antiquated apportionment, when his joint debates with Douglas had won him a popular plurality of nearly four thousand in a Democratic State; defeated in the nomination for Vice-President on the Fremont ticket in 1856, when a favorable nod from half a dozen wire-workers would have brought him success.

Failures? Not so. Every seeming defeat was a slow success. His was the growth of the oak, and not of Jonah's gourd. Every scaffolding of temporary elevation he pulled down, every ladder of transient expectation which broke under his feet accumulated his strength, and piled up a solid mound which raised him to wider usefulness and clearer vision. He could not become a master workman until he had served a tedious apprenticeship. It was the quarter of a century of reading thinking, speech-making and legislating which qualified him for selection as the chosen champion of the Illinois Republicans in the great Lincoln-Douglas joint debates of 1858. It was the great intellectual victory won in these debates, plus the title "Honest old Abe," won by truth and manhood among his neighbors during a whole generation, that led the people of the United States to confide to his hands the duties and powers of President.

And when, after thirty years of endeavor, success had beaten down defeat; when Lincoln had been nominated elected, and inaugurated, came the crowning trial of his faith and constancy. When the people, by free and lawful choice, had placed honor and power in his hands; when his signature could convene Congress, approve laws, make ministers, cause ships to sail and armies to move; when he could speak with potential voice to other rulers of other lands, there suddenly came upon the government and the nation the symptoms of a fatal paralysis; honor seemed to dwindle and power to vanish. Was he then, after all, not to be President? Was patriotism dead? Was the Constitution waste paper? Was the Union gone?

The indications were, indeed, ominous. Seven States were in rebellion. There was treason in Congress, treason in the Supreme Court, treason in the army and navy. Confusion and discord rent public opinion. To use Lincoln's own forcible simile, sinners were calling the righteous to repentance. Finally, the flag, insulted on the Star of the West, trailed in capitulation at Sumter and then came the humiliation of the Baltimore riot, and the President practically for a few days a prisoner in the capital of the nation.

But his apprenticeship had been served, and there was no more failure. With faith and justice and generosity he conducted for four long years a civil war whose frontiers stretched from the Potomac to the Rio Grande; whose soldiers numbered a million men on each side; in which, counting skirmishes and battles small and great, was fought an average of two engagements every day; and during which every twenty-four hours saw an expenditure of two millions of money. The labor, the thought, the responsibility, the strain of intellect and anguish of soul that he gave to this great task, who can measure?

The sincerity of the fathers of the Republic was impugned he justified them. The Declaration of Independence was called a "string of glittering generalities" and a "self-evident lie"; he refuted the aspersion. The Constitution was perverted; he corrected the error. The flag was insulted; he redressed the offense. The government was assailed? he restored its authority. Slavery thrust the sword of civil war at the heart of the nation? he crushed slavery, and cemented the purified Union in new and stronger bonds.

And all the while conciliation was as active as vindication was stern. He reasoned and pleaded with the anger of the South; he gave insurrection time to repent; he forbore to execute retaliation; he offered recompense to slaveholders; he pardoned treason.

What but lifetime schooling in disappointment; what but the pioneer's self-reliance and freedom from prejudice; what but the patient faith, the clear perceptions of natural right, the unwarped sympathy and unbounding charity of this man with spirit so humble and soul so great, could have carried him through the labors he wrought to the victory he attained?

As the territory may be said to be its body, and its material activities its blood, so patriotism may be said to be the vital breath of a nation. When patriotism dies, the nation dies, and its resources as well as its territory go to other peoples with stronger vitality.

Patriotism can in no way be more effectively cultivated than by studying and commemorating the achievements and virtues of our great men—the men who have lived and died for the nation, who have advanced its prosperity, increased its power, added to its glory. In our brief history the United States can boast of many great men, and the achievement by its sons of many great deeds; and if we accord the first rank to Washington as founder, so we must unhesitatingly give to Lincoln the second place as preserver and regenerator of American liberty. So far, however from being opposed or subordinated either to the other, the popular heart has already canonized these two as twin heroes in our national pantheon, as twin stars in the firmament of our national fame.


Able, Mrs., sister of Mary Owens, 55, 60

Adams, Charles Francis, member of Congress, United States minister to England, sent to England, 211

Alabama, State of, admitted as State, 1819, 19

Alabama, the, Confederate cruiser, sunk by the Kearsarge, 525

Albemarle, the, Confederate ironclad, destruction of, October 27, 1864, 525

Albert, Prince Consort, drafts note to Lord Russell about Trent affair, 247

Alexander II, Czar of Russia, emancipates Russian serfs, 101

Alexandria, Virginia, occupation of, 214

American Party, principles of, 101, 102; nominates Millard Fillmore for President, 1856, 102

Anderson, Robert, brevet major-general United States army, transfers his command to Fort Sumter, 177, 178; reports condition of Fort Sumter, 182; notified of coming relief, 188; defense and surrender of Fort Sumter, 189, 190; telegram about Fremont's proclamation, 240; sends Sherman to Nashville, 254; turns over command to Sherman, 254; raises flag over Fort Sumter, 531

Antietam, Maryland, battle of, September 17, 1862, 31

Arkansas, State of, joins Confederacy, 200, 204; military governor appointed for, 419; reconstruction in, 426, 427; slavery abolished in, 427; slavery in, throttled by public opinion, 473; ratifies Thirteenth Amendment, 475

Armies of the United States, enlistment in, since beginning of the war, 353, 354; numbers under Grant's command, March, 1865, 507; reduction of, to peace footing, 527; grand review of, 527-529

Armstrong, Jack, wrestles with Lincoln, 25

Arnold, Samuel, in conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, 534; imprisoned, 544

Atlanta, Georgia, siege of, July 22 to September 1, 1864, 407

Atzerodt, George, in conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, 534; assigned to murder Andrew Johnson, 535; deposits arms in tavern at Surrattsville, 536; execution of, 544

Bailey, Theodorus, rear-admiral United States navy, in expedition against New Orleans, 284

Bailhache, William H., prints Lincoln's first inaugural, 168

Baker, Edward D., member of Congress, United States senator, brevet major-general United States Volunteers, at Springfield, Illinois, 52; nominated for Congress, 73; in Mexican War, 75

Ball's Bluff, Virginia, battle of, October, 21, 1861, 262

Baltimore, Maryland, Massachusetts Sixth mobbed in, 193; occupied by General Butler, 199; threatened by Early, 403; funeral honors to Lincoln in, 546

Bancroft, George, Secretary of the Navy, historian, minister to Prussia, letter to Lincoln, 321

Banks, Nathaniel P., Speaker of the House of Representatives, major-general United States Volunteers, in Army of Virginia, 310; forces under, for defense of Washington, 317; operations against Port Hudson, 382; captures Port Hudson, 383, 384; reply to Lincoln, 425; causes election of State officers in Louisiana, 425, 426; opinion of new Louisiana constitution, 426

Barton, William, governor of Delaware, reply to Lincoln's call for volunteers, 193

Bates, Edward, member of Congress, Attorney-General, candidate for presidential nomination, 1860, 144; vote for, in Chicago convention, 149; tendered cabinet appointment, 163; appointed Attorney-General, 182; signs cabinet protest, 311; rewrites cabinet protest, 312; resigns from cabinet, 491

Beauregard, G.T., Confederate general, reduces Fort Sumter, 188-190; in command at Manassas Junction, 215; understanding with Johnston, 216; battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861, 226-229; council with Johnston and Hardee, 267; succeeds to command at Pittsburg Landing, 273; losses at Pittsburg Landing, 274; evacuates Corinth, 275; united with Hood, 409; orders Hood to assume offensive, 410; interview with Davis and Johnston, 520

Bell, John, member of Congress, Secretary of War, United States senator, nominated for President, 1860, 143; vote for, 160

Benjamin, Judah P., United States senator, Confederate Secretary of State, suggestions about instructions to peace commissioners, 482; last instructions to Slidell, 501, 502

Berry, William F., partner of Lincoln in a store, 35; death of, 36

Big Bethel, Virginia, disaster at, 214

Blackburn's Ford, Virginia, engagement at, July 18, 1861, 226

Black Hawk, chief of the Sac Indians, crosses Mississippi into Illinois, 32

Black, Jeremiah S., Attorney-General, Secretary of State, war of pamphlets with Douglas, 134

Blair, Francis P., Sr., quarrel with Fremont, 236, 487; asks permission to go South, 478; interviews with Jefferson Davis, 479-482; his Mexican project, 479

Blair, Francis P., Jr., member of Congress major-general United States Volunteers quarrel with Fremont, 236, 487, 488

Blair, Montgomery, Postmaster-General, appointed Postmaster-General, 182; quarrel with Fremont, 236, 487, 488; at cabinet meeting, July 22, 1862, 331, 332; objects to time for issuing emancipation proclamation, 340; resolution in Republican platform aimed at, 446, 487; relations with members of the cabinet, 488; remarks after Early's raid, 488; retires from cabinet, 489; works for Lincoln's reelection, 489, 490; wishes to be chief justice, 490; declines foreign mission, 490

Bogue, Captain Vincent, navigates Sangamon River in steamer Talisman, 27, 28

Boonville, Missouri, battle of, June 17, 1861, 214

Booth, John Wilkes, personal description of, 534, 535; scheme to abduct Lincoln, 535; creates disturbance at Lincoln's second inauguration, 535; assigns parts in conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, 535, 536; final preparations, 536, 537; shoots the President, 538; wounds Major Rathbone 538; escape of, 539; flight and capture of, 542, 543; death of, 543; account at Montreal Bank, 544

Bragg, Braxton, Confederate general, forces Buell back to Louisville, 275, 276; threatens Louisville, 379; battle of Perryville, 379; battle of Murfreesboro, 380; retreat to Chattanooga, 385; Chattanooga and Chickamauga, 386-392; retreats to Dalton, 392; superseded by Johnston, 395; his invasion delays reconstruction in Tennessee, 428

Breckinridge, John C., Vice-President, Confederate major-general, and Secretary of War, nominated for Vice-President, 1856, 104; desires Douglas's reelection to United States Senate, 126; nominated for President, 1860, 143; vote for, 160; joins the rebellion, 217; required by Davis to report on Johnston-Sherman agreement, 523

Breckinridge, Robert J., D.D., LL.D., temporary chairman Republican national convention, 1864, 446

Brown, Albert G., member of Congress, United States senator, questions Douglas, 129; demands congressional slave code, 141

Brown, John, raid at Harper's Ferry, trial and execution of, 134

Brown, Joseph E., governor of Georgia, United States senator, refuses to obey orders from Richmond, 481

Browning, Orville H., United States senator, Secretary of the Interior under President Johnson, at Springfield, Illinois, 52; speech in Chicago convention, 151

Browning, Mrs. O.H., Lincoln's letter to, 58, 59

Bryant, William Cullen, presides over Cooper Institute meeting, 138

Buchanan, Franklin, captain United States navy, admiral Confederate navy, resigns from Washington navy-yard and joins the Confederacy, 196

Buchanan, James, fifteenth President of the United States, nominated for President, 1856, 104; elected President, 105, 108; announces pro-slavery policy, 114; appoints Walker governor of Kansas, 114; reply to Walker's letter, 115; special message recommending Lecompton Constitution, 115; permits Scott to be called to Washington, 172; non-action regarding secession, 176, 177; reconstruction of his cabinet, 178; rides with Lincoln in inauguration procession, 180; non-coercion doctrine of, 210; signs resolution for constitutional amendment, 476

Buckner, Simon B., Confederate lieutenant-general, stationed at Bowling Green, 254; force of, 263; surrenders Fort Donelson, 267, 268

Buell, Don Carlos, major-general United States Volunteers, succeeds Sherman in Kentucky, 255; driven back to Louisville, 1862, 258; instructions about East Tennessee, 258, 259; reluctance to move into East Tennessee, 260; reluctance to cooeperate with Halleck, 263, 264, 269; ordered forward to Savannah, 271; arrives at Pittsburg Landing, 273; retreats to Louisville, 275, 276; battle of Perryville, 379; relieved from command, 380

Bull Run, Virginia, battle of, July 21, 1861, 226-229; second battle of, August 30, 1862, 310, 311

Burnside, Ambrose E., major-general United States Volunteers, holds Knoxville 1863, 258; commands force in Roanoke Island expedition, 277, 278; ordered to reinforce McClellan, 307; orders arrest of Vallandigham, 358; appointed to command Army of the Potomac, 363; previous services, 363, 364; battle of Fredericksburg, 364, 365; relieved from command, 366; ordered to reinforce Rosecrans, 388; besieged at Knoxville, 391; repulses Longstreet, 391

Butler, Benjamin F., major-general United States Volunteers, member of Congress, occupies Baltimore, 199; orders concerning slaves, 220-222; instructions to, about slaves, 223; commands land force in Farragut's expedition against New Orleans, 283; in command at New Orleans, 285; report about negro soldiers, 348, 349; proclaimed an outlaw by Jefferson Davis, 350; seizes City Point, 401; receives votes for Vice-President at Baltimore convention, 448

Butler, William, relates incident about Lincoln, 53

Butterfield, Justin, appointed Commissioner of General Land Office, 92; defended by Lincoln from political attack, 92

Cadwalader, George, major-general United States Volunteers, action in Merryman case, 199, 200

Cairo, Illinois, military importance of, 209, 210

Calhoun, John, appoints Lincoln deputy surveyor, 39, 40; at Springfield, Illinois, 52

Cameron, Simon, United States senator, Secretary of War, candidate for presidential nomination, 1860, 144; vote for, in Chicago convention, 149; tendered cabinet appointment, 163, 164; appointed Secretary of War, 182; brings letters of Anderson to Lincoln, 182; visits Fremont, 242; interview with Sherman, 255; appointed minister to Russia, 289; reference to slavery in report to Congress, 320; moves renomination of Lincoln and Hamlin by acclamation, 447

Campbell, John A., justice United States Supreme Court; Confederate commissioner; intermediary of Confederate commissioners, 183; at Hampton Roads conference, 482-485; interviews with Lincoln, 519

Canby, E.R.S., brevet major-general United States army, receives surrender of Taylor, 525; receives surrender of E. Kirby Smith, 526, 527

Carpenter, Frank B., conversation with Lincoln about emancipation proclamation, 331, 332

Carpenter, W., defeated for Illinois legislature 1832, 34; elected in 1834, 43

Carrick's Ford, Virginia, battle of, July 13, 1861, 225

Cartter, David K., announces change of vote to Lincoln in Chicago convention, 151

Cartwright, Peter, elected to Illinois legislature in 1832, 34

Chancellorsville, Virginia, battle of, May 1-4, 1863, 369

Charleston, South Carolina, capture of, February 18, 1865, 415; burning of, 416

Chase, Salmon P., United States senator, Secretary of the Treasury, chief justice United States Supreme Court, candidate for presidential nomination, 1860, 144; vote for, in Chicago convention, 149; summoned to Springfield, 163; appointed Secretary of the Treasury, 182; questions McClellan at council of war, 289; signs cabinet protest, 311; favors emancipation by military commanders, 332; urges that parts of States be not exempted in final emancipation proclamation, 343; submits form of closing paragraph, 344; presidential aspirations of, 439-441; letter to Lincoln, 440, 441; resigns from cabinet, 457; effect of his resignation on the political situation, 464; looked upon by radicals as their representative in the cabinet, 487; hostility to Montgomery Blair, 488; made chief justice, 490, 491; note of thanks to Lincoln, 491; opinion of Lincoln, 491; administers oath of office to Lincoln at second inauguration, 496; administers oath of office to President Johnson, 545

Chattanooga, Tennessee, battle of, November 23-25, 1863, 389-392

Chickamauga, Tennessee, battle of, September 18-20, 1863, 386, 387

Clary's Grove, Illinois, settlement of, 24

Clay, Clement C., Jr., United States senator, Confederate agent in Canada, correspondence with Horace Greeley, 459

Clay, Henry, nominated for President, 28

Clements, Andrew J., member of Congress, elected to Congress, 419

Cleveland, Ohio, funeral honors to Lincoln in, 547

Cochrane, John, member of Congress, brigadier-general United States Volunteers, nominated for Vice-President, 1864, 442

Cold Harbor, Virginia, battle of, June 1-12, 1864, 399

Colfax, Schuyler, member of Congress, Vice-President, letter to, from Lincoln, 132, 133

Collamer, Jacob, member of Congress, Postmaster-General, United States senator, vote for, in Chicago convention, 149

Columbia, South Carolina, capture and burning of, 415, 416

Columbus, Kentucky, evacuation of, 269

Confederate States of America, formed by seceding States, 178, 179; "corner-stone" theory, 179; government of, fires on Fort Sumter, 189; joined by North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, 200; strength of, 204; war measures of, 207; capital removed to Richmond, 207; strength of, in the West, 263; outcry of, against emancipation proclamation and arming of negroes, 350, 351; efficiency of armies of, in 1863, 370; proclamation calling on people to resist Sherman's march, 411, 412; nearly in state of collapse, 481; doomed from the hour of Lincoln's reelection, 499; depreciation of its currency, 499, 500; conscription laws of, 500; Confederate Congress makes Lee general-in-chief, 500; number of soldiers in final struggle, 507; flight of, from Richmond, 515; collapse of the rebellion, 524-527; number of troops surrendered, 527

Congress of the United States, passes act organizing territory of Illinois, 19; fixes number of stars and stripes in the flag, 19; admits as States Illinois, Alabama, Maine, and Missouri, 19; nullification debate in, 38; Lincoln's service in, 75-90; Missouri Compromise, 94-96; Democratic majorities chosen in, in 1856, 108; agitation over Kansas in, 113; Senator Brown's resolutions, 141; official count of electoral votes, 160; appoints compromise committees, 167; Buchanan's annual message to, December, 1860, 176, 177; convened in special session by President Lincoln, 192; Lincoln's message to, May 26, 1862, 195; legalizes Lincoln's war measures, 206; meeting and measures of special session of Thirty-seventh Congress, 217-220; Southern unionists in, 217; Lincoln's message to, July 4, 1861, 218-220; action on slavery, 223; special session adjourns, 223; House passes resolution of thanks to Captain Wilkes, 246; friendly to McClellan, 250; Lincoln's message of December 3, 1861, 257, 321, 322; interview of border State delegations with Lincoln, 257, 258, 324, 325; Lincoln's special message, March 6, 1862, 323, 324; passes joint resolution favoring compensated emancipation, 325; passes bill for compensated emancipation in District of Columbia, 325, 336; House bill to aid emancipation in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, 326; slavery measures of 1862, 329; President's second interview with border slave State delegations, 329-331; President's annual message, December 1, 1862, 341, 342; passes national conscription law, 354, 355; act authorizing the President to suspend writ of habeas corpus, 359, 360; confers rank of lieutenant-general on Grant, 393; admits representatives and senators from States with provisional governments, 419; President's annual message, December 8, 1863, 424; reverses former action about seating members from "ten-per-cent States," 424; bills to aid compensated abolishment in Missouri, 432; opposition to Lincoln in, 454; action on bill of Henry Winter Davis, 454; repeals fugitive-slave law, 457; confirms Fessenden's nomination, 458; Lincoln's message of December 5, 1864, 470-472; joint resolution proposing constitutional amendment to prohibit slavery throughout United States, 471-476; the two constitutional amendments submitted to the States during Lincoln's term, 475, 476; Senate confirms Chase's nomination as chief justice, 491

Congress, the, Union sailing frigate, burned by Merrimac, 280

Constitutional Union Party, candidates in 1860, 153

Conventions: first national convention of Whig party, 28; President Jackson gives impetus to system of, 52; Illinois State convention nominates Lincoln for Congress 74, 75; convention of "Know-Nothing" party, 1856, 102; Bloomington convention, May, 1856, 103; first national convention of Republican party, June 17, 1856, 103; Democratic national convention, June 2, 1856, 104; Democratic national convention, Charleston, April 23, 1860, 142; it adjourns to reassemble at Baltimore, June 18, 1860, 143; Constitutional Union Convention, Baltimore, May 9, 1860, 143; Republican national convention, Chicago, May 16, 1860, 144, 147-151; Decatur, Illinois, State convention, 154; Cleveland convention, May 31, 1864, 441, 442; meeting in New York to nominate Grant, 442, 443; New Hampshire State convention, January 6, 1864, 443; Republican national convention, June 7, 1864, 446-449; Democratic national convention, 1864, postponed, 463; Democratic national convention meets, 466-468; resolution of Baltimore convention hostile to Montgomery Blair, 487

Cook, B.C., member of Congress, nominates Lincoln in Baltimore convention, 447; seeks to learn Lincoln's wishes about Vice-Presidency, 448

Cooper, Samuel, Confederate adjutant-general, joins the Confederacy, 208

Corbett, Boston, sergeant United States army, shoots Booth, 543

Corinth, Mississippi, captured by Halleck, 275

Couch, Darius N., major-general United States Volunteers, militia force under, in Pennsylvania, 372

Cox, Samuel, assists Booth and Herold, 542

Crawford, Andrew, teacher of President Lincoln, 12

Crittenden, John J., Attorney-General, United States senator, advocates reelection of Douglas to United States Senate, 126; in Thirty-seventh Congress, 217; presents resolution, 223

Cumberland, the, Union frigate, sunk by Merrimac, 280

Curtis, Samuel R., member of Congress, major-general United States Volunteers, sends order of removal to Fremont, 242, 243; campaign in Missouri, 269; victory at Pea Ridge, 271

Cushing, William B., commander United States navy, destruction of the Albemarle, 525

Dahlgren, John A., rear-admiral United States navy, at gathering of officials to discuss fight between Monitor and Merrimac, 296

Davis, Henry Winter, member of Congress, bill prescribing method of reconstruction, 454; signs Wade-Davis manifesto, 456

Davis, Jefferson, Secretary of War, United States senator, Confederate President, orders that "rebellion must be crushed" in Kansas, 113; Senate resolutions of, 141; signs address commending Charleston disruption, 143; statement in Senate, 143; elected President of Confederate States of America, 179; telegram to Governor Letcher, 197; proclamation offering letters of marque to privateers, 205; camp of instruction at Harper's Ferry, 209; proclamation of outlawry, 350; message on emancipation proclamation, 350, 351; appoints Hood to succeed Johnston, 407; visits Hood, and unites commands of Beauregard and Hood, 409; interview with Jaquess and Gilmore, 462; interviews with F.P. Blair, Sr., 479-481; gives Blair a letter to show Lincoln, 481; appoints peace commission, 482; instructions to peace commissioners, 482; reports Hampton Roads conference to rebel Congress, 485; speech at public meeting, 485, 486; Confederate Congress shows hostility to, 500, 501; reappoints J.E. Johnston to resist Sherman, 501; recommendations concerning slaves in rebel army, 501; sanctions Lee's letter to Grant, 503; conference with Lee, 504; flight from Richmond, 515; proclamation from Danville, 519, 520; retreat to Greensboro, North Carolina, 520; interview with Johnston and Beauregard, 520; continues southward, 520; dictates proposition of armistice presented by Johnston to Sherman, 521; requires report from Breckinridge about Johnston-Sherman agreement, 523; instructions to Johnston, 524; attempt to reach E. Kirby Smith, 525, 526; effort to gain Florida coast, 526; capture, imprisonment, and release of, 526

Davis, Mrs. Jefferson, captured with her husband, 526

Dawson, John, defeated for Illinois legislature, 1832, 34; elected in 1834, 43

Dayton, William L., United States senator minister to France, nominated for Vice-President, 104; vote for, in Chicago convention, 149

Delano, Columbus, member of Congress, Secretary of the Interior, in Baltimore convention, 447

Delaware, State of, secession feeling in, 201; rejects compensated abolishment, 322, 323

Democratic Party, party of slavery extension, 102; nominates Buchanan and Breckinridge in 1856, 104; disturbed by Buchanan's attitude on slavery, 116; pro-slavery demands of, 140, 141; national conventions of, 1860, 142-144; candidates in 1860, 152, 153; opposition to emancipation measures and conscription law, 354, 355; adopts McClellan for presidential candidate, 355; interest in Vallandigham, 358; attitude on slavery, 437, 438, 472, 473; convention postponed, 463; national convention, 1864, 466-468

Dennison, William, governor of Ohio, Postmaster-General, permanent chairman of Republican national convention, 1864, 446; succeeds Blair as Postmaster-General, 489, 490

Dickinson, Daniel S., United States senator, candidate for vice-presidential nomination, 1864, 448, 449

Doherty, E.P., lieutenant United States army, captures Booth and Herold, 543

Donelson, Andrew J., nominated for Vice-President, 102

Dorsey, Azel W., teacher of President Lincoln, 12

Douglas, Stephen A., member of Congress, United States senator, at Springfield, Illinois, 52; challenges young Whigs of Springfield to debate, 62; elected to United States Senate, 75; champions repeal of Missouri Compromise, 95; speech at Illinois State fair, 96; at Peoria, 96; agreement with Lincoln, 99; on Dred Scott case, 109, 110; denounces Lecompton Constitution, 116, 117; hostility of Buchanan administration toward, 117; Lincoln-Douglas joint debate, 121-125; speeches in the South, 128, 129; answer to Senator Brown, 129; references to Lincoln, 130; Ohio speeches, 133; "Harper's Magazine" essay, 134; fight over nomination of, for President, 1860, 142-144; nominated for President, 143; speeches during campaign of 1860, 156; vote for, 160

Douglass, Frederick, conversation with Lincoln, 352

Draft, Congress passes national conscription law, 354; opposition of Governor Seymour to, 355-357; riots in New York, 356, 357; dissatisfaction in other places, 357; opposition of Vallandigham to, 358

Dred Scott case, decision of Supreme Court in, 108, 109; protest of North against, 109; Senator Douglas on, 109, 110

Dresser, Rev. Charles, marries Abraham Lincoln and Mary Todd, 68, 69

Du-Pont, Samuel F., rear-admiral United States navy, commands fleet in Port Royal expedition, 245

Durant, Thomas J., mentioned in letter of Lincoln's, 334, 335

Early, Jubal A., Confederate lieutenant-general, threatens Washington, 403; inflicts damage on Blair's estate, 488

Eckert, Thomas T., brevet brigadier-general United States Volunteers, sent to meet peace commissioners at Hampton Roads, 482; refuses to allow peace commissioners to proceed, 483

Edwards, Cyrus, desires commissionership of General Land Office, 92

Edwards, Ninian W., one of "Long Nine," 63

Edwards, Mrs. Ninian W., sister of Mrs. Lincoln, 63

Ellsworth, E.E., colonel United States Volunteers, assassination of, 214

Emancipation, Lincoln-Stone protest, 47; Lincoln's bill for, in District of Columbia, 86, 87; Missouri Compromise, 94, 95; Fremont's proclamation of, 236-238; discussed in President's message of December 3, 1861, 321, 322; Lincoln offers Delaware compensated abolishment, 322, 323; special message of March 6, 1862, 323, 324; Congress passes bill for, in District of Columbia, 325, 326; bill to aid it in border slave States, 326; Hunter's order of, 327; measures in Congress relating to, 328, 329; Lincoln's second interview with delegations from border slave States, 329-331; Lincoln's conversation with Carpenter about, 331, 332; first draft of emancipation proclamation read to cabinet, 331, 332; President's interview with Chicago clergymen, 337-339; Lincoln issues preliminary emancipation proclamation, 339-341; annual message of December 1, 1862, 341, 342; President issues final emancipation proclamation, 342-346; President's views on, 346, 347; arming of negro soldiers, 348, 350; Lincoln's letters to Banks about emancipation in Louisiana, 423-425; slavery abolished in Louisiana, 426; slavery abolished in Arkansas, 427; slavery abolished in Tennessee, 429; slavery abolished in Missouri, 432-434; Maryland refuses offer of compensated abolishment, 434; slavery abolished in Maryland, 435, 436; Republican national platform favors Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery, 446; Constitutional amendment prohibiting slavery in United States, 471-476; two Constitutional amendments affecting slavery offered during Lincoln's term, 475,476; Lincoln's draft of joint resolution offering the South $400,000,000, 493; Jefferson Davis recommends employment of negroes in army, with emancipation to follow, 501. See Slavery

England, public opinion in, favorable to the South, 211; excitement in, over Trent affair, 246; joint expedition to Mexico, 451; "neutrality" of, 525

Ericsson, John, inventor of the Monitor, 279

Evarts, William M., Secretary of State, United States senator, nominates Seward for President, 149; moves to make Lincoln's nomination unanimous, 151

Everett, Edward, member of Congress, minister to England, Secretary of State, United States senator, candidate for Vice-President, 1860, 153

Ewell, Richard S., Confederate lieutenant-general, in retreat to Appomattox, 511; statement about burning of Richmond, 516

Ewing, Thomas, Secretary of the Interior defended by Lincoln against political attack, 92

Fair Oaks, Virginia, battle of, 302

Farragut, David G., admiral United States navy, captures New Orleans and ascends the Mississippi, 282-287; ascends Mississippi a second time, 287; mentioned 328, 329, 381; operations against Port Hudson, 382; Mobile Bay, 468, 525

Farrand, Ebenezer, captain Confederate navy, surrender of, 525

Fessenden, William P., United States senator, Secretary of the Treasury, becomes Secretary of the Treasury, 458; agrees with President against making proffers of peace to Davis, 463; resigns from cabinet, 491, 492

Field, David Dudley, escorts Lincoln to platform at Cooper Institute, 138

Fillmore, Millard, thirteenth President of the United States, nominated by Know-Nothing party for President, 1856, 102

Five Forks, Virginia, battle of, April 1, 1865, 507-509

Floyd, John B., Secretary of War, Confederate brigadier-general, escapes from Fort Donelson, 268

Foote, Andrew H., rear-admiral United States navy, capture of Island No. 10, 274; proceeds to Fort Pillow, 274

Forrest, Nathan B., Confederate lieutenant-general, with Hood's army, 410; defeat of, 525

Fort Donelson, Tennessee, capture of, 266-268

Fort Fisher, North Carolina, capture of, 414, 481, 525

Fort Harrison, Virginia, capture of, 560

Fort Henry, Tennessee, capture of, 266

Fort Jackson, Louisiana, capture of, 282-285

Fort McAllister, Georgia, stormed by Sherman, 412

Fort Pillow, Tennessee, evacuation of, 286; massacre of negro troops at, 351

Fort Pulaski, Georgia, capture of, 278

Fort Randolph, Tennessee, evacuation of, 286

Fort Stedman, Virginia, assault of, 505, 506

Fort St. Philip, Louisiana, capture of, 282-285

Fort Sumter, South Carolina, occupied by Anderson, 177, 178; attempt to reinforce 178; cabinet consultations about, 182-184; defense and capture of, 189, 190

Fortress Monroe, Virginia, importance of, 209

Fox, Gustavus V., Assistant Secretary of the Navy, ordered to aid Sumter, 184; sends the President additional news about fight between Monitor and Merrimac, 296, 297

France, public opinion in, favorable to the South, 211; joint expedition to Mexico, 451; "neutrality" of, 525

Franklin, Benjamin, on American forests and the spirit of independence they fostered, 17

Franklin, Tennessee, battle of, November 30, 1864, 410

Franklin, W.B., brevet major-general United States army, advises movement on Manassas, 289

Fredericksburg, Virginia, battle of, December 13, 1862, 364

Fremont, John C., United States senator, major-general United States army, nominated for President, 1856, 103; made major-general, 233; opportunities and limitations of, 233-235; criticism of, 235; quarrel with Blair family, 236, 487; proclamation freeing slaves, 236, 237, 432; refuses to revoke proclamation, 238; removed from command of Western Department, 241-243; commands Mountain Department, 299; ordered to form junction with McDowell and Shields, 306; in Army of Virginia, 310; nominated for President, 1864, 442; withdraws from the contest, 442

Fusion, attempts at, in campaign of 1860, 157, 158

Gamble, Hamilton R., provisional governor of Missouri, calls State convention together, 433; death of, 434

Garnett, Robert S., Confederate brigadier-general, killed at Carrick's Ford, 225

Gentry, Allen, makes flatboat trip with Lincoln, 16

Gentry, James, enters land at Gentryville, 9; sends Lincoln to New Orleans, 16

Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, battle of, July 1-3, 1863, 372-375; address of Mr. Lincoln at, 376, 377

Giddings, Joshua R., member of Congress approves Lincoln's bill abolishing slavery in District of Columbia, 87; amendment to Chicago platform, 148, 149

Gillmore, Quincy A., brevet major-general United States army, siege of Fort Pulaski, 278

Gilmer, John A., member of Congress, tendered cabinet appointment, 164

Gilmore, J.R., visits Jefferson Davis with Jaquess, 462

Gist, William H., governor of South Carolina, inaugurates secession, 175

Goldsborough, L.M., rear-admiral United States navy, commands fleet in Roanoke Island expedition, 277, 278

Gordon, John B., Confederate lieutenant-general, United States senator, in assault of Fort Stedman, 504, 505; in defense of Petersburg, 509

Graham, Mentor, makes Lincoln election clerk, 23, 24; advises Lincoln to study grammar, 25; aids Lincoln to study surveying, 40

Grant, Ulysses S., eighteenth President of the United States, general, and general-in-chief United States army, early life, 264; letter offering services to War Department, 264, 265; commissioned by Governor Yates, 265; reconnaissance toward Columbus, 265; urges movement on Fort Henry, 265, 266; capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, 266-268; ordered forward to Savannah, 271; Pittsburg Landing, 272-274; asks to be relieved, 275; co-operates with adjutant-general of the army in arming negroes, 350; repulses rebels at Iuka and Corinth, 380; Vicksburg campaign, 380-383; ordered to Chattanooga, 389; battle of Chattanooga, 390, 391; pursuit of Bragg, 391, 392; speech on accepting commission of lieutenant-general, 394; visits Army of the Potomac and starts west, 394; placed in command of all the armies, 394; conference with Sherman, 395; plan of campaign, 395, 397; returns to Culpepper, 395; fear of presidential interference, 395, 396; letter to Lincoln, 396; strength and position of his army, 396, 397; instructions to Meade, 397; battle of the Wilderness, 398; Spottsylvania Court House, 398, 399; report to Washington, 399; Cold Harbor, 399; letter to Washington, 399, 400; siege of Petersburg, 400-402; sends Wright to Washington, 403; withholds consent to Sherman's plan, 410; gives his consent, 411; orders to Sherman, 413; adopts Sherman's plan, 414; attempt to nominate him for President, 1864, 442, 443; depressing influence on political situation of his heavy fighting, 463; admits peace commissioners to his headquarters, 483; despatch to Stanton, 484; pushing forward, 502; telegraphs Lee's letter to Washington, 503; reply to Lee, 504; orders to General Parke, 505; issues orders for the final movement of the war, 506; number of men under his command in final struggle, 507; his plan, 507; battle of Five Forks, 507-509; orders Sheridan to get on Lee's line of retreat, 509, 510; sends Humphreys to Sheridan's assistance, 509; telegram to Lincoln, 509; pursuit of Lee, 510-513; sends Sheridan's despatch to Lincoln, 511; correspondence with Lee, 512, 513; receives Lee's surrender, 513-515; forbids salute in honor of Lee's surrender, 515; visit to Lee, 515; goes to Washington, 515; learns terms of agreement between Sherman and Johnson, 523; ordered to Sherman's headquarters, 523; gives Sherman opportunity to modify his report, 523, 524; at Lincoln's last cabinet meeting, 531; invited by Mrs. Lincoln to Ford's Theater, 536

Grant, Mrs. U.S., invited by Mrs. Lincoln to Ford's Theater, 536

Greeley, Horace, hears Lincoln's Cooper Institute speech, 138; "open letter" to Lincoln, 335; Niagara Falls conference, 458-461; effect of his mission on political situation, 464

Halleck, Henry Wager, major-general and general-in-chief United States army, succeeds Fremont, 260; reluctance to cooeperate with Buell, 263, 264; answers to Lincoln, 263, 264; instructions to Grant, 264; orders Grant to take Fort Henry, 266; sends reinforcements to Grant, 267; asks for command in the West, 269; plans expedition under Pope, 270; message to Buell, 270; telegrams to McClellan, 270; appeal to McClellan, 271; commands Department of the Mississippi, 271; orders Pope to join him, 274; march on Corinth, 275; capture of Corinth, 275; sends Buell to East Tennessee, 275; ordered to reinforce McClellan, 307; general-in-chief, 309; visit to McClellan, 309; orders Army of Potomac back to Acquia Creek, 309; letter to McClellan, 309, 310; orders McClellan to support Pope, 311; telegram to McClellan, 317; mentioned, 328, 329; asks to be relieved, 365; quarrel with Hooker, 372; urges Meade to active pursuit of Lee, 375; plans for Western campaign, 379; urges Buell to move into East Tennessee, 380; orders Rosecrans to advance, 385, 386; at council to consider news of Chattanooga, 388; President's chief of staff, 394; conduct during Early's raid, 403; note to War Department about Blair, 488; orders to Meade, 523

Hamlin, Hannibal, United States senator, Vice-President, nominated for Vice-President, 151; Cameron moves his renomination, 447; candidate for vice-presidential nomination in 1864, 448, 449

Hanks, John, tells of Lincoln's frontier labors, 15; flatboat voyage with Lincoln, 22, 23; at Decatur convention, 154

Hanks, Joseph, teaches Thomas Lincoln carpenter's trade, 5

Hanks, Nancy. See Lincoln, Nancy Hanks

Hardee, William J., lieutenant-colonel United States army, Confederate lieutenant-general, council with Johnston and Beauregard, 267; evacuates Savannah and Charleston, 415; joins Johnston, 416

Hardin, John J., member of Congress, colonel United States Volunteers, at Springfield, Illinois, 52; elected to Congress, 73; killed in Mexican War, 75

Harper's Ferry, Virginia, John Brown raid at, 134; burning of armory, 209; captured by Lee, September 15, 1862, 315

Harris, Miss Clara W., attends Ford's Theater with Mrs. Lincoln, 536; assists Mrs. Lincoln, 539

Harrison, George M., Lincoln's messmate in Black Hawk War, 33

Hartford, the, Union cruiser, Farragut's flag-ship, 284, 285

Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina, capture of forts at, August 29, 1861, 245

Hay, John, assistant private secretary to Lincoln, brevet colonel and assistant adjutant-general United States Volunteers, ambassador to England, Secretary of State, accompanies Mr. Lincoln to Washington, 168; shows Lincoln letter of inquiry about Vice-Presidency, 448; mission to Canada, 460; at Lincoln's death-bed, 540

Hazel, Caleb, teacher of President Lincoln, 6

Herndon, A.G., defeated for Illinois legislature, 1832, 34

Herndon, "Jim" and "Row," sell Lincoln and Berry their store, 35

Herndon, William H., Lincoln's law partner, 158; assumes Lincoln's law business during campaign, 158

Herold, David E., in conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, 534; chosen to assist Booth, 536; deposits arms in tavern at Surrattsville, 536; accompanies Booth in his flight, 542, 543; capture of, 543; execution of, 544

Hicks, Thomas H., governor of Maryland, United States senator, reply to Lincoln's call for volunteers, 193; speech at mass-meeting, 193; protest against landing of troops at Annapolis, 198; calls meeting of Maryland legislature, 198

Holcomb, James P., Confederate agent in Canada, correspondence with Horace Greeley, 459

Holt, Joseph, Postmaster-General, Secretary of War, judge-advocate general United States army, calls Scott to Washington, 172; report on Knights of the Golden Circle, 361; favored by Swett for Vice-President, 448; declines attorney-generalship, 491

Hood, John B., Confederate general, succeeds Johnston, 407; evacuates Atlanta, 407, 468; truce with Sherman, 408; placed under command of Beauregard, 409; moves to Tuscumbia, 410; Franklin and Nashville, 410; his movements delay reconstruction in Tennessee, 429

Hooker, Joseph, brevet major-general United States army, succeeds Burnside in command of Army of the Potomac, 366; submits plan of campaign to Lincoln, 368; battle of Chancellorsville, 369, 370; criticism of, 370; foresees Lee's northward campaign, 370; proposes quick march to capture Richmond, 371; follows Lee, 372; asks to be relieved, 372; ordered to reinforce Rosecrans, 388; reaches Chattanooga, 389; in battle of Chattanooga, 390-391

Hume, John F., moves that Lincoln's nomination be made unanimous, 447

Humphreys, Andrew A., brevet major-general United States army, in recapture of Fort Stedman, 505, 506; ordered to assist Sheridan, 509

Hunt, Randall, tendered cabinet appointment, 164

Hunter, David, brevet major-general, United States army, asked to assist Fremont, 235, 236; ordered to relieve Fremont, 243; order of emancipation, 327; experiment with negro soldiers, 348; declared an outlaw by Confederate War Department, 350

Hunter, R.M.T., United States senator, Confederate Secretary of State, appointed peace commissioner, 482; at Hampton Roads conference, 482-485

Iles, Elijah, captain Illinois Volunteers, commands company in Black Hawk War, 33

Illinois, State of, organized as Territory, 1809, 19; admitted as State, 1818, 19; legislative schemes of internal improvement, 44, 45; capital removed to Springfield, 45; political struggles over slavery, 45, 46; Lincoln-Douglas senatorial campaign in, 118-125; ratifies Thirteenth Amendment, 474, 475

Island No. 10, Tennessee, fortifications at, 269, 270; surrender of, 274

Jackson, Andrew, seventh President of the United States, gives impetus to system of party caucuses and conventions, 52

Jackson, Claiborne F., governor of Missouri, attempts to force Missouri secession, 202-204; flight to Springfield, Missouri, 234

Jackson, Thomas Jonathan ("Stonewall"), Confederate lieutenant-general, Shenandoah valley campaign, 305, 306; mentioned, 328; killed at Chancellorsville, 369

Jaquess, James F., D.D., colonel United States Volunteers, visits to the South, 461, 462; interview with Jefferson Davis, 462

Jewett, William Cornell, letter to Greeley, 458

Johnson, Andrew, seventeenth President of the United States, in thirty-seventh Congress, 217; telegram about East Tennessee, 259; retains seat in Senate, 419; appointed military governor of Tennessee, 420; begins work of reconstruction, 428; nominated for Vice-President, 448, 449; popular and electoral votes for, 470; disapproves Sherman's agreement with Johnston, 523; proclamation of amnesty, 526; plot to murder, 535; rejoicing of radicals on his accession to the Presidency, 545; takes oath of office, 545

Johnson, Herschel V., candidate for Vice-President, 1860, 152

Johnston, Albert Sidney, Confederate general, council with Hardee and Beauregard, 267; killed at Pittsburg Landing, 273

Johnston, Joseph E., quartermaster-general United States army, Confederate general, member of Congress, joins Confederacy, 196, 208; understanding with Beauregard, 215, 216; joins Beauregard at Bull Run, 228; opinion of battle of Bull Run, 228; retrograde movement, 297; defeats McClellan at Fair Oaks, 302; succeeds Bragg, 395; strength of, in spring of 1864, 405; superseded by Hood, 407; again placed in command, 416, 501; interview with Davis, 520; begins negotiations with Sherman, 520; meetings with Sherman, 521, 522; agreement between them, 522; agreement disapproved at Washington, 523; surrender of, 524

Johnston, Sarah Bush, marries Thomas Lincoln, 10; improves the condition of his household, 10; tells of Lincoln's studious habits, 13

Jones, Thomas, assists Booth and Herold, 542, 543

Judd, Norman B., minister to Prussia, member of Congress, nominates Lincoln for President, 1860, 149; member of Lincoln's suite, 173

Kansas, State of, slavery struggle in, 113-115; Lecompton Bill defeated in Congress, 117

Kearsarge, the, Union cruiser, battle with the Alabama, 525

Kelly, Benjamin F., brevet major-general United States Volunteers, dash upon Philippi, 225

Kentucky, State of, action concerning secession, 201, 204; legislature asks Anderson for help, 254; public opinion in, regarding slavery, 473

Kilpatrick, Judson, brevet major-general United States army, minister to Chili, with Sherman on march to the sea, 411

Kirkpatrick, defeated for Illinois legislature 1832, 34

Knights of Golden Circle, extensive organization of, 360, 361; plans and failures of, 360-362; projected revolution in Northwestern States, 466

Know-Nothing Party, principles of, 101, 102; nominates Millard Fillmore for President, 1856, 102

Lamon, Ward H., accompanies Lincoln on night journey to Washington, 174

Lane, Joseph, brevet major-general United States army, governor, United States senator candidate for Vice-President in 1860, 153; attempt to arm negroes, 348

Leavitt, Humphrey H., member of Congress, judge United States Circuit Court, denies motion for habeas corpus for Vallandigham, 358

Lecompton Constitution, adopted in Kansas, 115; defeated in Congress, 117

Lee, Robert E., colonel United States army, Confederate general, captures John Brown, 134; enters service of Confederacy, 196, 197, 208; concentrates troops at Manassas Junction, 215; sends troops into West Virginia, 224; attacks McClellan near Richmond, 302; campaign into Maryland, 314; captures Harper's Ferry, 315; battle of Antietam, 315; retreats across the Potomac, 316; battle of Chancellorsville, 369; resolves on invasion of the North, 370; crosses the Potomac, 371, 372; battle of Gettysburg, 372-374; retreats across the Potomac, 375, 377; strength and position of his army, 397; battle of the Wilderness, 398; Spottsylvania Court House, 398, 399; Cold Harbor, 399; defense of Petersburg, 400-402; sends Early up the Shenandoah valley, 403; despatch about rations for his army, 481; made general-in-chief, 500; assumes command of all the Confederate armies, 502; attempt to negotiate with Grant, 502, 503; conference with Davis, 504; attempt to break through Grant's lines, 504-506; number of men under his command in final struggle, 507; takes command in person, 507; attacks Warren, 507; battle of Five Forks, 507-509; makes preparations to evacuate Petersburg and Richmond, 509; begins retreat, 510; surrender of Richmond, 510; reaches Amelia Court House, 510; starts toward Lynchburg, 511; reply to generals advising him to surrender, 512; correspondence with Grant, 512, 513; surrender of, 513-515; size of army surrendered by, 524

Letcher, John, member of Congress, governor of Virginia, orders seizure of government property, 194

Lincoln, Abraham, sixteenth President of the United States, born February 12, 1800, 3, 6; goes to A B C schools, 6; early schooling in Indiana, 10-13; home studies and youthful habits, 13-19; manages ferry-boat, 15; flatboat trip to New Orleans, 15, 16; employed in Gentryville store, 16; no hunter, 17; kills wild turkey, 17, 18; emigrates to Illinois, March 1, 1830, 20; leaves his father's cabin, 21; engaged by Denton Offutt, 21; builds flatboat and takes it to New Orleans, 22, 23; incident at Rutledge's Mill, 22; returns to New Salem, 23; election clerk, 23, 24; clerk in Offutt's store, 24; wrestles with Jack Armstrong, 25; candidate for legislature, 1832, 29; address "To the Voters of Sangamon County," 29, 30; volunteers for Black Hawk War, 32; elected captain of volunteer company, 32; mustered out and reenlists as private, 32, 33; finally mustered out, 33; returns to New Salem, 33; defeated for legislature, 33; enters into partnership with Berry, 35; sells out to the Trent brothers, 36; fails, but promises to pay his debts, 36; surveying instruments sold for debt, 36; "Honest old Abe," 37; appointed postmaster of New Salem, 37; made deputy surveyor, 39, 40; candidate for legislature, 1834, 41, 42; elected to legislature, 43; begins study of law, 44; admitted to practice, 44; removes to Springfield and forms law partnership with J.T. Stuart, 44; reelected to legislature, 44; services in legislature, 44-48; manages removal of State capital to Springfield, 45; Lincoln-Stone protest, 47; vote for, for Speaker of Illinois House, 48; his methods in law practice, 49; notes for law lecture, 49-51; his growing influence, 52; guest of William Butler, 53; intimacy with Joshua F. Speed, 53; engaged to Anne Rutledge, 54; her death, 54; his grief, 55; courtship of Mary Owens, 55-60; member of "Long Nine," 61, 62; debate with Douglas and others, 1839, 62, 63; meets and becomes engaged to Mary Todd, 63; engagement broken, 64; his deep melancholy, 64; letter to Stuart, 64; visit to Kentucky, 64; letters to Speed, 64, 65; "Lost Townships" letters, 66; challenged by Shields, 66; prescribes terms of the duel, 67; duel prevented, 68; letter to Speed, 68; marriage to Mary Todd, November 4, 1842, 68, 69; children of, 69; partnership with Stuart dissolved, 69, 70; law partnership with S.T. Logan, 70; declines reelection to legislature, 70; letter to Speed, 71; letter to Martin Morris, 71-73; letter to Speed, 73; presidential elector, 1844, 73; letters to B.F. James, 74; elected to Congress, 1846, 75; service and speeches in Congress, 76-90; votes for Wilmot Proviso, 79; presidential elector in 1840 and 1844, 80; favors General Taylor for President, 80-83; letters about Taylor's nomination, 80-82; letters to Herndon, 81-83; speeches for Taylor, 83; bill to prohibit slavery in District of Columbia, 86; letters recommending office-seekers, 87-89; letter to W.H. Herndon, 90, 91; letter to Speed, 91, 92; letter to Duff Green, 92; applies for commissionership of General Land Office, 92; defends Butterfield against political attack, 92; refuses governorship of Oregon, 93; indignation at repeal of Missouri Compromise, 94, 95; advocates reelection of Richard Yates to Congress, 96; speech at Illinois State Fair, 96; debate with Douglas at Peoria, 96-99; agreement with Douglas, 99; candidate for United States Senate before Illinois legislature, 1855, 99; withdraws in favor of Trumbull, 100; letter to Robertson, 100, 101; speech at Bloomington convention, 1856, 103; vote for, for Vice-President, 1856, 104; presidential elector, 1856, 105; speeches in campaign of 1856, 105; speech at Republican banquet in Chicago, 106, 107; speech on Dred Scott case, 110-112; nominated for senator, 118, 119; "House divided against itself" speech, 119, 120, 127, 128; Lincoln-Douglas joint debate, 121-125; defeated for United States Senate, 125; analysis of causes which led to his defeat, 126, 127; letters to H. Asbury and A.G. Henry, 127; letter to A.L. Pierce and others, 130, 131; speech in Chicago, 131, 132; letter to M.W. Delahay, 132; letter to Colfax, 132, 133; letter to S. Galloway, 133; Ohio speeches, 133, 134; criticism of John Brown raid, 134, 135; speeches in Kansas, 136, 137; Cooper Institute speech, 137-140; speeches in New England, 140; letter to T.J. Pickett, 145; candidate for presidential nomination, 1860, 145; letters to N.B. Judd, 145, 146; nominated for President, 1860, 149-151; speech at Decatur convention, 153, 154; daily routine during campaign, 158, 159; letters during campaign, 159; elected President, 160; his cabinet

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